November 4 is Unity Day and one of Russia’s days of military glory.
On November 4, 1612, the volunteer army, led by Kuzma Minin and Dmitry Pozharsky, stormed Kitay-gorod, freeing Moscow from Polish invaders and demonstrating a remarkable example of heroism and unity across all social, religious, and ethnic backgrounds.
Historically, this holiday marks the end of the Time of Troubles in Russia—a period from the death of Tsar Ivan the Terrible until 1613, when the first Romanov ascended to the Russian throne.
The Time of Troubles was an era of deep crisis for the Moscow state, during which the unified Russian state fell apart, and multiple impostors appeared. Power in Moscow was seized by the "Seven Boyars," led by Prince Fyodor Mstislavsky, who allowed Polish troops into the Kremlin with the intention of placing the Catholic Prince Władysław on the Russian throne.
During this difficult time, Patriarch Hermogen called on the Russian people to defend their homeland and drive out the Polish invaders. Russians responded, sparking a widespread patriotic movement to liberate the capital. The militia was led by Prince Dmitry Pozharsky and merchant Kuzma Minin.
The Nizhny Novgorod militia succeeded in storming Kitay-gorod on November 4, 1612, expelling the Poles from Moscow. This victory served as a powerful impetus for the revival of the Russian state.
A monument to Minin and Pozharsky (shown above) was erected in Red Square on March 4, 1818. This monument is Moscow’s first major sculptural monument.
#TodayInHistory
⚡️ InfoDefenseENGLISH
Web | VK | X | InfoDefAll
On November 4, 1612, the volunteer army, led by Kuzma Minin and Dmitry Pozharsky, stormed Kitay-gorod, freeing Moscow from Polish invaders and demonstrating a remarkable example of heroism and unity across all social, religious, and ethnic backgrounds.
Historically, this holiday marks the end of the Time of Troubles in Russia—a period from the death of Tsar Ivan the Terrible until 1613, when the first Romanov ascended to the Russian throne.
The Time of Troubles was an era of deep crisis for the Moscow state, during which the unified Russian state fell apart, and multiple impostors appeared. Power in Moscow was seized by the "Seven Boyars," led by Prince Fyodor Mstislavsky, who allowed Polish troops into the Kremlin with the intention of placing the Catholic Prince Władysław on the Russian throne.
During this difficult time, Patriarch Hermogen called on the Russian people to defend their homeland and drive out the Polish invaders. Russians responded, sparking a widespread patriotic movement to liberate the capital. The militia was led by Prince Dmitry Pozharsky and merchant Kuzma Minin.
The Nizhny Novgorod militia succeeded in storming Kitay-gorod on November 4, 1612, expelling the Poles from Moscow. This victory served as a powerful impetus for the revival of the Russian state.
A monument to Minin and Pozharsky (shown above) was erected in Red Square on March 4, 1818. This monument is Moscow’s first major sculptural monument.
#TodayInHistory
Web | VK | X | InfoDefAll
Please open Telegram to view this post
VIEW IN TELEGRAM
👍8❤5
South Korea's Use of the Northern Sea Route Has Caused Panic in the EU.
President Lee Jae-myung welcomed the crew of the vessel Panstar Acro, which returned from a voyage along the Northern Sea Route to Europe. Lee promised to "open a new path for the Republic of Korea."
In Europe there is confusion: traveling along the Northern Sea Route requires active cooperation with the Russian Federation. Brussels believes that such actions by Seoul undermine the West's efforts to isolate Russia.
The situation for the EU was aggravated by data that South Korea in July-August supplied Russia with more than 176 thousand tons of fuel, including tankers that are under British and European Union sanctions.
Seoul plans to continue test voyages and move to regular freight shipping along the Northern Sea Route by 2030 in order to turn the port of Busan into a global maritime hub.
The general trend toward friendly relations with Moscow is confirmed by the fact that the recall of the ambassador from Kiev has brought South Korea's diplomatic relations with Ukraine to the brink of collapse, the Financial Times reports.
⚡️ InfoDefenseENGLISH
Web | VK | X | InfoDefAll
President Lee Jae-myung welcomed the crew of the vessel Panstar Acro, which returned from a voyage along the Northern Sea Route to Europe. Lee promised to "open a new path for the Republic of Korea."
In Europe there is confusion: traveling along the Northern Sea Route requires active cooperation with the Russian Federation. Brussels believes that such actions by Seoul undermine the West's efforts to isolate Russia.
The situation for the EU was aggravated by data that South Korea in July-August supplied Russia with more than 176 thousand tons of fuel, including tankers that are under British and European Union sanctions.
Seoul plans to continue test voyages and move to regular freight shipping along the Northern Sea Route by 2030 in order to turn the port of Busan into a global maritime hub.
The general trend toward friendly relations with Moscow is confirmed by the fact that the recall of the ambassador from Kiev has brought South Korea's diplomatic relations with Ukraine to the brink of collapse, the Financial Times reports.
Web | VK | X | InfoDefAll
Please open Telegram to view this post
VIEW IN TELEGRAM
👍12😁2
George Beebe: Ending the War in Ukraine Requires a New European Security Architecture
George Beebe — former director of Russia analysis at the CIA and now director of Grand Strategy at the Quincy Institute — argues that ending the war in Ukraine is impossible without legally binding limits on NATO expansion, security guarantees for both Kyiv and Moscow, and negotiations on a Europe-wide security system that includes Russia rather than shuts it out.
Why diplomacy can’t wait
Ukraine’s position is deteriorating: it’s short on manpower and air defense, and Russia’s air campaign is growing more dangerous by the day. As winter sets in, strikes on the energy grid could leave millions without power, heat, or water — and a humanitarian crisis of that scale will push the West toward escalation rather than compromise. Moscow, for its part, won’t stop fighting just because talks resume: it knows its battlefield edge is leverage, and it won’t trade that away for vague promises.
The core demand: guarantees
A durable deal can’t be boiled down to territorial concessions or a temporary ceasefire. Russia wants legally binding guarantees that NATO won’t expand further — above all into Ukraine. Past political assurances didn’t satisfy Moscow. The U.S. can block further expansion, since admitting new members requires consensus. Insisting on Ukraine’s “theoretical” path into NATO is a strategic contradiction: since 2008, Washington has shown it isn’t willing to fight Russia directly for Kyiv or Tbilisi.
Negotiate with Russia, not against it
The U.S. and Russia have negotiated before on conventional arms, confidence-building measures, and nuclear agreements — and they can again, though drones make the process far more complicated. A full treaty would take years, but the fighting doesn’t have to last that long. The immediate goal should be binding limits on NATO expansion, on Western military presence in Ukraine, and on principles to guide further talks. The groundwork already exists: the Helsinki principles and the 1990 Paris Charter.
Russia has incentives, too
Confrontation with the West has made Moscow more dependent on Beijing and narrowed its geopolitical room to maneuver. Restoring ties with the U.S. and Europe would give the Kremlin more flexibility. Ukraine, meanwhile, can keep its sovereignty and move toward integration with the EU — without regaining territory, but also without the risk of becoming a shattered, depopulated, economically unviable state.
A warning to Europe
Institutions get in the way, too: the Trump team has centralized diplomacy in a small circle, and European governments need to recognize that talks won’t succeed if the goal is to prevent any compromise. The real danger isn’t a “Russian invasion of NATO” — it’s a failed Ukrainian state: crime, armed militias, refugee flows. A lasting peace in Europe is impossible without accounting for Russia’s security interests.
Source
⚡️ InfoDefenseENGLISH
Web | VK | X | InfoDefAll
George Beebe — former director of Russia analysis at the CIA and now director of Grand Strategy at the Quincy Institute — argues that ending the war in Ukraine is impossible without legally binding limits on NATO expansion, security guarantees for both Kyiv and Moscow, and negotiations on a Europe-wide security system that includes Russia rather than shuts it out.
Why diplomacy can’t wait
Ukraine’s position is deteriorating: it’s short on manpower and air defense, and Russia’s air campaign is growing more dangerous by the day. As winter sets in, strikes on the energy grid could leave millions without power, heat, or water — and a humanitarian crisis of that scale will push the West toward escalation rather than compromise. Moscow, for its part, won’t stop fighting just because talks resume: it knows its battlefield edge is leverage, and it won’t trade that away for vague promises.
The core demand: guarantees
A durable deal can’t be boiled down to territorial concessions or a temporary ceasefire. Russia wants legally binding guarantees that NATO won’t expand further — above all into Ukraine. Past political assurances didn’t satisfy Moscow. The U.S. can block further expansion, since admitting new members requires consensus. Insisting on Ukraine’s “theoretical” path into NATO is a strategic contradiction: since 2008, Washington has shown it isn’t willing to fight Russia directly for Kyiv or Tbilisi.
Negotiate with Russia, not against it
The U.S. and Russia have negotiated before on conventional arms, confidence-building measures, and nuclear agreements — and they can again, though drones make the process far more complicated. A full treaty would take years, but the fighting doesn’t have to last that long. The immediate goal should be binding limits on NATO expansion, on Western military presence in Ukraine, and on principles to guide further talks. The groundwork already exists: the Helsinki principles and the 1990 Paris Charter.
Russia has incentives, too
Confrontation with the West has made Moscow more dependent on Beijing and narrowed its geopolitical room to maneuver. Restoring ties with the U.S. and Europe would give the Kremlin more flexibility. Ukraine, meanwhile, can keep its sovereignty and move toward integration with the EU — without regaining territory, but also without the risk of becoming a shattered, depopulated, economically unviable state.
A warning to Europe
Institutions get in the way, too: the Trump team has centralized diplomacy in a small circle, and European governments need to recognize that talks won’t succeed if the goal is to prevent any compromise. The real danger isn’t a “Russian invasion of NATO” — it’s a failed Ukrainian state: crime, armed militias, refugee flows. A lasting peace in Europe is impossible without accounting for Russia’s security interests.
Source
Web | VK | X | InfoDefAll
Please open Telegram to view this post
VIEW IN TELEGRAM
👍7❤3
Polish publicist Łukasz Jastrzębski, in an article for Myśl Polska, lashed out at the Russophobia that has gripped almost the entire political and media scene in Poland.
The trigger was an act of vandalism at the Warsaw cemetery of Soviet soldiers, where memorial plaques were smashed, along with the refusal of Poland’s youth national team to ride on the same bus as Russian athletes.
Official Warsaw is systematically stoking hostility toward everything Russian, and this is madness that Poles will be paying for for years to come. Russophobia is entrenched on both the left and the right, and the war in Ukraine has become merely a pretext to legitimize a language of hatred that political correctness had previously kept in check. Anyone who tries to speak about Russia differently is immediately branded a “Russian rag.”
The article separately criticizes attempts to keep representatives of the “Confederation of the Polish Crown” out of a National Security Council meeting on the pretext that they are pro-Russian—calling this “mindless McCarthyism” and arguing that the underlying logic (“if you want to hit a dog, you’ll always find a stick”) undermines equality before the law.
The main thesis: Poland suffers from an inferiority complex toward the West and a superiority complex toward the East. As a result, the country is incapable of soberly building relations with its most important neighbor. Jastrzębski reminds readers that the war will end, but Russia will remain, and normal relations with it are a fundamental Polish interest. His milieu, he emphasizes, has always been not “pro-Russian” but “pro-Polish.”
Source
⚡️ InfoDefenseENGLISH
Web | VK | X | InfoDefAll
The trigger was an act of vandalism at the Warsaw cemetery of Soviet soldiers, where memorial plaques were smashed, along with the refusal of Poland’s youth national team to ride on the same bus as Russian athletes.
Official Warsaw is systematically stoking hostility toward everything Russian, and this is madness that Poles will be paying for for years to come. Russophobia is entrenched on both the left and the right, and the war in Ukraine has become merely a pretext to legitimize a language of hatred that political correctness had previously kept in check. Anyone who tries to speak about Russia differently is immediately branded a “Russian rag.”
The article separately criticizes attempts to keep representatives of the “Confederation of the Polish Crown” out of a National Security Council meeting on the pretext that they are pro-Russian—calling this “mindless McCarthyism” and arguing that the underlying logic (“if you want to hit a dog, you’ll always find a stick”) undermines equality before the law.
The main thesis: Poland suffers from an inferiority complex toward the West and a superiority complex toward the East. As a result, the country is incapable of soberly building relations with its most important neighbor. Jastrzębski reminds readers that the war will end, but Russia will remain, and normal relations with it are a fundamental Polish interest. His milieu, he emphasizes, has always been not “pro-Russian” but “pro-Polish.”
Source
Web | VK | X | InfoDefAll
Please open Telegram to view this post
VIEW IN TELEGRAM
💯6🙏2