Four Charges or Something More?
One of the most important disagreements concerns the explosives themselves.
Germany’s Federal Prosecutor has described an operation involving four explosive charges, each weighing at least 14 kilograms. Prosecutors allege that the devices were carried aboard the Andromeda and placed on three pipeline strings.
But the technical evidence examined in the London proceedings produced a more complicated picture.
One expert reconstruction assumed that at least nine charges would have been required across six known damage sites. Another expert believed that fewer and smaller shaped charges could potentially have produced the observed damage.
The disagreement matters because the amount of explosives is only one part of the problem.
Any proposed scenario has to explain how the explosives were transported aboard a 50-foot sailing yacht, how divers reached the pipelines at depths of approximately 70–80 meters, how the charges were positioned, how the divers returned to the surface, and how the explosives remained in place before detonating.
The experts also considered different possible initiation systems. Digital timers were one possibility. Acoustic or remote firing systems were another.
The London proceedings did not settle all of these technical questions. But they documented disagreements that are relevant to Germany’s prosecution theory.
The issue is not simply whether explosives could physically fit aboard the Andromeda. The much larger question is whether the entire operation — equipment, divers, explosives, navigation, placement, decompression and detonation — can be reconstructed in a way that accounts for the actual damage observed on the Baltic seabed.
That remains a central issue in evaluating the publicly available evidence.
@americanmajority
One of the most important disagreements concerns the explosives themselves.
Germany’s Federal Prosecutor has described an operation involving four explosive charges, each weighing at least 14 kilograms. Prosecutors allege that the devices were carried aboard the Andromeda and placed on three pipeline strings.
But the technical evidence examined in the London proceedings produced a more complicated picture.
One expert reconstruction assumed that at least nine charges would have been required across six known damage sites. Another expert believed that fewer and smaller shaped charges could potentially have produced the observed damage.
The disagreement matters because the amount of explosives is only one part of the problem.
Any proposed scenario has to explain how the explosives were transported aboard a 50-foot sailing yacht, how divers reached the pipelines at depths of approximately 70–80 meters, how the charges were positioned, how the divers returned to the surface, and how the explosives remained in place before detonating.
The experts also considered different possible initiation systems. Digital timers were one possibility. Acoustic or remote firing systems were another.
The London proceedings did not settle all of these technical questions. But they documented disagreements that are relevant to Germany’s prosecution theory.
The issue is not simply whether explosives could physically fit aboard the Andromeda. The much larger question is whether the entire operation — equipment, divers, explosives, navigation, placement, decompression and detonation — can be reconstructed in a way that accounts for the actual damage observed on the Baltic seabed.
That remains a central issue in evaluating the publicly available evidence.
@americanmajority
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What Was Found Aboard the Andromeda?
One of the strongest pieces of physical evidence associated with Germany’s investigation comes from the yacht itself.
German investigators examined the Andromeda in January 2023, approximately four months after the Nord Stream explosions. According to Germany’s Federal Court decision, they found traces of RDX and HMX — military explosives — inside the yacht’s cabin.
The traces were reportedly concentrated around a table, suggesting that explosive material had been handled there.
Germany’s Federal Court considered it likely that the handling occurred during the relevant rental period, partly because the yacht had reportedly not been chartered to another customer after the September 2022 voyage.
There is also a reference to RDX and HMX being found on metal recovered from the explosion sites.
But an important question remains in the publicly available record: how closely do the samples from the yacht correspond to the material that actually caused the pipeline explosions?
RDX and HMX identify types of explosives. They do not, by themselves, uniquely identify a particular device, manufacturer or operation.
A stronger forensic connection could potentially involve the formulation, impurities, binders, plasticizers, relative concentrations or other characteristics of the explosive material.
The article notes that the published court material does not provide a detailed comparative analysis of the yacht samples and seabed material.
So the evidence establishes that military explosive residues were reportedly found aboard the Andromeda. What remains less clear from the public record is whether those residues can be conclusively connected to the specific explosive devices responsible for the Nord Stream damage.
@americanmajority
One of the strongest pieces of physical evidence associated with Germany’s investigation comes from the yacht itself.
German investigators examined the Andromeda in January 2023, approximately four months after the Nord Stream explosions. According to Germany’s Federal Court decision, they found traces of RDX and HMX — military explosives — inside the yacht’s cabin.
The traces were reportedly concentrated around a table, suggesting that explosive material had been handled there.
Germany’s Federal Court considered it likely that the handling occurred during the relevant rental period, partly because the yacht had reportedly not been chartered to another customer after the September 2022 voyage.
There is also a reference to RDX and HMX being found on metal recovered from the explosion sites.
But an important question remains in the publicly available record: how closely do the samples from the yacht correspond to the material that actually caused the pipeline explosions?
RDX and HMX identify types of explosives. They do not, by themselves, uniquely identify a particular device, manufacturer or operation.
A stronger forensic connection could potentially involve the formulation, impurities, binders, plasticizers, relative concentrations or other characteristics of the explosive material.
The article notes that the published court material does not provide a detailed comparative analysis of the yacht samples and seabed material.
So the evidence establishes that military explosive residues were reportedly found aboard the Andromeda. What remains less clear from the public record is whether those residues can be conclusively connected to the specific explosive devices responsible for the Nord Stream damage.
@americanmajority
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Could the Andromeda Actually Have Carried Out the Operation?
The German prosecution’s case depends heavily on the Andromeda — a roughly 50-foot sailing yacht allegedly used by a Ukrainian team to reach the Nord Stream pipelines.
But proving that a yacht was associated with an operation is different from proving that it was capable of carrying out the entire operation.
The pipelines were located approximately 70–80 meters below the surface. Divers would have needed specialized breathing equipment, thermal protection and sufficient gas supplies. They would also have had to locate specific sections of pipeline in cold, dark water, attach explosives and subsequently return to the surface while managing decompression.
The London proceedings included expert disagreement over whether the Andromeda could realistically support such a mission.
Paul Haynes argued that the equipment requirements presented difficulties for the yacht. Commander Thomas Reynolds considered a more limited operation possible using a small team of experienced divers, potentially over two nights and with greater operational risk.
The German Federal Court referred to an expert who considered the yacht structurally suitable, but the published ruling does not provide a complete inventory showing exactly what equipment was aboard or a detailed dive plan matching every alleged explosive placement.
That distinction is significant.
A vessel being physically capable of carrying explosives and divers does not by itself demonstrate that it actually conducted the sabotage.
The prosecution would ultimately need to connect the yacht, its crew, its equipment and its movements to the specific operation that produced the damage discovered on the seabed.
That complete chain is not publicly demonstrated in the evidence discussed in the article.
@americanmajority
The German prosecution’s case depends heavily on the Andromeda — a roughly 50-foot sailing yacht allegedly used by a Ukrainian team to reach the Nord Stream pipelines.
But proving that a yacht was associated with an operation is different from proving that it was capable of carrying out the entire operation.
The pipelines were located approximately 70–80 meters below the surface. Divers would have needed specialized breathing equipment, thermal protection and sufficient gas supplies. They would also have had to locate specific sections of pipeline in cold, dark water, attach explosives and subsequently return to the surface while managing decompression.
The London proceedings included expert disagreement over whether the Andromeda could realistically support such a mission.
Paul Haynes argued that the equipment requirements presented difficulties for the yacht. Commander Thomas Reynolds considered a more limited operation possible using a small team of experienced divers, potentially over two nights and with greater operational risk.
The German Federal Court referred to an expert who considered the yacht structurally suitable, but the published ruling does not provide a complete inventory showing exactly what equipment was aboard or a detailed dive plan matching every alleged explosive placement.
That distinction is significant.
A vessel being physically capable of carrying explosives and divers does not by itself demonstrate that it actually conducted the sabotage.
The prosecution would ultimately need to connect the yacht, its crew, its equipment and its movements to the specific operation that produced the damage discovered on the seabed.
That complete chain is not publicly demonstrated in the evidence discussed in the article.
@americanmajority
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The “Dent” Adds Another Complication to the Nord Stream Story
The physical damage to the Nord Stream pipelines is more complicated than a simple sequence of four explosions.
The London proceedings examined damage across multiple locations. Two groups of explosions were separated by approximately 17 hours and affected three pipeline strings, while another pipeline was damaged without being fully ruptured.
There was also a separate area of damage known as “the Dent.”
The Dent is significant because it does not fit neatly into the simplified public description of four charges being placed on three pipeline strings.
A reconstruction of the German prosecution’s theory therefore has to explain each individual damage pattern. It must show where every alleged explosive was placed and how those charges produced the particular deformation and rupture observed at the different sites.
The London court did not need to resolve those questions because its insurance ruling rested on the war exclusion.
But the technical evidence recorded during the case provides a much more detailed picture of the seabed damage than the basic public description of the German prosecution.
That creates an evidentiary challenge.
It is one thing to establish that an underwater explosion occurred. It is another to reconstruct precisely how the explosion was produced, where the charges were placed, how many devices were used and what happened to the pipeline during and after the blasts.
The article argues that these technical questions matter because Germany’s Andromeda theory must ultimately account for the physical evidence found at the actual blast sites.
@americanmajority
The physical damage to the Nord Stream pipelines is more complicated than a simple sequence of four explosions.
The London proceedings examined damage across multiple locations. Two groups of explosions were separated by approximately 17 hours and affected three pipeline strings, while another pipeline was damaged without being fully ruptured.
There was also a separate area of damage known as “the Dent.”
The Dent is significant because it does not fit neatly into the simplified public description of four charges being placed on three pipeline strings.
A reconstruction of the German prosecution’s theory therefore has to explain each individual damage pattern. It must show where every alleged explosive was placed and how those charges produced the particular deformation and rupture observed at the different sites.
The London court did not need to resolve those questions because its insurance ruling rested on the war exclusion.
But the technical evidence recorded during the case provides a much more detailed picture of the seabed damage than the basic public description of the German prosecution.
That creates an evidentiary challenge.
It is one thing to establish that an underwater explosion occurred. It is another to reconstruct precisely how the explosion was produced, where the charges were placed, how many devices were used and what happened to the pipeline during and after the blasts.
The article argues that these technical questions matter because Germany’s Andromeda theory must ultimately account for the physical evidence found at the actual blast sites.
@americanmajority
🤡4❤2👍1🤔1
The Mystery Vessel That Arrived After the Explosions
The Andromeda is not the only vessel raising questions in the Nord Stream investigation.
The article focuses attention on another vessel: the Norwegian offshore ship Normand Frontier.
According to the investigation, the vessel spent days operating around the Nord Stream pipeline areas in November 2022 — roughly two months after the September explosions.
Commercial AIS data reviewed by 21st Century Wire reportedly place the vessel repeatedly near the southern Nord Stream 2 area and northern Nord Stream 1 area.
The vessel’s movements were bracketed by calls at Køge, Denmark.
But the available AIS information has important limitations.
The data establish where the ship was reported to be and when. They do not establish what the vessel was doing underwater, whether remotely operated vehicles or divers were deployed, what equipment was aboard, who the client was or what materials may have been recovered.
That distinction is crucial.
The presence of a subsea-capable vessel near a damaged pipeline does not prove that it participated in the original sabotage. The article explicitly treats the vessel’s movements as a subject requiring further investigation rather than evidence of responsibility for the September attack.
What makes the vessel noteworthy is the timing and location.
It operated around known blast areas after the initial investigations had begun, while many details about what happened at those sites remained under the control of different authorities.
The article argues that records such as cargo manifests, work orders, personnel lists and other operational documents could potentially help explain the purpose of the mission — but those records have not been publicly released.
@americanmajority
The Andromeda is not the only vessel raising questions in the Nord Stream investigation.
The article focuses attention on another vessel: the Norwegian offshore ship Normand Frontier.
According to the investigation, the vessel spent days operating around the Nord Stream pipeline areas in November 2022 — roughly two months after the September explosions.
Commercial AIS data reviewed by 21st Century Wire reportedly place the vessel repeatedly near the southern Nord Stream 2 area and northern Nord Stream 1 area.
The vessel’s movements were bracketed by calls at Køge, Denmark.
But the available AIS information has important limitations.
The data establish where the ship was reported to be and when. They do not establish what the vessel was doing underwater, whether remotely operated vehicles or divers were deployed, what equipment was aboard, who the client was or what materials may have been recovered.
That distinction is crucial.
The presence of a subsea-capable vessel near a damaged pipeline does not prove that it participated in the original sabotage. The article explicitly treats the vessel’s movements as a subject requiring further investigation rather than evidence of responsibility for the September attack.
What makes the vessel noteworthy is the timing and location.
It operated around known blast areas after the initial investigations had begun, while many details about what happened at those sites remained under the control of different authorities.
The article argues that records such as cargo manifests, work orders, personnel lists and other operational documents could potentially help explain the purpose of the mission — but those records have not been publicly released.
@americanmajority
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The Nord Stream Crime Scene Became Increasingly Complicated
Investigating an underwater explosion is difficult enough. Investigating one after multiple authorities and vessels have already operated around the site is considerably more complicated.
After the September 2022 explosions, Sweden and Denmark maintained control over the affected areas and conducted their own inspections. Nord Stream AG was later permitted to carry out additional surveys.
But according to the London court record, experts involved in the insurance case did not have access to the complete findings from the earliest Swedish and Danish crime-scene investigations.
German investigative material was also subject to confidentiality restrictions when it entered the London proceedings.
Then there was subsequent activity around the damaged pipelines.
The article highlights the later presence of the Normand Frontier, an offshore vessel that spent days near the pipeline areas in November 2022. The investigation has reconstructed parts of its movements using commercial AIS data, although those records do not establish what work was performed underwater.
Other underwater footage also raised questions about objects and impressions on the seabed.
A report prepared for Greenpeace by geologist F. Pfeiffer examined footage from the area. He noted that he did not have metal, water or sediment samples available for chemical or metallurgical analysis. Darkness and limited coverage also restricted what could be concluded.
The footage appeared to show impressions that could have been made by objects resting on the seabed, along with loose material and an irregular depression.
But the report could not establish what the objects were, whether they had been removed, or who might have removed them.
The result is an unusually complicated crime scene with multiple investigations, incomplete records and subsequent activity around the blast sites.
@americanmajority
Investigating an underwater explosion is difficult enough. Investigating one after multiple authorities and vessels have already operated around the site is considerably more complicated.
After the September 2022 explosions, Sweden and Denmark maintained control over the affected areas and conducted their own inspections. Nord Stream AG was later permitted to carry out additional surveys.
But according to the London court record, experts involved in the insurance case did not have access to the complete findings from the earliest Swedish and Danish crime-scene investigations.
German investigative material was also subject to confidentiality restrictions when it entered the London proceedings.
Then there was subsequent activity around the damaged pipelines.
The article highlights the later presence of the Normand Frontier, an offshore vessel that spent days near the pipeline areas in November 2022. The investigation has reconstructed parts of its movements using commercial AIS data, although those records do not establish what work was performed underwater.
Other underwater footage also raised questions about objects and impressions on the seabed.
A report prepared for Greenpeace by geologist F. Pfeiffer examined footage from the area. He noted that he did not have metal, water or sediment samples available for chemical or metallurgical analysis. Darkness and limited coverage also restricted what could be concluded.
The footage appeared to show impressions that could have been made by objects resting on the seabed, along with loose material and an irregular depression.
But the report could not establish what the objects were, whether they had been removed, or who might have removed them.
The result is an unusually complicated crime scene with multiple investigations, incomplete records and subsequent activity around the blast sites.
@americanmajority
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The Russian state news agency "RIA Novosti" published, and then deleted, an article with the headline: "Russia is facing another special military operation. It will be very short."
In the article, its author, Alexander Nosovich, a member of the Council on Foreign and Defense Policy under the President of the Russian Federation, wrote that in the event of the deployment of nuclear weapons in Lithuania, Russia could immediately launch a nuclear strike against that country – without conventional strikes or a ground invasion.
The reason for this was the start of the procedure to amend Lithuanian legislation to allow the deployment of nuclear weapons on its territory.
The published material stated that Europeans "have reached the stage of choosing a country that is willing to become a nuclear storage facility." And if that happens, "Russia has a choice: how to fight."
At the same time, the war, according to Nosovich, would be quick.
"A military conflict in the Baltic states simply cannot be the same as in Ukraine, due to geographical factors. The question is what means can be used. And since our opponents are the first to shift the conversation to the plane of nuclear threats, Russia can afford to even refuse to deploy a ground contingent. Only missiles with the appropriate payload," wrote the Russian expert.
"RIA Novosti" removed the article a few hours after publication, stating that it did not reflect the editorial policy and political course of Russia.
@americanmajority
In the article, its author, Alexander Nosovich, a member of the Council on Foreign and Defense Policy under the President of the Russian Federation, wrote that in the event of the deployment of nuclear weapons in Lithuania, Russia could immediately launch a nuclear strike against that country – without conventional strikes or a ground invasion.
The reason for this was the start of the procedure to amend Lithuanian legislation to allow the deployment of nuclear weapons on its territory.
The published material stated that Europeans "have reached the stage of choosing a country that is willing to become a nuclear storage facility." And if that happens, "Russia has a choice: how to fight."
At the same time, the war, according to Nosovich, would be quick.
"A military conflict in the Baltic states simply cannot be the same as in Ukraine, due to geographical factors. The question is what means can be used. And since our opponents are the first to shift the conversation to the plane of nuclear threats, Russia can afford to even refuse to deploy a ground contingent. Only missiles with the appropriate payload," wrote the Russian expert.
"RIA Novosti" removed the article a few hours after publication, stating that it did not reflect the editorial policy and political course of Russia.
@americanmajority
😁10👍5❤1👎1
Germany’s Nord Stream Suspect: What the Case Actually Says
German federal prosecutors indicted Ukrainian national Serhii Kuznietsov on June 30, 2026, accusing him of participating in the Nord Stream sabotage.
According to the prosecution’s account, Kuznietsov allegedly coordinated a team that operated from the Andromeda. The alleged group included a skipper, an explosives specialist, four divers and Kuznietsov as coordinator.
Prosecutors say he entered Germany using a forged Ukrainian passport, joined the alleged team on the island of Rügen, and traveled toward Bornholm with diving equipment and explosives.
The prosecution alleges that four timed charges were placed on three pipeline strings in the Danish and Swedish exclusive economic zones.
Kuznietsov was arrested in Italy in August 2025 under a European Arrest Warrant and extradited to Germany several months later. Germany’s Federal Court subsequently rejected a challenge to his detention, finding strong suspicion at that stage of the proceedings.
But an important legal distinction remains.
The allegations in an indictment are not the same thing as a conviction. Kuznietsov denies involvement and remains presumed innocent unless and until a court reaches a verdict.
The article also emphasizes that the publicly available German case has not demonstrated every step connecting the Andromeda to the actual explosions.
Investigators reconstructed portions of the yacht’s voyage using harbor records, witness accounts, coastal surveillance and navigation data despite the absence of a continuous AIS track.
Those records may establish movements and associations. The central question for the trial is whether they can establish participation in the sabotage itself.
@americanmajority
German federal prosecutors indicted Ukrainian national Serhii Kuznietsov on June 30, 2026, accusing him of participating in the Nord Stream sabotage.
According to the prosecution’s account, Kuznietsov allegedly coordinated a team that operated from the Andromeda. The alleged group included a skipper, an explosives specialist, four divers and Kuznietsov as coordinator.
Prosecutors say he entered Germany using a forged Ukrainian passport, joined the alleged team on the island of Rügen, and traveled toward Bornholm with diving equipment and explosives.
The prosecution alleges that four timed charges were placed on three pipeline strings in the Danish and Swedish exclusive economic zones.
Kuznietsov was arrested in Italy in August 2025 under a European Arrest Warrant and extradited to Germany several months later. Germany’s Federal Court subsequently rejected a challenge to his detention, finding strong suspicion at that stage of the proceedings.
But an important legal distinction remains.
The allegations in an indictment are not the same thing as a conviction. Kuznietsov denies involvement and remains presumed innocent unless and until a court reaches a verdict.
The article also emphasizes that the publicly available German case has not demonstrated every step connecting the Andromeda to the actual explosions.
Investigators reconstructed portions of the yacht’s voyage using harbor records, witness accounts, coastal surveillance and navigation data despite the absence of a continuous AIS track.
Those records may establish movements and associations. The central question for the trial is whether they can establish participation in the sabotage itself.
@americanmajority
🤡5❤1👍1🤔1💩1
What We Still Don’t Know About the Nord Stream Sabotage
Four years after the Nord Stream explosions, the investigation has produced a growing body of evidence — but important questions remain unresolved.
Germany has charged Serhii Kuznietsov and alleges that a Ukrainian team used the Andromeda to transport divers and explosives to the pipeline sites. Investigators found traces of RDX and HMX aboard the yacht, and authorities reconstructed portions of its journey through the Baltic.
But the publicly available evidence does not yet provide every link in the chain.
There are unresolved questions about the exact number of explosive charges, their configuration, the precise dive operations, the equipment required, the initiation system and how the alleged team could have carried out the operation across multiple sites.
There are also questions about the physical evidence. While explosive residues were reportedly found both aboard the Andromeda and on metal recovered from the blast areas, the published material does not provide a detailed forensic comparison demonstrating that the samples came from the same explosive formulation or devices.
Then there is the post-explosion activity around the crime scene, including the movements of the Normand Frontier.
The London insurance proceedings added a substantial technical record, but the court did not determine who carried out the attack. Instead, it ruled that the insurance war exclusion applied regardless of which principal scenario was considered.
The German prosecution will therefore have to establish its case through evidence tested in court.
For now, the public record contains a suspect, a yacht, explosive traces, reconstructed movements and competing technical assessments — but also significant gaps between those pieces of evidence.
@americanmajority
Four years after the Nord Stream explosions, the investigation has produced a growing body of evidence — but important questions remain unresolved.
Germany has charged Serhii Kuznietsov and alleges that a Ukrainian team used the Andromeda to transport divers and explosives to the pipeline sites. Investigators found traces of RDX and HMX aboard the yacht, and authorities reconstructed portions of its journey through the Baltic.
But the publicly available evidence does not yet provide every link in the chain.
There are unresolved questions about the exact number of explosive charges, their configuration, the precise dive operations, the equipment required, the initiation system and how the alleged team could have carried out the operation across multiple sites.
There are also questions about the physical evidence. While explosive residues were reportedly found both aboard the Andromeda and on metal recovered from the blast areas, the published material does not provide a detailed forensic comparison demonstrating that the samples came from the same explosive formulation or devices.
Then there is the post-explosion activity around the crime scene, including the movements of the Normand Frontier.
The London insurance proceedings added a substantial technical record, but the court did not determine who carried out the attack. Instead, it ruled that the insurance war exclusion applied regardless of which principal scenario was considered.
The German prosecution will therefore have to establish its case through evidence tested in court.
For now, the public record contains a suspect, a yacht, explosive traces, reconstructed movements and competing technical assessments — but also significant gaps between those pieces of evidence.
@americanmajority
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Iran has threatened to shut down air traffic across the entire Middle East in response to U.S. sanctions.
@americanmajority
@americanmajority
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Media is too big
VIEW IN TELEGRAM
You can (not) escape
Modern society continually breaks us of our ability to resist its designs on us. At the end of the day, we all depend on the rest of society to get what we want, and in return it asks of us what it can get from us. Our existence within society is a continuous negotiation.
What am I on about, exactly? Lately, I've been thinking about how people have continually desired to withdraw from society in order to find some ability to become masters of their own fate. Since the industrial revolution, there have been many such movements, and none of them were particularly successful in actually escaping the world they were forced to live within.
This is even harder now, when the population has become accustomed to a level of comfort and stimulation that modernity has afforded them. Large segments of the population are not about to give up the internet, video games, junk food, etc just to stand on principle. But the problem is even deeper than that.
The system around us has made us gradually softer with each generation. Few people around today can actually survive by growing their own food, manufacturing their own clothing, or building their own shelter. I'm sure some of the more industrious among you will argue , "I've hunted, I've fished, I've sewn things, I've farmed," and so on and so forth. However, you were probably using modern tools, purchased commodities, or relied on some sort of other input from the greater society around you, and even people with these basic skills are becoming quite uncommon. I'd even challenge those reading this that have fished, hunted, or farmed before if they could actually catch enough fish, hunt and prepare enough game, or grow enough food to supply their daily caloric needs without relying on a supply chain, investment, or the greater market. I'm talking about surviving with just yourself, your family, or even a small community of like minded individuals.
To make matters worse, most people alive today can't even remember living in a high-trust society where people truly rely on and trust their neighbors with their very lives. We've become more distant from one another, and less tolerant of working with other people. We are more likely to put ourselves first and ignore the needs of others unless we personally have something to immediately gain from the interaction.
Even if we go back to times and places where people were used to being more self reliant, didn't have internet, and experienced a high-trust society throughout their lives, movements based around leaving society haven't fared well. I got the idea to write about this topic when I was thinking about all of the old "hippie" communes that popped up and then fizzled out in the 60s and 70s. There was a whole era of hippie-christian fusionist communes, "the Jesus people" as they were known. Joaquin Phoenix's parents were part of one of these organizations called "The Children of God," which explains his siblings' names: River, Liberty, Summer... And oh boy, did that not turn out well (search online, if you're curious). But I digress.
You can go back even further. The 19th century was a golden era of utopianist communes, and once again, we see a graveyard of attempts to leave society, even with people who were no strangers to rough living, hard work, and strong communities without internet brainrot. The typical commune in this era had a lifespan of 6 to 8 years. I can recommend that our readers examine the cases of Brook Farm, New Australia, and New Harmony. Secular communities usually died within a year or two, while religious communities lasted for a couple of decades when they usually lost their charismatic founder leading to collapse.
Suffice to say, you will not be escaping by getting your friends together and moving to the middle of nowhere. I think our only choice is to make a change within our nation. You cannot escape the system. You must control the system, or at the very least, change the system if you are unhappy with it.
-Zin
@americanmajority
Modern society continually breaks us of our ability to resist its designs on us. At the end of the day, we all depend on the rest of society to get what we want, and in return it asks of us what it can get from us. Our existence within society is a continuous negotiation.
What am I on about, exactly? Lately, I've been thinking about how people have continually desired to withdraw from society in order to find some ability to become masters of their own fate. Since the industrial revolution, there have been many such movements, and none of them were particularly successful in actually escaping the world they were forced to live within.
This is even harder now, when the population has become accustomed to a level of comfort and stimulation that modernity has afforded them. Large segments of the population are not about to give up the internet, video games, junk food, etc just to stand on principle. But the problem is even deeper than that.
The system around us has made us gradually softer with each generation. Few people around today can actually survive by growing their own food, manufacturing their own clothing, or building their own shelter. I'm sure some of the more industrious among you will argue , "I've hunted, I've fished, I've sewn things, I've farmed," and so on and so forth. However, you were probably using modern tools, purchased commodities, or relied on some sort of other input from the greater society around you, and even people with these basic skills are becoming quite uncommon. I'd even challenge those reading this that have fished, hunted, or farmed before if they could actually catch enough fish, hunt and prepare enough game, or grow enough food to supply their daily caloric needs without relying on a supply chain, investment, or the greater market. I'm talking about surviving with just yourself, your family, or even a small community of like minded individuals.
To make matters worse, most people alive today can't even remember living in a high-trust society where people truly rely on and trust their neighbors with their very lives. We've become more distant from one another, and less tolerant of working with other people. We are more likely to put ourselves first and ignore the needs of others unless we personally have something to immediately gain from the interaction.
Even if we go back to times and places where people were used to being more self reliant, didn't have internet, and experienced a high-trust society throughout their lives, movements based around leaving society haven't fared well. I got the idea to write about this topic when I was thinking about all of the old "hippie" communes that popped up and then fizzled out in the 60s and 70s. There was a whole era of hippie-christian fusionist communes, "the Jesus people" as they were known. Joaquin Phoenix's parents were part of one of these organizations called "The Children of God," which explains his siblings' names: River, Liberty, Summer... And oh boy, did that not turn out well (search online, if you're curious). But I digress.
You can go back even further. The 19th century was a golden era of utopianist communes, and once again, we see a graveyard of attempts to leave society, even with people who were no strangers to rough living, hard work, and strong communities without internet brainrot. The typical commune in this era had a lifespan of 6 to 8 years. I can recommend that our readers examine the cases of Brook Farm, New Australia, and New Harmony. Secular communities usually died within a year or two, while religious communities lasted for a couple of decades when they usually lost their charismatic founder leading to collapse.
Suffice to say, you will not be escaping by getting your friends together and moving to the middle of nowhere. I think our only choice is to make a change within our nation. You cannot escape the system. You must control the system, or at the very least, change the system if you are unhappy with it.
-Zin
@americanmajority
👍23❤7👏4🔥1💯1🤝1
Trump has rejected a seven-day ceasefire with Iran, as he intends to resume hostilities against it after the midterm elections in November.
This was reported by The Wall Street Journal, citing sources.
According to the publication, the US President received a proposal from representatives of Tehran for mutual de-escalation, in exchange for the opening of the Strait of Hormuz.
"The Tehran proposal involved unblocking the Strait of Hormuz and resuming nuclear negotiations in exchange for the US lifting its blockade of Iranian ports. Trump has openly stated that after the midterm elections, Tehran will be begging for a deal that involves dismantling its nuclear program. The current position of President Trump suggests that the conflict is likely to return to a phase of hostilities," the WSJ stated.
@americanmajority
This was reported by The Wall Street Journal, citing sources.
According to the publication, the US President received a proposal from representatives of Tehran for mutual de-escalation, in exchange for the opening of the Strait of Hormuz.
"The Tehran proposal involved unblocking the Strait of Hormuz and resuming nuclear negotiations in exchange for the US lifting its blockade of Iranian ports. Trump has openly stated that after the midterm elections, Tehran will be begging for a deal that involves dismantling its nuclear program. The current position of President Trump suggests that the conflict is likely to return to a phase of hostilities," the WSJ stated.
@americanmajority
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Israel’s Intelligence System Was Built Through Rivalry
Israel’s intelligence establishment did not begin as the unified system it later became. In the early years of the state, different political and military figures competed for control over the emerging intelligence services.
Under Israel’s first prime minister, David Ben Gurion, authority was divided between the prime minister’s office, the foreign minister, the army chief of staff and influential ambassadors. Each had competing ideas about what Israel’s intelligence organizations should prioritize.
Some wanted to concentrate on economic and political intelligence. Others focused on the military capabilities of Israel’s enemies, while another faction pushed for operations against former Nazis and fascists.
On March 2, 1951, Ben Gurion brought the intelligence chiefs together and announced that foreign intelligence collection would be assigned to a new organization: Mossad LeTeum, or the Institute for Coordination.
Israel’s official history dates Mossad’s original establishment to December 13, 1949, under Reuven Shiloah. The 1951 meeting instead represented a major reorganization, placing the service under the prime minister’s office.
From that period emerged the basic three-part structure that still defines Israel’s intelligence establishment: Mossad for foreign intelligence and covert operations, Shin Bet for internal security, and Aman for military intelligence.
They remained institutionally separate, but all ultimately answered to the prime minister.
@americanmajority
Israel’s intelligence establishment did not begin as the unified system it later became. In the early years of the state, different political and military figures competed for control over the emerging intelligence services.
Under Israel’s first prime minister, David Ben Gurion, authority was divided between the prime minister’s office, the foreign minister, the army chief of staff and influential ambassadors. Each had competing ideas about what Israel’s intelligence organizations should prioritize.
Some wanted to concentrate on economic and political intelligence. Others focused on the military capabilities of Israel’s enemies, while another faction pushed for operations against former Nazis and fascists.
On March 2, 1951, Ben Gurion brought the intelligence chiefs together and announced that foreign intelligence collection would be assigned to a new organization: Mossad LeTeum, or the Institute for Coordination.
Israel’s official history dates Mossad’s original establishment to December 13, 1949, under Reuven Shiloah. The 1951 meeting instead represented a major reorganization, placing the service under the prime minister’s office.
From that period emerged the basic three-part structure that still defines Israel’s intelligence establishment: Mossad for foreign intelligence and covert operations, Shin Bet for internal security, and Aman for military intelligence.
They remained institutionally separate, but all ultimately answered to the prime minister.
@americanmajority
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The American Majority
The NATO Secretary General, Rutte, stated that Article 5 of the Alliance's charter on collective defense was intentionally formulated ambiguously so that potential adversaries would not know when it would be invoked. This statement elicited laughter in the…
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Three Agencies, Three Different Missions
By the early 1950s, Israel’s intelligence system had settled around three principal services: Mossad, Shin Bet and Aman.
Aman became the military intelligence arm. Its job was to collect information for the Israeli military, produce national-level assessments and analyze the capabilities and intentions of foreign militaries and armed organizations.
Shin Bet, also known as Shabak, took responsibility for internal security, counterespionage and what Israel defines as counterterrorism. Its activities eventually became deeply connected to Israel’s system of military rule and intelligence gathering in the occupied Palestinian territories.
Mossad was given responsibility for intelligence collection and covert activity outside Israel’s borders.
The three organizations were separate, but the boundaries between them were never absolute. They shared information and sometimes became involved in the same operations.
The article describes this as a deliberate feature of Israel’s security architecture. Unlike systems in which intelligence collection and covert action are kept institutionally separate, Israel placed operational capabilities directly inside its intelligence organizations.
The objective was to turn intelligence into action without waiting for a conventional military chain of command.
That model also reflected a particular strategic assumption: that continuous operations behind enemy lines could disrupt threats and potentially prevent larger wars.
The result was an intelligence system designed not simply to observe events, but to operate continuously — collecting information, recruiting sources, conducting covert operations and supporting military action.
@americanmajority
By the early 1950s, Israel’s intelligence system had settled around three principal services: Mossad, Shin Bet and Aman.
Aman became the military intelligence arm. Its job was to collect information for the Israeli military, produce national-level assessments and analyze the capabilities and intentions of foreign militaries and armed organizations.
Shin Bet, also known as Shabak, took responsibility for internal security, counterespionage and what Israel defines as counterterrorism. Its activities eventually became deeply connected to Israel’s system of military rule and intelligence gathering in the occupied Palestinian territories.
Mossad was given responsibility for intelligence collection and covert activity outside Israel’s borders.
The three organizations were separate, but the boundaries between them were never absolute. They shared information and sometimes became involved in the same operations.
The article describes this as a deliberate feature of Israel’s security architecture. Unlike systems in which intelligence collection and covert action are kept institutionally separate, Israel placed operational capabilities directly inside its intelligence organizations.
The objective was to turn intelligence into action without waiting for a conventional military chain of command.
That model also reflected a particular strategic assumption: that continuous operations behind enemy lines could disrupt threats and potentially prevent larger wars.
The result was an intelligence system designed not simply to observe events, but to operate continuously — collecting information, recruiting sources, conducting covert operations and supporting military action.
@americanmajority
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Mossad’s Role Goes Far Beyond Espionage
Mossad is Israel’s primary foreign intelligence service, responsible for intelligence collection and covert activity outside territories under direct Israeli control.
Its responsibilities can include recruiting sources, gathering information, infiltrating organizations and disrupting operations directed against Israel or Israeli interests.
The article notes that Mossad’s special missions abroad can involve sabotage, abduction and assassination.
Its relationship with Shin Bet illustrates how the agencies overlap. If Shin Bet wants to meet a source in Europe or Asia, that meeting ordinarily falls under Mossad’s jurisdiction. If Shin Bet wants to recruit someone abroad for later deployment in the occupied Palestinian territories, Mossad can handle the overseas recruitment before transferring the source to Shin Bet.
Mossad also works with Aman when intelligence is required on foreign governments or armed organizations outside Israel.
But the boundaries can become blurred when operations involve both foreign targets and Palestinian organizations.
The article points to Israel’s September 2025 attack on a Hamas leadership meeting in Doha as an example. The operation was announced as a joint military and Shin Bet operation despite taking place on foreign soil.
Some Israeli observers explained Shin Bet’s involvement through its responsibility for Palestinian organizations. Others viewed the arrangement as potentially connected to Mossad’s involvement in negotiations through Qatar.
The episode illustrates a broader feature of Israel’s intelligence system: the agencies have distinct formal responsibilities, but major operations can cross those boundaries.
@americanmajority
Mossad is Israel’s primary foreign intelligence service, responsible for intelligence collection and covert activity outside territories under direct Israeli control.
Its responsibilities can include recruiting sources, gathering information, infiltrating organizations and disrupting operations directed against Israel or Israeli interests.
The article notes that Mossad’s special missions abroad can involve sabotage, abduction and assassination.
Its relationship with Shin Bet illustrates how the agencies overlap. If Shin Bet wants to meet a source in Europe or Asia, that meeting ordinarily falls under Mossad’s jurisdiction. If Shin Bet wants to recruit someone abroad for later deployment in the occupied Palestinian territories, Mossad can handle the overseas recruitment before transferring the source to Shin Bet.
Mossad also works with Aman when intelligence is required on foreign governments or armed organizations outside Israel.
But the boundaries can become blurred when operations involve both foreign targets and Palestinian organizations.
The article points to Israel’s September 2025 attack on a Hamas leadership meeting in Doha as an example. The operation was announced as a joint military and Shin Bet operation despite taking place on foreign soil.
Some Israeli observers explained Shin Bet’s involvement through its responsibility for Palestinian organizations. Others viewed the arrangement as potentially connected to Mossad’s involvement in negotiations through Qatar.
The episode illustrates a broader feature of Israel’s intelligence system: the agencies have distinct formal responsibilities, but major operations can cross those boundaries.
@americanmajority
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The Mossad Myth Took a Hit in Dubai
Mossad’s reputation for conducting operations abroad while leaving little evidence behind suffered a major setback in January 2010.
That month, Hamas commander Mahmoud al-Mabhouh was assassinated in Dubai.
The killing itself succeeded, but Dubai’s extensive surveillance network exposed significant details about the suspected operation. Investigators identified members of the suspected team, tracked their disguises and travel routes, and found evidence involving fraudulently obtained foreign passports.
The exposure created diplomatic consequences for Israel and damaged Mossad’s relations with several Western countries.
It also challenged the image of an intelligence service capable of conducting complex operations without leaving a visible trail.
Operations attributed to Mossad continued afterward in places including Tunisia, Malaysia and Iran. But during the same period, another part of Israel’s intelligence system was becoming increasingly important: Aman’s technological branches.
Unit 8200 became central to signals intelligence and analysis. Unit 9900 specialized in visual and geospatial intelligence. Unit 504 handled human intelligence for the military.
This reflected a broader transformation in intelligence gathering. Rather than relying primarily on traditional espionage and clandestine agents, Israel increasingly built its intelligence picture through communications interception, surveillance technology, imagery and large-scale data collection.
Mossad retained its reputation for complex foreign operations, but the center of gravity inside Israel’s security establishment was becoming increasingly technological.
That shift would later become important when Israeli intelligence failed to interpret warning signs ahead of the October 7, 2023 Hamas-led attack.
@americanmajority
Mossad’s reputation for conducting operations abroad while leaving little evidence behind suffered a major setback in January 2010.
That month, Hamas commander Mahmoud al-Mabhouh was assassinated in Dubai.
The killing itself succeeded, but Dubai’s extensive surveillance network exposed significant details about the suspected operation. Investigators identified members of the suspected team, tracked their disguises and travel routes, and found evidence involving fraudulently obtained foreign passports.
The exposure created diplomatic consequences for Israel and damaged Mossad’s relations with several Western countries.
It also challenged the image of an intelligence service capable of conducting complex operations without leaving a visible trail.
Operations attributed to Mossad continued afterward in places including Tunisia, Malaysia and Iran. But during the same period, another part of Israel’s intelligence system was becoming increasingly important: Aman’s technological branches.
Unit 8200 became central to signals intelligence and analysis. Unit 9900 specialized in visual and geospatial intelligence. Unit 504 handled human intelligence for the military.
This reflected a broader transformation in intelligence gathering. Rather than relying primarily on traditional espionage and clandestine agents, Israel increasingly built its intelligence picture through communications interception, surveillance technology, imagery and large-scale data collection.
Mossad retained its reputation for complex foreign operations, but the center of gravity inside Israel’s security establishment was becoming increasingly technological.
That shift would later become important when Israeli intelligence failed to interpret warning signs ahead of the October 7, 2023 Hamas-led attack.
@americanmajority
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The Intelligence Failure Before October 7
Israel’s technological intelligence capabilities did not prevent the failure that preceded Operation Al-Aqsa Flood.
The article notes that Unit 8200 had gathered indications that Hamas was preparing for an operation, but those indications failed to overturn the assumptions held by political and military leaders.
A previous decision had also left the unit without an operational presence near Gaza on October 7, 2023.
The result exposed a fundamental problem with a highly technological intelligence model: collecting enormous quantities of information is not the same as correctly understanding what that information means.
Signals intelligence can intercept communications. Surveillance systems can observe movements. Algorithms can process enormous volumes of data.
But someone still has to interpret those signals and determine what they mean.
The article argues that Israel’s two-decade emphasis on technological collection had generated vast amounts of information while weakening the human and analytical judgment needed to connect individual pieces of information into a coherent picture.
This problem was not entirely new.
After the 1973 war, the Agranat Commission had criticized Israel’s dependence on Aman’s assessments and recommended greater analytical pluralism. Mossad was among the organizations expected to develop an independent research capability so that a single military interpretation would not dominate the entire intelligence system.
Israel struggled to build a fully independent civilian analytical alternative because of its limited pool of experienced researchers.
Decades later, the October 7 failure demonstrated the continuing importance of competing interpretations, human sources and analytical judgment — even in an intelligence system equipped with highly advanced technology.
@americanmajority
Israel’s technological intelligence capabilities did not prevent the failure that preceded Operation Al-Aqsa Flood.
The article notes that Unit 8200 had gathered indications that Hamas was preparing for an operation, but those indications failed to overturn the assumptions held by political and military leaders.
A previous decision had also left the unit without an operational presence near Gaza on October 7, 2023.
The result exposed a fundamental problem with a highly technological intelligence model: collecting enormous quantities of information is not the same as correctly understanding what that information means.
Signals intelligence can intercept communications. Surveillance systems can observe movements. Algorithms can process enormous volumes of data.
But someone still has to interpret those signals and determine what they mean.
The article argues that Israel’s two-decade emphasis on technological collection had generated vast amounts of information while weakening the human and analytical judgment needed to connect individual pieces of information into a coherent picture.
This problem was not entirely new.
After the 1973 war, the Agranat Commission had criticized Israel’s dependence on Aman’s assessments and recommended greater analytical pluralism. Mossad was among the organizations expected to develop an independent research capability so that a single military interpretation would not dominate the entire intelligence system.
Israel struggled to build a fully independent civilian analytical alternative because of its limited pool of experienced researchers.
Decades later, the October 7 failure demonstrated the continuing importance of competing interpretations, human sources and analytical judgment — even in an intelligence system equipped with highly advanced technology.
@americanmajority
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Shin Bet and the Machinery of Occupation
Shin Bet is Israel’s designated internal security service. It gathers intelligence, conducts interrogations, pursues counterespionage cases and monitors people who fall outside the conventional military chain of command.
Its mandate includes preventing attacks originating in Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories, countering foreign intelligence activity inside Israel and protecting senior officials and state institutions.
But its role in the occupied Palestinian territories became one of its defining functions.
As Palestinian resistance activity intensified between 1968 and 1970, Shin Bet underwent a major expansion. Its budget and personnel increased, while Arabic speakers were transferred from Aman’s Unit 504, which specialized in handling Arab informants.
From that point, suppressing Palestinian resistance became the agency’s primary mission.
Gaza proved particularly difficult.
Its extremely dense population and complex social networks made intelligence penetration difficult despite decades of occupation, surveillance, detention and recruitment efforts.
Shin Bet therefore depended heavily on cooperation with the Israeli military.
When Ariel Sharon commanded the army’s Southern Command beginning in 1969, he deployed additional forces to Gaza to support Shin Bet operations.
The division of labor established during that period remains central to the system described in the article.
Shin Bet recruits informants and conducts interrogations. The military provides the surveillance systems, personnel and firepower needed to act on intelligence.
That relationship means Shin Bet’s intelligence networks cannot easily be separated from the broader system of military rule under which Palestinians in the occupied territories live.
@americanmajority
Shin Bet is Israel’s designated internal security service. It gathers intelligence, conducts interrogations, pursues counterespionage cases and monitors people who fall outside the conventional military chain of command.
Its mandate includes preventing attacks originating in Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories, countering foreign intelligence activity inside Israel and protecting senior officials and state institutions.
But its role in the occupied Palestinian territories became one of its defining functions.
As Palestinian resistance activity intensified between 1968 and 1970, Shin Bet underwent a major expansion. Its budget and personnel increased, while Arabic speakers were transferred from Aman’s Unit 504, which specialized in handling Arab informants.
From that point, suppressing Palestinian resistance became the agency’s primary mission.
Gaza proved particularly difficult.
Its extremely dense population and complex social networks made intelligence penetration difficult despite decades of occupation, surveillance, detention and recruitment efforts.
Shin Bet therefore depended heavily on cooperation with the Israeli military.
When Ariel Sharon commanded the army’s Southern Command beginning in 1969, he deployed additional forces to Gaza to support Shin Bet operations.
The division of labor established during that period remains central to the system described in the article.
Shin Bet recruits informants and conducts interrogations. The military provides the surveillance systems, personnel and firepower needed to act on intelligence.
That relationship means Shin Bet’s intelligence networks cannot easily be separated from the broader system of military rule under which Palestinians in the occupied territories live.
@americanmajority
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How Shin Bet Uses Human Intelligence
Shin Bet’s work in the occupied Palestinian territories relies heavily on human intelligence.
The agency is responsible for what Israel defines as counterterrorism intelligence in the West Bank and Gaza. It works with Aman to assess Palestinian organizations, political developments and the possible consequences of Israeli policies.
But intelligence gathering does not rely solely on surveillance technology.
Arrests, movement permits, medical access, family pressure and the threat of exposure can all become tools for recruitment, according to the article.
This makes Shin Bet’s informant networks closely connected to the wider system of Israeli control over Palestinians.
The agency’s responsibilities also extend beyond Palestinians living under occupation. Shin Bet conducts internal security assessments involving Palestinian citizens of Israel as well as Jewish Israelis.
Its position is therefore different from Mossad’s foreign operations or Aman’s military intelligence role.
Shin Bet operates primarily within Israel and the territories under Israeli security control, where intelligence collection is directly connected to policing, interrogation and internal security.
The agency’s legal foundation was formally established by Israel’s 2002 General Security Service Law.
But its operational role in the occupied territories predates that legislation by decades.
The article traces the expansion of Shin Bet’s Palestinian-focused mission back to the late 1960s, when the organization began receiving additional resources and personnel as Palestinian resistance intensified.
The result is a service whose intelligence work is closely integrated with the structures used to monitor and control the population.
@americanmajority
Shin Bet’s work in the occupied Palestinian territories relies heavily on human intelligence.
The agency is responsible for what Israel defines as counterterrorism intelligence in the West Bank and Gaza. It works with Aman to assess Palestinian organizations, political developments and the possible consequences of Israeli policies.
But intelligence gathering does not rely solely on surveillance technology.
Arrests, movement permits, medical access, family pressure and the threat of exposure can all become tools for recruitment, according to the article.
This makes Shin Bet’s informant networks closely connected to the wider system of Israeli control over Palestinians.
The agency’s responsibilities also extend beyond Palestinians living under occupation. Shin Bet conducts internal security assessments involving Palestinian citizens of Israel as well as Jewish Israelis.
Its position is therefore different from Mossad’s foreign operations or Aman’s military intelligence role.
Shin Bet operates primarily within Israel and the territories under Israeli security control, where intelligence collection is directly connected to policing, interrogation and internal security.
The agency’s legal foundation was formally established by Israel’s 2002 General Security Service Law.
But its operational role in the occupied territories predates that legislation by decades.
The article traces the expansion of Shin Bet’s Palestinian-focused mission back to the late 1960s, when the organization began receiving additional resources and personnel as Palestinian resistance intensified.
The result is a service whose intelligence work is closely integrated with the structures used to monitor and control the population.
@americanmajority
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