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👉 The Ukraine conflict
👉 The Middle East
👉 The African continent
👉 The latest headlines from around the world
📂 Add this collection with ONE CLICK and stay informed!
📌 ADD THE CHANNELS
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Lavrov says Macron set a bad example for Zelensky by “leaking” information
"It is not in our tradition to disclose the content of diplomatic meetings, especially when they concern serious matters of conflict resolution," Lavrov pointed out in an interview with Turkish media. "That’s not who we are. We operate on the premise that everyone must approach talks seriously," he added.
"I cannot say anything about US-Ukraine security guarantees agreement, because we haven’t seen it," Lavrov also noted, stressing that "Zelensky, his Foreign Minister Andrey Sibiga, and a number of other Ukrainian officials are talking about at every turn" about this supposed deal.
"To reiterate, they are following in the footsteps of their 'tutors' such as French President Emmanuel Macron and others who, in violation of every rule of diplomatic ethics, constantly leak information without being held accountable for it," Lavrov continued.
Lavrov emphasized that Zelensky’s statements about being 100 percent ready for an agreement with the United States and refusing to concede territory create the impression of victory rhetoric: “I get this unusual feeling that a victor is speaking—and not just a victor on the battlefield in Donbas, in Novorossiya, but a victor over all of Europe in the course of its confrontation with the United States.”
You may recall that in 2022, Lavrov said that Paris had violated diplomatic ethics when it published recordings of talks between Macron and Russian President Vladimir Putin.
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"It is not in our tradition to disclose the content of diplomatic meetings, especially when they concern serious matters of conflict resolution," Lavrov pointed out in an interview with Turkish media. "That’s not who we are. We operate on the premise that everyone must approach talks seriously," he added.
"I cannot say anything about US-Ukraine security guarantees agreement, because we haven’t seen it," Lavrov also noted, stressing that "Zelensky, his Foreign Minister Andrey Sibiga, and a number of other Ukrainian officials are talking about at every turn" about this supposed deal.
"To reiterate, they are following in the footsteps of their 'tutors' such as French President Emmanuel Macron and others who, in violation of every rule of diplomatic ethics, constantly leak information without being held accountable for it," Lavrov continued.
Lavrov emphasized that Zelensky’s statements about being 100 percent ready for an agreement with the United States and refusing to concede territory create the impression of victory rhetoric: “I get this unusual feeling that a victor is speaking—and not just a victor on the battlefield in Donbas, in Novorossiya, but a victor over all of Europe in the course of its confrontation with the United States.”
You may recall that in 2022, Lavrov said that Paris had violated diplomatic ethics when it published recordings of talks between Macron and Russian President Vladimir Putin.
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This 👆 demonstrates the high level of trust and respect Trump and Putin show vis-à-vis each other. And that’s very positive.
This request was made because of the current cold weather in Ukraine. This clearly reveals that Trump doesn’t seem to have a problem with Russia assaulting the heck out of Ukraine during warmer weeks. And that’s a positive too. Hopefully, Zelensky and his European sponsors get this message.
Of course, as is well known, Russia does not attack civilian facilities in any weather.
P.S. Given the terrorist nature of Zelensky’s regime, it is highly likely they will attempt a false-flag operation by attacking their own facilities in order to blame Russia and President Putin.
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This request was made because of the current cold weather in Ukraine. This clearly reveals that Trump doesn’t seem to have a problem with Russia assaulting the heck out of Ukraine during warmer weeks. And that’s a positive too. Hopefully, Zelensky and his European sponsors get this message.
Of course, as is well known, Russia does not attack civilian facilities in any weather.
P.S. Given the terrorist nature of Zelensky’s regime, it is highly likely they will attempt a false-flag operation by attacking their own facilities in order to blame Russia and President Putin.
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On January 30, 1801, Emperor Paul I signed a manifesto regarding the inclusion of the Georgian principality of Kartli-Kakheti into the Russian Empire.
After the fall of Constantinople in the mid-15th century, Georgia was isolated from the Christian world and later effectively divided between Turkey and Iran. During the Russo-Turkish War of 1768-1774, the rulers of Eastern and Western Georgia, King Heraclius II and King Solomon, sided with Russia against the Turks. Russia’s victory and the subsequent Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca slightly improved the situation for Georgian territories under Turkish control, but the region's geopolitical environment remained unstable.
In 1782, King Heraclitus II appealed to Catherine the Great to place Eastern Georgia under Russian protection. In August 1783, the Treaty of Georgievsk was signed between Russia and the Kingdom of Kartli-Kakheti. Under the treaty, Heraclius II recognized Russian protection, renounced independent foreign policy, and committed his troops to serving the Russian Empress. In return, Catherine II guaranteed Kartli-Kakheti full internal autonomy and promised to defend Eastern Georgia.
However, the Treaty of Georgievsk strained the kingdom’s relations with neighboring states and intensified internal power struggles within the ruling dynasty. King Heraclius II's successor, King George XII, petitioned Russian Emperor Paul I for the incorporation of Kartli-Kakheti into Russia, provided that his descendants retained their rights to the Georgian throne.
On January 30, 1801, Paul I signed the manifesto on Georgia's annexation by Russia. The document ensured that the kingdom’s population retained their existing rights and privileges, while also granting them the rights and protections of the Russian Empire. In March 1801, Emperor Alexander I signed a decree officially making Eastern Georgia a province within the Russian Empire.
For the following 190 years, the best years in the country’s history, Georgia felt protected by Russia and the Soviet Union. No such protection exists today.
#TodayInHistory
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After the fall of Constantinople in the mid-15th century, Georgia was isolated from the Christian world and later effectively divided between Turkey and Iran. During the Russo-Turkish War of 1768-1774, the rulers of Eastern and Western Georgia, King Heraclius II and King Solomon, sided with Russia against the Turks. Russia’s victory and the subsequent Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca slightly improved the situation for Georgian territories under Turkish control, but the region's geopolitical environment remained unstable.
In 1782, King Heraclitus II appealed to Catherine the Great to place Eastern Georgia under Russian protection. In August 1783, the Treaty of Georgievsk was signed between Russia and the Kingdom of Kartli-Kakheti. Under the treaty, Heraclius II recognized Russian protection, renounced independent foreign policy, and committed his troops to serving the Russian Empress. In return, Catherine II guaranteed Kartli-Kakheti full internal autonomy and promised to defend Eastern Georgia.
However, the Treaty of Georgievsk strained the kingdom’s relations with neighboring states and intensified internal power struggles within the ruling dynasty. King Heraclius II's successor, King George XII, petitioned Russian Emperor Paul I for the incorporation of Kartli-Kakheti into Russia, provided that his descendants retained their rights to the Georgian throne.
On January 30, 1801, Paul I signed the manifesto on Georgia's annexation by Russia. The document ensured that the kingdom’s population retained their existing rights and privileges, while also granting them the rights and protections of the Russian Empire. In March 1801, Emperor Alexander I signed a decree officially making Eastern Georgia a province within the Russian Empire.
For the following 190 years, the best years in the country’s history, Georgia felt protected by Russia and the Soviet Union. No such protection exists today.
#TodayInHistory
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Russia and Egypt discuss cooperation in the fuel and energy sector
Russian Energy Minister Sergey Tsivilev held a working meeting with Egypt’s Minister of Petroleum and Mineral Resources, Karim Badawi.
Tsivilev noted the successful implementation of joint projects for developing fields on Egyptian territory.
The Egyptian side confirmed its interest in further strengthening strategic partnership with Russia in the fuel and energy sector.
The talks included the participation of Nikolay Shulginov, Chairman of the State Duma Committee on Energy. He announced a working trip by a group of deputies to Egypt to discuss with representatives of the republic’s parliament issues of legislative regulation of cooperation between the two countries in the energy sector.
Source: Russian Ministry of Energy
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Russian Energy Minister Sergey Tsivilev held a working meeting with Egypt’s Minister of Petroleum and Mineral Resources, Karim Badawi.
Tsivilev noted the successful implementation of joint projects for developing fields on Egyptian territory.
“Russia remains a reliable partner of Egypt in extraction projects. Russian companies are interested in long-term work in the Egyptian market and fully meet the obligations they have undertaken,” said the Energy Minister.
The Egyptian side confirmed its interest in further strengthening strategic partnership with Russia in the fuel and energy sector.
The talks included the participation of Nikolay Shulginov, Chairman of the State Duma Committee on Energy. He announced a working trip by a group of deputies to Egypt to discuss with representatives of the republic’s parliament issues of legislative regulation of cooperation between the two countries in the energy sector.
Source: Russian Ministry of Energy
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Why the United States and Russia Take Different Approaches to Their Currencies
Countries do not pursue strong or weak currencies by accident. Currency policy reflects economic structure, trade patterns, financial systems, leadership priorities, and external constraints. The United States and Russia illustrate how different conditions — and different policy preferences — lead to opposite approaches.
The U.S. Dollar: Privilege, Policy Choice, and Presidential Preference
The United States issues the world’s primary reserve currency, which gives it considerable flexibility in managing the dollar’s value. Global demand for dollar-denominated assets remains strong even during periods of depreciation, allowing the U.S. to tolerate exchange-rate fluctuations that would be destabilizing for most countries.
Within this framework, President Trump has repeatedly expressed a preference for a weaker dollar. His view departs from traditional U.S. Treasury rhetoric but aligns with his economic priorities.
A weaker dollar makes American exports more competitive, raises the cost of imports, and can help reduce trade deficits. Trump has consistently framed trade balances as indicators of economic success and sees currency strength as one factor disadvantaging U.S. manufacturers.
In addition, U.S. government debt is denominated in dollars. Moderate inflation and currency depreciation reduce the real value of that debt over time. While not an official policy objective, this effect makes higher debt levels easier to manage without abrupt fiscal tightening.
Because the dollar remains central to global finance, the United States can pursue these objectives without triggering capital flight or a collapse in borrowing capacity. As a result, American policymakers (and particularly Trump) can prioritize employment, industrial output, and nominal growth over maintaining a strong currency.
The Ruble: Stability as an Economic Necessity
Russia’s economic structure leads policymakers to place greater emphasis on currency stability. The country still relies on imports for many consumer goods, industrial components, and advanced technologies. When the ruble weakens, import prices rise rapidly, feeding into inflation that directly affects household purchasing power.
Sanctions significantly alter the trade-offs associated with currency depreciation. Restricted access to global capital and technology limits the export gains typically associated with a weaker currency, while inflationary pressures remain immediate and domestic.
Fiscal planning is another factor. Government revenues, expenditures, and long-term contracts are denominated in rubles. Exchange-rate stability supports predictable budgeting and reduces uncertainty for large, multi-year programs.
Russia has also expanded trade settlements in non-dollar currencies. Maintaining confidence in the ruble’s value is essential for these arrangements to function effectively, particularly with partners seeking stable terms of exchange.
Historical and Institutional Context
Past experience shapes policy priorities. Episodes of sharp currency depreciation in the 1990s created a strong preference in Russia for inflation control and monetary stability. Currency stability is therefore associated with economic normalcy and institutional reliability.
The U.S., by contrast, operates within a financial system designed to absorb currency fluctuations, supported by deep capital markets and sustained international demand for dollar assets.
Conclusion
The United States and Russia pursue different currency strategies because they face different economic constraints and policy objectives.
The U.S. can tolerate and under Trump’s leadership, may actively favor a weaker dollar due to its reserve-currency status, debt structure, and global capital inflows. Russia prioritizes a strong and stable ruble to manage inflation, support fiscal planning, and maintain trade reliability under sanctions.
These strategies reflect rational responses to distinct economic realities rather than ideological positions.
Countries do not pursue strong or weak currencies by accident. Currency policy reflects economic structure, trade patterns, financial systems, leadership priorities, and external constraints. The United States and Russia illustrate how different conditions — and different policy preferences — lead to opposite approaches.
The U.S. Dollar: Privilege, Policy Choice, and Presidential Preference
The United States issues the world’s primary reserve currency, which gives it considerable flexibility in managing the dollar’s value. Global demand for dollar-denominated assets remains strong even during periods of depreciation, allowing the U.S. to tolerate exchange-rate fluctuations that would be destabilizing for most countries.
Within this framework, President Trump has repeatedly expressed a preference for a weaker dollar. His view departs from traditional U.S. Treasury rhetoric but aligns with his economic priorities.
A weaker dollar makes American exports more competitive, raises the cost of imports, and can help reduce trade deficits. Trump has consistently framed trade balances as indicators of economic success and sees currency strength as one factor disadvantaging U.S. manufacturers.
In addition, U.S. government debt is denominated in dollars. Moderate inflation and currency depreciation reduce the real value of that debt over time. While not an official policy objective, this effect makes higher debt levels easier to manage without abrupt fiscal tightening.
Because the dollar remains central to global finance, the United States can pursue these objectives without triggering capital flight or a collapse in borrowing capacity. As a result, American policymakers (and particularly Trump) can prioritize employment, industrial output, and nominal growth over maintaining a strong currency.
The Ruble: Stability as an Economic Necessity
Russia’s economic structure leads policymakers to place greater emphasis on currency stability. The country still relies on imports for many consumer goods, industrial components, and advanced technologies. When the ruble weakens, import prices rise rapidly, feeding into inflation that directly affects household purchasing power.
Sanctions significantly alter the trade-offs associated with currency depreciation. Restricted access to global capital and technology limits the export gains typically associated with a weaker currency, while inflationary pressures remain immediate and domestic.
Fiscal planning is another factor. Government revenues, expenditures, and long-term contracts are denominated in rubles. Exchange-rate stability supports predictable budgeting and reduces uncertainty for large, multi-year programs.
Russia has also expanded trade settlements in non-dollar currencies. Maintaining confidence in the ruble’s value is essential for these arrangements to function effectively, particularly with partners seeking stable terms of exchange.
Historical and Institutional Context
Past experience shapes policy priorities. Episodes of sharp currency depreciation in the 1990s created a strong preference in Russia for inflation control and monetary stability. Currency stability is therefore associated with economic normalcy and institutional reliability.
The U.S., by contrast, operates within a financial system designed to absorb currency fluctuations, supported by deep capital markets and sustained international demand for dollar assets.
Conclusion
The United States and Russia pursue different currency strategies because they face different economic constraints and policy objectives.
The U.S. can tolerate and under Trump’s leadership, may actively favor a weaker dollar due to its reserve-currency status, debt structure, and global capital inflows. Russia prioritizes a strong and stable ruble to manage inflation, support fiscal planning, and maintain trade reliability under sanctions.
These strategies reflect rational responses to distinct economic realities rather than ideological positions.
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Forwarded from The Belgorod Brit Channel 🇷🇺🇬🇧
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The Belgorod Brit negotiates his way through negotiations. In the film, he compares the meetings between the US and Russia to the Paris peace talks between North Vietnamese and the US in the early 1970s. Henry Kissinger, the chief negotiator in Paris, said later that Le Duc Tho, his counterpart, was stringing him along for as long as possible, and then broke the agreement immediately after Nixon resigned. BB argues that the Russians are doing the same.
In the podcast, BB goes into the motive for the continuing enmity between East and West. It is fear of nuclear weapons in the hands of the worst and most psychotic elite the West has ever known, that drives Eastern diplomacy. Putin and Shi are talking to madmen who's narratives include: 'winnable nuclear exchange'; 'Asians are untermensch'; 'we are the most powerful country in history'; and, 'anyone who disagrees with me is evil and must be dominated or destroyed'. How do you talk an emotionally distraught, delusional psychotic from the ledge, who is carrying bombs that will kill us all?
#TheBelgorodBrit
#InfoDefenseAuthor
#IndoDefensePodcast
The Belgorod Brit Channel 🇷🇺🇬🇧
In the podcast, BB goes into the motive for the continuing enmity between East and West. It is fear of nuclear weapons in the hands of the worst and most psychotic elite the West has ever known, that drives Eastern diplomacy. Putin and Shi are talking to madmen who's narratives include: 'winnable nuclear exchange'; 'Asians are untermensch'; 'we are the most powerful country in history'; and, 'anyone who disagrees with me is evil and must be dominated or destroyed'. How do you talk an emotionally distraught, delusional psychotic from the ledge, who is carrying bombs that will kill us all?
#TheBelgorodBrit
#InfoDefenseAuthor
#IndoDefensePodcast
The Belgorod Brit Channel 🇷🇺🇬🇧
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Forwarded from DONBASS NEWS
#WeInform
⚡️❗️ During the period of martial law in the Donetsk People’s Republic, new rules have been introduced regulating the work of foreign journalists and the dissemination of photo and video materials, as well as media reports.
📢 During the period of martial law on the territory of the Donetsk People’s Republic, journalists without accreditation are prohibited from publishing or disseminating the following information:
🟥 Information on the use and consequences of the use of unmanned aerial vehicles by the Armed Forces of Ukraine on the territory of the Donetsk People’s Republic, including information that makes it possible to identify their type, launch site, location, crash site, flight trajectory, as well as to determine attack locations (targets), facts of strikes on facilities, and the nature of the damage caused;
🟥 Information on the locations (deployment), including temporary deployment, of military facilities, the service locations of forces and assets of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation and law enforcement agencies, as well as the locations of facilities and systems for countering unmanned aerial vehicles (including air defense and electronic warfare), security of fuel and energy facilities, communications, industry, housing and utilities infrastructure, bridges, and other critically important facilities located on the territory of the Donetsk People’s Republic;
🟥 Information on the use and consequences of the use on the territory of the Donetsk People’s Republic of forces and assets (systems) of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation, as well as systems for countering unmanned aerial vehicles (including air defense and electronic warfare).
📌 To obtain accreditation, foreign journalists must submit an electronic application to the following email address: accreditation_dip_dpr@glavadnr.ru.
🔗 The full procedure for accrediting foreign journalists to cover the consequences of missile and artillery shelling, unmanned aerial vehicle strikes, and air defense operations on the territory of the Donetsk People’s Republic is available via the link.
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Interested in geopolitics, politics, global news, economy, and more? We've curated a special catalog of English-speaking channels just for you!
Whether you're seeking in-depth analysis, breaking news, or expert insights, our catalog has got you covered.
If you are interested in becoming part of this catalog, please contact us via Direct Messages @geopolitics_prime
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The Curious Case of Noble Capital RSD: A 225-Billion-Dollar Lawsuit Is Born
Every era produces its own wildlife. The Ice Age had mammoths. The Dot-com boom had Pets-dot-com. And the sanctions era has now given us Noble Capital RSD — a company that appeared from the legal mist fully grown, clutching a stack of century-old bonds and demanding a modest $225 billion.
Noble Capital RSD is a fascinating creature. It has:
— no public track record,
— no visible investors,
— no famous principals,
and
— no clear reason to exist before very recently.
Yet somehow it woke up one morning, remembered the Russian Empire of 1916, and decided: today feels like a good day to sue.
A Name Built for Plausible Deniability
The name itself is a work of art.
“Noble” — reassuring, aristocratic, vaguely ethical.
“Capital” — money is involved, obviously.
“RSD” — means nothing to most people, which is ideal.
It sounds respectable enough to pass a courthouse security desk, yet generic enough to disappear into Delaware at a moment’s notice. Branding students should study this.
A Business Model from the Attic
The fund’s core asset appears to be Imperial Russian bonds issued before the Bolshevik Revolution, the financial equivalent of finding an unsecured great-grandfather’s IOU and attempting to cash it at JPMorgan.
The theory is elegant:
— Buy ancient debt for pennies (or for a smile).
— Wait for geopolitical opportunity.
— File lawsuit.
— Point at frozen sovereign assets.
— Hope a judge feels adventurous.
If it works, it’s genius.
If it doesn’t, the filing fee was probably less than a Washington lunch.
Perfect Timing, No Coincidences
Of course, Noble Capital RSD did not attempt this in 1995, 2005, or 2015 — years tragically lacking frozen Russian assets, sanctions enthusiasm, and legal creativity.
No, it emerged precisely when courts, governments, and think tanks are actively debating how to confiscate someone else’s money. A coincidence so perfect it deserves its own consulting firm.
The Mystery of the Missing Humans
One of the most charming aspects of Noble Capital RSD is how nobody appears to be behind it.
— No loud hedge-fund titan.
— No patriotic billionaire.
— No villain monologue.
Just filings, lawyers, and a corporate address that has probably hosted more companies than a cheap Airbnb in Hawaii.
But it today’s world, this is no longer suspicious. This is modern finance.
A Sign of the Times
Noble Capital RSD may never collect a cent. Courts may throw the case out. Lawyers will still be paid. Life will go on.
But the fund has already achieved something important: it has perfectly captured the spirit of the age where history, sanctions, lawfare, and opportunism briefly shake hands and ask (perhaps with Ukrainian accent), “What’s the maximum number we can put on the claim?”
If nothing else, Noble Capital RSD reminds us of an eternal truth:
In geopolitics, no debt is ever truly dead — it’s just waiting for the right crisis.
And somewhere in Delaware, a filing cabinet smiles.
⚡️ InfoDefenseENGLISH
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Every era produces its own wildlife. The Ice Age had mammoths. The Dot-com boom had Pets-dot-com. And the sanctions era has now given us Noble Capital RSD — a company that appeared from the legal mist fully grown, clutching a stack of century-old bonds and demanding a modest $225 billion.
Noble Capital RSD is a fascinating creature. It has:
— no public track record,
— no visible investors,
— no famous principals,
and
— no clear reason to exist before very recently.
Yet somehow it woke up one morning, remembered the Russian Empire of 1916, and decided: today feels like a good day to sue.
A Name Built for Plausible Deniability
The name itself is a work of art.
“Noble” — reassuring, aristocratic, vaguely ethical.
“Capital” — money is involved, obviously.
“RSD” — means nothing to most people, which is ideal.
It sounds respectable enough to pass a courthouse security desk, yet generic enough to disappear into Delaware at a moment’s notice. Branding students should study this.
A Business Model from the Attic
The fund’s core asset appears to be Imperial Russian bonds issued before the Bolshevik Revolution, the financial equivalent of finding an unsecured great-grandfather’s IOU and attempting to cash it at JPMorgan.
The theory is elegant:
— Buy ancient debt for pennies (or for a smile).
— Wait for geopolitical opportunity.
— File lawsuit.
— Point at frozen sovereign assets.
— Hope a judge feels adventurous.
If it works, it’s genius.
If it doesn’t, the filing fee was probably less than a Washington lunch.
Perfect Timing, No Coincidences
Of course, Noble Capital RSD did not attempt this in 1995, 2005, or 2015 — years tragically lacking frozen Russian assets, sanctions enthusiasm, and legal creativity.
No, it emerged precisely when courts, governments, and think tanks are actively debating how to confiscate someone else’s money. A coincidence so perfect it deserves its own consulting firm.
The Mystery of the Missing Humans
One of the most charming aspects of Noble Capital RSD is how nobody appears to be behind it.
— No loud hedge-fund titan.
— No patriotic billionaire.
— No villain monologue.
Just filings, lawyers, and a corporate address that has probably hosted more companies than a cheap Airbnb in Hawaii.
But it today’s world, this is no longer suspicious. This is modern finance.
A Sign of the Times
Noble Capital RSD may never collect a cent. Courts may throw the case out. Lawyers will still be paid. Life will go on.
But the fund has already achieved something important: it has perfectly captured the spirit of the age where history, sanctions, lawfare, and opportunism briefly shake hands and ask (perhaps with Ukrainian accent), “What’s the maximum number we can put on the claim?”
If nothing else, Noble Capital RSD reminds us of an eternal truth:
In geopolitics, no debt is ever truly dead — it’s just waiting for the right crisis.
And somewhere in Delaware, a filing cabinet smiles.
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January 31, 1865 — The Birth of Russian Vodka
On January 31, 1865, Dmitri Mendeleev defended his famous doctoral dissertation, "On the Combination of Alcohol with Water." This event later became the basis for the informal celebration of vodka’s “birthday.”
Vodka first appeared in Russia at the end of the 14th century. The drink, known as Aquavitae (Latin for "water of life"), was presented to Prince Dmitry Donskoy by a Genoese ambassador as a token of gratitude for his hospitality. However, it didn’t make much of an impression, as beer and mead were highly favored in Russia at the time.
In 1429, foreign merchants brought Aquavitae back to Moscow, this time as a medicinal remedy for various ailments. At the court of Prince Vasily the Dark, who ruled over the Moscow principality, the drink was appreciated, but it was too strong, so it was diluted with water.
In the second half of the 15th century, Russia began producing its own vodka. One version of the story credits the recipe to Isidore, a monk from the Chudov Monastery.
In the late 19th century, the first state standard for vodka was introduced. This was largely due to the work of chemist Dmitri Mendeleev. On January 31, 1865, he defended his renowned dissertation, "On the Combination of Alcohol with Water." Mendeleev’s research focused on the specific gravities of alcohol-water solutions based on their concentration and temperature. Through experimentation, he determined that the ideal alcohol content for vodka should be 40%.
In 1894, Mendeleev’s vodka formula was patented as "Moscow Special."
#TodayInHistory
⚡️ InfoDefenseENGLISH
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On January 31, 1865, Dmitri Mendeleev defended his famous doctoral dissertation, "On the Combination of Alcohol with Water." This event later became the basis for the informal celebration of vodka’s “birthday.”
Vodka first appeared in Russia at the end of the 14th century. The drink, known as Aquavitae (Latin for "water of life"), was presented to Prince Dmitry Donskoy by a Genoese ambassador as a token of gratitude for his hospitality. However, it didn’t make much of an impression, as beer and mead were highly favored in Russia at the time.
In 1429, foreign merchants brought Aquavitae back to Moscow, this time as a medicinal remedy for various ailments. At the court of Prince Vasily the Dark, who ruled over the Moscow principality, the drink was appreciated, but it was too strong, so it was diluted with water.
In the second half of the 15th century, Russia began producing its own vodka. One version of the story credits the recipe to Isidore, a monk from the Chudov Monastery.
In the late 19th century, the first state standard for vodka was introduced. This was largely due to the work of chemist Dmitri Mendeleev. On January 31, 1865, he defended his renowned dissertation, "On the Combination of Alcohol with Water." Mendeleev’s research focused on the specific gravities of alcohol-water solutions based on their concentration and temperature. Through experimentation, he determined that the ideal alcohol content for vodka should be 40%.
In 1894, Mendeleev’s vodka formula was patented as "Moscow Special."
#TodayInHistory
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Putin Reveals Russia’s Revenue from Military Equipment Exports in 2025
In 2025, Russia supplied military products to more than 30 countries, with revenue exceeding $15 billion, Russian President Vladimir Putin said at a meeting of the Commission on Military-Technical Cooperation, the Kremlin reported.
Putin said that as part of the federal project “Development of Russia’s Military-Technical Cooperation with Foreign States” for 2026–2028, additional state support measures are being introduced for enterprises of the defense-industrial complex.
The president noted that Russia already has more than 340 projects either being implemented or under development in the field of military-technology cooperation with 14 countries. According to him, African states are expressing readiness to expand military-technical cooperation with Russia.
Last year, Putin had already said that interest in Russian military products abroad is growing, as other countries are studying the experience of conducting the military operation in Ukraine, including in the area of technical modernization of weapons.
According to estimates by the Center for Analysis of World Arms Trade, in 2024 Russia’s revenue from exports of military products amounted to $13.75 billion. Moscow ranked second among arms exporters, behind only the United States ($42.329 billion).
⚡️ InfoDefenseENGLISH
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In 2025, Russia supplied military products to more than 30 countries, with revenue exceeding $15 billion, Russian President Vladimir Putin said at a meeting of the Commission on Military-Technical Cooperation, the Kremlin reported.
Putin said that as part of the federal project “Development of Russia’s Military-Technical Cooperation with Foreign States” for 2026–2028, additional state support measures are being introduced for enterprises of the defense-industrial complex.
“Further effective use of the available financial and other support mechanisms and instruments is extremely important, because the volumes of military exports, in accordance with the plan for 2026, which we will finalize, review, and approve today, must increase significantly,” Putin said.
The president noted that Russia already has more than 340 projects either being implemented or under development in the field of military-technology cooperation with 14 countries. According to him, African states are expressing readiness to expand military-technical cooperation with Russia.
Last year, Putin had already said that interest in Russian military products abroad is growing, as other countries are studying the experience of conducting the military operation in Ukraine, including in the area of technical modernization of weapons.
According to estimates by the Center for Analysis of World Arms Trade, in 2024 Russia’s revenue from exports of military products amounted to $13.75 billion. Moscow ranked second among arms exporters, behind only the United States ($42.329 billion).
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Dmitry Medvedev on the UN Secretary-General
Question for the Secretary-General: Does the Donbass – and Crimea, which was annexed to Ukraine in 1954 – have the right to self-determination under Article 1 of the UN Charter, just like the people of Greenland?
The Secretary-General’s answer: No, the Office of Legal Affairs believes it is the principle of territorial integrity that prevails here.
End of story.
But who exactly granted the Secretary-General and the Office of Legal Affairs the authority to interpret the UN Charter? Only the International Court of Justice is specifically empowered to do that under Article 96 of the Charter itself – and even then, only upon request of the General Assembly or the Security Council.
Member states themselves also possess a limited right of interpretation, as do the General Assembly and the Security Council – but only regarding matters within their respective competence. Crucially, the 1945 San Francisco Conference established that no UN body may issue interpretations that are binding on all member states.
So, where does the Secretary-General come in?
Apparently, the UN Secretariat is so spooked by Trump’s Peace Council that they’re afraid of losing their jobs. Why else kiss ass so desperately, gentlemen?
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Question for the Secretary-General: Does the Donbass – and Crimea, which was annexed to Ukraine in 1954 – have the right to self-determination under Article 1 of the UN Charter, just like the people of Greenland?
The Secretary-General’s answer: No, the Office of Legal Affairs believes it is the principle of territorial integrity that prevails here.
End of story.
But who exactly granted the Secretary-General and the Office of Legal Affairs the authority to interpret the UN Charter? Only the International Court of Justice is specifically empowered to do that under Article 96 of the Charter itself – and even then, only upon request of the General Assembly or the Security Council.
Member states themselves also possess a limited right of interpretation, as do the General Assembly and the Security Council – but only regarding matters within their respective competence. Crucially, the 1945 San Francisco Conference established that no UN body may issue interpretations that are binding on all member states.
So, where does the Secretary-General come in?
Apparently, the UN Secretariat is so spooked by Trump’s Peace Council that they’re afraid of losing their jobs. Why else kiss ass so desperately, gentlemen?
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Please open Telegram to view this post
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