with.

Your potential Democratic nominees.

When not embattled, the Nixon White House can finally direct its full attention to re-election. Marching without opposition to the convention in Dallas, Nixon must test new number twos for purity. While out of his control, the Kennedy charade was a disaster, and his previous number two, Schoeppel, is dead and buried. This time, Nixon wants a strong man, a fighter like him. A man like Gerry Ford.

Take 2

Should Nixon find himself out of power, leaving Warren to lead a headless party into convention, only one man could fill the void left behind. Senator Barry Goldwater, giving voters a real choice, stands for a nomination ripe for the taking. Paired with the equally principled Senator Chase Smith of Maine, the two stare down oblivion in November lest the Democrats fail to find any stability of their own.

Unholy.

Presidential elections are similar to those of the midterms, an election held in all 50 states on the same day, but with significantly more money involved. Fitting the same structure, they both aim to build momentum across the states, making them the best fit for your coalition to deliver victory.

Presidential polling.

Election mechanic.

After November, the country has finally reached a crossroads. Split five different ways, the past three years of conflict have shaped the world in which the next President will take office. Whether he's departing, departed, or inaugurated into his second term, the problems Nixon faces will live on. Threats, foreign or domestic, to the tranquility the President wishes to keep will continue to rise. 

New leadership in Germany and Japan, new enemies in the Americas, Asia, Africa, and Europe —a race not only to retain what is already theirs but also to dislodge the other, to bring the post-war system to an end and remake the world in their image. Whether the United States could save its allies and the peoples of the world from anti-democratic forces depends on that nation's ability to save itself, in many ways, from itself. In many ways, it will be the responsibility of 1964's champion to navigate these problems and survive, stronger than before, in the unfolding new order.

Richard Nixon, the Establishment Republican

Barry Goldwater, the New Republican

Hubert Humphrey, the Establishment Democrat

Robert Kennedy, the Activist Democrat

George Wallace, the Yaller Democrat

Editor's note: Thanks for reading the diary, we hope you enjoyed what you saw! We'll be checking in periodically with further updates on America and explorations into the new Presidents, both revealed and unrevealed. More to come, stay tuned!

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Development Diary XXX: Yippie! - Part 2/4

This is continued from Part 1 of the Lore portion of the diary. If you have yet to read it, click *here*.

If you are looking for Part 2 of the diary, Gameplay, click *here*

Defeat, a novel concept in American military history, proved challenging to grapple with. Some believed that the Dewey administration could have won the war in time, especially with public disclosure of the Manhattan Project in 1946, but hadn't had the guts to continue sacrificing lives and material required for victory. Others considered American involvement in the war a mistake in itself. Still more remained indifferent to the war's handling but bemoaned poor execution and strategic decisions. Decisions to scar the British countryside with defoliants, incendiary devices, and potent chemical agents did little to stop the German advance but instead alienated the British population and made a long-term war untenable. An uncompromising choice to empower General Douglas MacArthur allowed for gains on the island of Papua, but these came at the expense of China, Burma, and India, further contributing to not only his permanent discrediting but also that of nearly the entire wartime military leadership. Though views on the war were varied and oftentimes in conflict with one another, all agreed that the blame lay squarely at the feet of Thomas Dewey, his generals, and the Republican Party.

Facing political obliteration in the upcoming electoral cycles, Dewey and what remained of his cabinet scrambled to salvage American pride abroad. Their opportunity came in the rapidly disintegrating USSR, whose devolution into chaos gave the President a chance to intervene and reassert his and the United States' authority. Unlike the 1919-era American deployment to Russia, however, the Intervention in Siberia sought to stabilize the embattled Soviet rump government, now led by former secret police leader Genrikh Yagoda. At the port of Magadan, Western forces worked side by side with Soviet communists to maintain order, prevent famine, and facilitate the relocation of thousands of Soviet bureaucrats and intellectuals fleeing their war-torn homeland. Through the Democratic Congress's "Operation Paperclip," their expertise would prove instrumental to furthering American science and technology. At the same time, the combined effort of the remaining Allied nations in Siberia strengthened their military bonds with one another, preserving the fractured United Nations at a time when disintegration seemed likely.

Byrnes-Eaton Resolution of 1946

In the end, however, Dewey's hopes in Siberia were met with the same frustrations as his other endeavors. The Russian intervention was neither enough to prevent a Democratic avalanche in the 1946 midterms, nor was it a quick foreign adventure as the President had envisioned. Yagoda's Soviet government proved unable to sustain itself, and American involvement could only increase in response. Though Allied commitment to the region never rose above a few thousand boots on the ground, the intractable conflict and persistent skirmishes with Japan-backed anti-government forces led the media to dub the intervention as the Siberian War, cleaving open a point of division between the internationalist troupes of the establishment majority and the smoldering partisans of the isolationist minority that would persist well after the end of Dewey's administration.

The crushing weight of Democratic supermajorities in the House and the Senate left the final years of Dewey's presidency as the lamest of all lame ducks. With his executive power limited to foreign affairs, his vetoes ineffective, and total defeat in 1948 seen as a foregone conclusion, the President became the unwilling figurehead of

an aggressive Democratic agenda. While the White House and Congress could agree on some things, such as continued support for the Soviet government in Siberia, Dewey was ultimately the junior partner in his government. This unhappy marriage culminated in the Long Range Planning Act of 1947, which pushed past the New Deal programs of Roosevelt and officially inserted the federal government into the nation's economic development via the Long Range Planning Office under the Department of Commerce. Republican protestations over the Act's infringement on private commerce went unheeded by the Democratic supermajority, as did Dewey's veto. The reality of the Depression and the war had left its impression on American politics, and gone were the days of an unregulated national economy.

Long Range Planning Act of 1947

If there was any highlight of Dewey's final two years in office, it came in the admission of Alaska and Hawaii as the 49th and 50th states. Alaska, a frigid and enormous outpost on the edge of the continent dominated by military bases, left-wing Russian immigrants, and Native Alaskans, and Hawaii, a corporate-owned island paradise, balanced one another out as Democratic and Republican bastions, respectively. Even this, however, was not free of trouble. Hawaii, in particular, stood as an avatar of class and racial struggle between the White-dominated "Big Five" corporations and the multiethnic unions attempting to break their hold on the state's economy and politics. Accusations and denials of communist and pro-Sphere sentiment within the unions and their ethnically Japanese members fueled a pressure cooker of tension that, in an act of divine mercy, did not burst during the last months of Dewey's doomed tenure.

Whether pundits knew at the time or not, the otherwise uncompetitive 1948 Presidential election would become a turning point in American history, remaking both parties behind the scenes. Within the GOP, heavyweight Eastern establishment figures collectively decided to punt on the nomination, choosing to save their strength for a more favorable cycle in the future. However, by abdicating the halls of power in the party, these moderates left a vacuum for whoever was angry and ambitious enough to harness the seething mass of Republican partisans humiliated by Dewey's impotent second term. Instead of a meek sacrificial lamb, party elites were horrified as "Mr. Republican" Senator Robert Taft overran meager establishment forces on a hardline anti-intervention, anti-New Deal, anti-Dewey platform, while defending his role in the Dewey administration's disastrous war effort. This event marked the end of moderate dominance within Republican halls of power and cemented activist conservatives as a powerful force within the party.

In contrast to the bereft Republican field, the race for the Democratic nomination in 1948 was among the most competitive in history. Amid the jockeying and arguing between innumerable candidates, Senators Claude Pepper and Strom Thurmond came together to pursue what many Democrats considered a fantasy—drafting Supreme Allied Commander Dwight D. Eisenhower, the most popular man in America, to the Democratic ticket. Even as the Pacific theatre crumbled, Eisenhower commanded the Allied forces with distinction in Europe. His leadership under pressure and a string of successes in the dying days of the war made him a living legend among the American public, and indeed, his staunchest supporters were quick to declare that Ike would have won the war entirely had Republicans not lost their nerve for the cause. Nobody seemed more qualified to helm the ship of state in a new and uncertain world than the general who fought the Axis to a standstill. Even with the reluctant Eisenhower requiring a draft campaign to enter the race, Democrats turned out in droves for the man they hoped would be their next Roosevelt, never mind that he was not a Democrat. Soon, candidates

cleared from the field, and Eisenhower's July 1948 coronation sealed his crash course with victory over Taft.

It soon became clear that the Eisenhower campaign had no intention of engaging with a contender as hopeless as Taft. Instead, Ike eschewed the day's issues in favor of personal appeal. Running on a platform of basic competence and undefined change from Dewey's failure, the Democratic nominee benefited greatly because Americans, by and large, had no conception of his actual politics. Northerners saw the general as a malleable figure who could deliver on the lost potential of the New Deal and the controversial civil rights plank adopted at the Democratic convention (Eisenhower had no comment). Southerners considered him a principled moderate who would serve to block Northern liberals from destroying their way of life, while liberals, satisfied with the plank despite their chosen candidate's non-committal, accepted compromise as an easy solution. Even disaffected internationalist Republicans could figure Ike as a crusader against fascism abroad, as opposed to the isolationist Taft. For his part, Eisenhower opted not to dispel any of his disparate supporters' dreams, shying away from political promises or even attacks on his enormously unpopular commander-in-chief and instead sticking to platitudes about democracy, fairness, and hope. Analysts predicted a Republican decimation in November and effectively stopped covering the race. In doing so, they would miss the true mark of the Taft campaign even as the Eisenhower tide crushed the GOP; Taft had sown the seeds, set the table, and provided the organizational spark for a generation of radical conservative activists to follow him.

1948 election results displayed in game

Eisenhower's inauguration broke records for crowd sizes as Americans from across the country swarmed into D.C., cheering as the wartime hero took office and restored Democratic dominance over the country. To so many Americans, whether they were dissatisfied with the war performance, the erosion of the New Deal, or in general need of a boost to a low national morale, Eisenhower appeared like George Washington, exuding dignity and purpose for a humiliated and lost nation. With supermajorities in Congress, the Supreme Court, and the arena of public opinion, Ike held the power to reshape the United States with a sweep of his hand, and indeed, many Democratic partisans fantasized that he would practically erase the sting of failure through overwhelming force.

These dreams, however, ignored the reality that Eisenhower had never promised nor intended the sort of sweeping change that his most fervent supporters imagined. Instead, liberals around the country watched in horror as the general sat on his hands, only rolling back Dewey policy in limited cases, repurchasing TVA dams from private ownership, building highways, and generally refusing to expand the role of government any further.

The greatest political mandate of a generation was bestowed upon a man who had no interest in using it, and as such, the Democratic project idled with the world in its hands. Despite this, the late Democratic project under the Dewey administration had given considerable damage to the excesses of capitalism and furnished the United States with a more technocratic, corporatized economy that retained much of the war-era economic mobilization, now geared towards a civilian economy. Gone were the eras of "Great Depressions," as Democrats used planning to keep the ship sailing no matter the storm.

American Corporatism, economy subtype

While Eisenhower took little interest in domestic affairs, he focused on combating "defeatism" and reshaping America's place in the world. Having inherited the Siberian War from Dewey, Ike committed to expanding America's presence in the region to

restore American pride abroad. Thousands of troops would enter the tundra to prop up the otherwise faltering Yagoda government, developing infrastructure, rooting out dissidents and bandit groups, and facilitating another, much larger wave of immigration across the Pacific. The new administration would not take long to face the same troubles as the previous administration. Soon, the ever-increasing effort to tread water would provide isolationist forces with new ammunition against the increasingly controversial war.

One benefit of the Siberian War would be the United Nations Compact of 1949, which created the Organization of Free Nations, a military alliance that swore "collective defense" among the remaining nations in the former United Nations. While isolationist elements protested heavily at the compact's circumvention of Congress's traditional role in declaring war, Eisenhower's treaty was immediately popular with the public, spelling the death of isolationism for the foreseeable future. Eisenhower would remember it as the most outstanding achievement of his tenure.

Founding of the Organization of Free Nations

Faction and Faction Status

The Eisenhower years would also be remembered as the formulation of the United States' sense of "nuclear optimism," viewing the possession and deployment of an overwhelmingly powerful nuclear weapons arsenal as a key part in rolling back fascist power worldwide. Nuclear weapons were an existential threat, but they remained conceptual, hypothetical, an unparalleled strategic advantage whose power had no known limits. Had they been ready in time, nuclear weapons could have saved Britain, liberated Asia and Europe, and ensured world peace under democratic values. Eisenhower may not have had the bomb then, but he had it now, in large quantities and with payloads multitudes larger than those tested at Los Alamos, ready for the final confrontation with fascism. On weekends, families from Los Angeles drove into the Nevada desert to witness the blinding manifestation of the American superpower, awestruck and unthinking of what such a device could do to human beings.

Another oddity of the Eisenhower years was the codification of split national intelligence services, in the form of the Federal Bureau of Investigation's Special Intelligence Service, and the Eisenhower-era construction of the Central Intelligence Agency. Despite the latter's name, the two organizations operated independently in different areas of the world; the SIS conducted operations in North and South America as it had since the 1930s, and the CIA operated elsewhere in the world. The former prioritized intelligence gathering and political influencing, whereas the latter, at least initially, had carte blanche to uphold American interests in a variety of ways. While zones of operation were delineated in 1949, this did not stop the CIA from arming rebels in Central America and South America, and since its inception, the Agency has been in near-constant conflict with the SIS. Both the SIS and the CIA saw action in the 1949 diplomatic crisis between Uruguay and Argentina, more overtly in Central America when the CIA and SIS backed El Salvador and Honduras, respectively, during multiple failed attempts to assassinate Rafael Trujillo, and support for Eisenhower's gunboat diplomacy to depose the Ecuadorian government and protect the American lease on the Galapagos Islands.

In the cinders of Taft's record-breaking defeat came a new generation of Republicans, including a particularly fated Representative from suburban Los Angeles. Richard Nixon, a Navy veteran and an ambitious young politician, was eager to prove himself against the new Democratic consensus that seemed more fragile with each passing day. Keenly interested in foreign policy and hunting for an angle, Nixon's

instincts told him that Taft's steadfast isolationism had become politically toxic in the wake of the Second World War. Instead, he hopped on board the rising Neo-Continentalist school of thought, arguing that the expedition in Siberia was a dereliction of duty when the American supercontinent itself harbored anti-American nations backed by fascist powers abroad. By expertly playing on American fears of further defeat, Tricky Dick catapulted himself into an open Senate seat and the forefront of a reinvigorated generation of Republicans set to take power in the future, even while they remained outside of government in the present.

Eisenhower spent much of his first term preparing for a foreign policy confrontation abroad, but would instead find his mettle tested in tropical Hawaii. Tensions between the dominant "Big Five" corporations and the island's labor unions boiled over into a strike wave in 1951, bringing the island economy to a standstill. For a moment, it appeared that the crushing hold of the corporations was on the verge of shattering. Instead, the tide receded; a multi-pronged attack from the Big Five through latent racial resentment, FBI involvement, government-ordered arrests of union leadership, and the formation of company unions, which took lesser deals than their independent counterparts, robbed the ILWU of its momentum and brought the strike to a catastrophic close. The Eisenhower government, unlike the Roosevelt era, opted to observe as the corporations re-established their control passively–another decision that would leave liberals fuming as a President ignored their cause célèbre from their party.

The final straw for Democratic Liberals' toleration of Eisenhower came in the field of civil rights. New Deal funding and state-building transformed Southern states from one-party herrenvolk democracies into domestic fascist republics, with the racial order upheld by state-funded paramilitaries loyal only to the Governor. The rule of law did not apply here, only the interests of those in power; disappearances were common, bad press met brutal ends, and open activism was exceedingly rare, all of which was allowed because it kept the Democratic coalition in power. Organized black activists brought the case of lynchings and racial violence to a national stage, but it seldom became a national issue.

Senator and former First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt had championed the civil rights movement since her time in the White House despite her husband's indifference, and this advocacy only grew with her election to the Senate. Her activism went above and beyond in forcing the issue into White circles, driving a wedge between newly convinced Northern Democrats and their uneasy Southern counterparts. When Hawaii's violence was beamed to American television screens, showing a distinct racial divide between striker and strikebreaker, a conversation started. Soon, pressure from beyond the "Roosevelt Caucus" began more openly to call on the President to do something. Eisenhower again demurred, adding one more disappointment that would cement his first term as a failure in the eyes of those remaining Roosevelt Democrats. Race in the United States was simply not an issue worth Eisenhower's time; issues of the economy, of defense, and the federal government were much more concrete and less divisive in American political society.

In ignoring the civil rights question, Eisenhower may have hoped that the issue would eventually recede in its own time. He could not have been more wrong. Matters only escalated as Southern segregationist governors leaped to defend the so-called "Southern way of life." Eisenhower did not pass a civil rights bill, nor were any executive orders issued, but it was as though black activists and their liberal allies had fired a starting pistol. The white backlash was immediate and allowed men like Herman Talmadge, Orval Faubus, and Strom Thurmond to enter office on the platform of escalating their usage of states' powers against a perceived existential threat.

In the shadow of these

concurrent crises, the 1952 Presidential election came and went almost dreamlike. Eisenhower, entering his 60s and still popular despite an idle first term, saw no need to actively campaign and focused primarily on shoring up American efforts abroad. Siberia, Haiti, Latin America, and beyond saw renewed American economic and military investments. Furthermore, activities of the FBI's Special Intelligence Service targeted perceived hostile regimes across the Americas and agitated to secure the United States' hegemony there. Republicans found their sacrificial lamb in Ed Martin, a Pennsylvania Governor-turned-Senator in his 60s, who would take the nomination by default as a half-hearted "Republican Ike" banking on his credentials as an officer on the home front during World War Two. His selection of running mate would carry more intrigue – initially, the young Senator Richard Nixon seemed to be an invigorating choice, but concerns over corruption and crudity handed the nomination to Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. instead. Choosing a wealthy, dynastical Eastern Establishment heir over the upstart from Whittier was a surprise that left Nixon seething for a chance at redemption. While Republicans would again face certain defeat in November, Richard Nixon, embittered by Martin's snub, desperately sought his revenge.

1952 election results displayed in game

Eisenhower's second term would serve as reheated leftovers of his first. Beyond the limited personal interests that Ike harbored, such as infrastructure construction and foreign affairs, stagnation and complacency would become the watchword of the early 50s. Once again, Ike would enter his term with supermajorities in both chambers of Congress. Once again, the general felt little interest in obeying his party's priorities. Once again, liberal partisans would find themselves eternally frustrated by the enormous opportunities passing the President by, but this time, they found the resolve to force Eisenhower's hand.

The battle over civil rights had only grown more intense with time, and, much to the President's displeasure, he would not act first; the Supreme Court ruled in favor of plaintiffs in *United States v. Knox County Schools* and outlawed public funds for segregated institutions. In the face of a new law of the land enforceable only by an unwilling executive, the Southern states simply ignored the proclamation. It would be the start of a constitutional crisis more resembling an insurgency than a pitched battle. Northern congressional liberals came together to draft a bill to establish a Civil Rights Commission to investigate violations of the Reconstruction amendments. However, the watered-down bill that made it to the floor was powerless. Eager to end the civil rights controversy, Eisenhower signed the act into law, only to further inflame the situation; the bill's weakness and lack of enforcement outraged activists, and white Southerners rejected the right of federal legislators to regulate race relations in their states. Eisenhower declared the battle won and ignored the issue, but tensions furthered, militancy sweltered, and another confrontation loomed.

Civil Rights Act of 1954

History would remember Ike as a popular man with little interest or initiative in governance. Sitting on supermajorities in both houses of Congress, he wasted a golden opportunity to rebuild the nation in his image. Many liberals would never forgive him for it or stop dreaming of what could have been —and as they looked to 1956, they wondered if it could be again. President Eisenhower could not have been more disinterested in who Democrats would crown as his chosen successor. The news that Vice President Lucas, already on poor terms after yielding his responsibilities during the 1952 campaign, would not seek the nomination was more reason for excitement

among the kingmakers in the Democratic party. While it would be wrong to look at Eisenhower's presidency as an explicit failure, from the lens of the machine whose lifeblood hinges on the size of a Democratic majority, you'd struggle to find another phrase that so acutely describes their feelings.

Antipathy from the White House at the electoral process saw local partisan infrastructure wither away throughout Eisenhower's presidency. In each election where the President's name wasn't on the ballot, Democrats suffered crippling losses. Fearing a loss of the presidency in November, the 1956 Democratic candidates represented a diverse range of ideas catering to the many factions of the party who felt they'd been left behind. Most notable among them was Senate Majority Whip Lyndon Johnson of Texas, who emerged as an early favorite due to his public oratory and private ability to appease all factions. But a major heart attack abruptly ended Johnson's presidential run and again opened the field, again exciting the disparate representatives of the Democratic Party's many factions.

Senator Estes Kefauver of Tennessee seemed a long-shot choice before Johnson's heart attack, but by Spring 1956, his name recognition began to soar. His campaign connected with the people using the new medium of television, advertising his prior escapades against corruption to public adoration and denouncing cronyism to the chagrin of party elites. A notable and consequential exception would be Former Ambassador Joseph P. Kennedy, who had long ago substituted his presidential ambitions with those of his sons. The death of eldest son Joseph Jr. in the defense of Britain only added to his family's mythos, which seemed increasingly attractive to Kefauver, who spent the war years in politics. Kennedy offered to financially support Kefauver's bid for the White House and rebuild support with party elites in exchange for placing his son, John Kennedy, in the number two slot for the ticket. This false choice was a no-brainer for Kefauver, who needed this inroad not just for the nomination, but a serious chance at uniting the divided Democratic Party.

Another eight years out of the White House had done the Republican party a favor in hindsight. Replenishing their ranks after back-to-back wipe-outs following the war, the party that suffered two of the greatest defeats in generations looked formidable to take back Washington. This time, Wisconsin Senator Alexander Wiley, a strong conservative and internationalist voice, rose to be the Republicans' champion in 1956 and promised a new approach to tackling the presidency in a post-Eisenhower era. The campaign between Kefauver and Wiley would be the most lively since the 1940 showdown between Dewey and Hopkins, with both candidates touring the country and taking the attack to one another. For Wiley, the Republicans saw a chance to paint their losses at the hands of Roosevelt and Eisenhower as mere flukes, showing that the Democrats couldn't win without a strong personality at the head of the ticket. For Kefauver, his ability to entice liberals and Southerners alike after mutual betrayals potentially brought opposites together for the last time.

1956 election results displayed in game

In the end, after a close race, Kefauver and Kennedy emerged victorious. Now forced to govern, Kefauver could no longer wear different faces to party factions and would need to lead decisively, even if it meant offending critical allies. Being the first Southerner to take office in nearly a century, there was plenty of reason to fear yet another betrayal of the liberals in the party.

While strange bedfellows brought Kefauver to the White House, they had no intention of keeping him there if he got out of line. The existentialism on both sides of the party was reaching a boiling point; his political survival necessitated action that he couldn't deliver upon. He couldn't legislate to appease

the activists in the parties, and he couldn't hold off mass revolts in the South. Even his bread-and-butter, such as directing the DOJ to investigate executive and state corruption, became polluted by issues of the day and provoked internal dissent. Kefauver, too, refused to enforce the 1954 Supreme Court decision mandating an end to public funds for segregated institutions, drawing the ire of liberals. Drafts of economic bills sank, labor unions resented his "prosecutorial activism," and Kefauver's free hand with executive power only furthered his administration's divisions.

Among his early successes was Kefauver's early use of radio and television airwaves, much like how he connected with the public early in his career; he would attempt to rationalize what decision-making he could to the wider country and bypass enemies in Congress. Circumventing national media repulsed by his lowbrow politics, Kefauver managed to temporarily dull the knives of activists, organized labor, and the conservative South, and allowed the President to sequester otherwise controversial issues through the arena of public opinion. The first employment of telecommunications occurred early in Kefauver's presidency, when Eisenhower's gunboat diplomacy against Ecuador, just days before leaving office, toppled the Quito government and maintained American control over the Galapagos Islands.

Kefauver spoke to the American people and promised a new direction for the United States' foreign policy. There was no other way he could get the public behind a pardon of Gus Hall, the General Secretary of the Communist Party, for still-pending charges of delinquency in Hawaii; instead of him fostering domestic extremism, like the press lambasted him, Kefauver appealed to individual liberties and justice for all. Kefauver discovered another America beyond Capitol Hill that heard, understood, and even accepted him, emboldening his confidence as a uniquely modern and powerful leader. This hubris would be his undoing.

Kefauver would discover the limits of his charm when setting off to stabilize the world's balance of powers, venturing to divide the former Axis Powers between the revolutionary, extremist power of Nazi Germany and the comparatively stable and reliable Empire of Japan. World War Two had ended without a peace treaty, and much of the world's borders were a status quo that could shatter given a sufficiently powerful crisis. With that goal in mind, the majority faction of the Kefauver foreign policy establishment opened talks with the Japanese in neutral Mexico City, where the United States and Japan agreed to reduced trade barriers, mutual recognition of post-war territorial arrangements, and the United States would purchase Japanese gold to establish a consistent exchange rate between their two currencies. Ahead of ratification, Kefauver used his executive power to authorize the purchase of gold, withdraw tariffs, and began preparing the State Department to establish relations with Indonesia, China, Manchuria, and other members of the Japanese sphere of influence.

This unprecedented deal between two superpowers produced a short-lived victory that, for its ambitions, faced immutable criticism in both houses of Congress and both major political parties. Conservatives opposed reconciliation with the Japanese, whose expansionism had taken hundreds of thousands of American lives and still threatened the United States, as did organized labor, which feared liberalized trade with Japan would force American workers to compete with slave labor. All factions were united in opposing the threat to American pride in legalizing American defeat on the battlefield. Even the internationalists who had previously backed Kefauver opposed the treaty, which many said would put the Republic of India in a dangerous position where the United States would not be able to support their ally in the case of an invasion by the Calcutta government. Unlike the Democratic dream of re-winning the Second World War, the US-Japan Treaty died in the Senate, making

further rapprochement with Tokyo impossible. Conservatives solidified their rejection of Kefauver as a result of this blunder, as did organized labor, which lobbied legislators to oppose further Kefauver efforts, and internationalist liberals adopted a position supporting human rights and democratic values backed by force of arms over diplomacy with authoritarian governments.

Kefauver's political shortcomings would only be exposed further by his ambivalence on civil rights. While the movement would capture the attention of the country as the decade progressed, there was no louder voice in the halls of Congress for the movement than Senator Eleanor Roosevelt's. Understanding the issue as a referendum on the Democratic party's stance on human rights, she knew just as well as her Southern counterparts that the issue necessitated action. One way or the other. Kefauver, as a Southerner first and a liberal second, was never going to be the man for the job. Cowardice led Kefauver to desperation, to Kennedy.

Vice President John F. Kennedy did not identify with the civil rights movement, hoping one day to take the presidency with the critical backing of Southern Democrats. Still, amid the Kefauver administration's implosion over the Pacific Treaty and a general party revolt against the President, the 1964 hopeful from Massachusetts sought a pragmatic course. Kennedy swallowed his pride and fears of political reprisal to co-author a new, comprehensive Civil Rights Act alongside Senator Roosevelt and Senator Hubert Humphrey from Minnesota, which Kennedy was sure could not possibly make it to a vote. It remained that way, resubmitted, tabled, unpassable, for years, well past the crisis of the Kefauver Presidency, and into the next administration.

Despite being out of power for almost 12 years, Republicans did not curl up and die as many pundits had predicted (or hoped); they just got hungrier. The GOP and its stalwarts rejected the narrative being built by Democrats that the government is a necessity in common life, that every man is owed a job, or inherently deserves their necessities, instead believing in the sacred tenets of individual liberty and the necessity of struggle for the human soul. Perhaps no other candidate related to this struggle more than Richard Nixon, who, doubted, beaten, tested, and suppressed, kept advancing despite the odds against him. While Democratic victories annihilated party elders and one-time colleagues, Nixon remained steadfast in winning first his House race in 1948, the Senate seat in 1950, then the California state governorship in 1954, avoiding the ill-fated 1952 and 1956 Vice Presidential spots, and finally emerging as the GOP's undisputed front-runner.

A former Representative and Senator, Nixon knew the fight. His politics were cool, calculated, and optimized for the most results with the least outrage. Party elites who doubted him as an abuser of campaign finance or a single-issue red baiter were either pushed out of politics or soon came to appreciate his uniqueness and the necessity of giving him a shot at the national ticket. Like Dewey in 1940, Nixon was young and spirited, now appealing to most sections of the Republican Party, and promised a departure from the losing attitudes of those who came before.

Democrats, by contrast, faced calamity in 1960, and most partisans knew it. President Kefauver's lack of a domestic agenda and inaction on civil rights divided all sections of the country, and his foreign adventures with Japan and fantastical visions of a world forum convinced many of 1956's skeptics that change was due. Even in his element, broadcast on television or seated by the radio, Kefauver's star was falling, and no allies were eager to save him. The calculus of backing Roosevelt's Civil Rights Act but not allowing it to pass kept much of Kennedy's image with liberals and Southerners alike intact, but the Vice President was not eager to lend his credibility to a sinking administration; 1964 would be Kennedy's year, with or without an incumbent

Kefauver.

Under these conditions, amid this house divided, the "solid South" began to crack. Kefauver's re-election would not come by Southern obligation but through the mobilization of liberals, which would only come with a strong commitment to civil rights. The 1960 presidential election would almost certainly be a definitive showdown between the two camps, and when liberals led by Senator Humphrey managed to force a strong civil rights plank onto Kefauver, the South blinked. Delegates from the Deep South bolted at shifting elector slates towards the deeply conservative Ross Barnett or, in an act of unprecedented ancestral betrayal, considering inroads with the Republicans. Nixon never spoke a word favoring segregation, but nods and allusions were enough to show what a better deal looked like.

1960 election results displayed in game

And for this mistake, Kefauver paid the ultimate price. Barnett's conservative electors prevented either Kefauver or Nixon from achieving an outright majority in the Electoral College. Perhaps Kefauver could have saved his re-election from the brink by denouncing the Roosevelt bill, repudiating the 1960 party plank, and issuing promises to the contested delegations, but, for whatever reason, he did not. Instead, electors handed the results of 1960 to the House of Representatives for their state delegations to decide, and, facing an intransigent Democrat ostensibly committed to civil rights and a Republican who had no firm commitment to anything, the House handed Nixon the Presidency while the Democratic-majority Senate re-elected Kennedy as Vice President. So it was, on January 20, 1961, a regime neither Democratic nor Republican, unsatisfying to its core. It was, however, undeniably something different.

The United States of America in 1962

That concludes the Lore and Background portion of the diary.

Part 2 (Gameplay) ➜

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Development Diary XXX: Yippie! - Part 3/4

>In 1962, the United States of America is a nation beset by profound, far-reaching illnesses. There is not one rot but many of whose symptoms point in all directions and thus may warrant all sorts of cures. These illnesses are endemic conflict between states, between races leading the government and those below it, between classes, the fit and unfit, and between the ever-dynamic battlefield of partisan politics. Whether the solution is to further the divide between North and South, free the economy or entrench its cartels, snip the bud of divergence with sterilization or worse,  or throw it all away and start from scratch, the illness persists. And with time, its symptoms grow worse, and as American cities burn with fear and hatred, so too do the hearts of its people.

>But who is to blame for this? Partisans point to the loss of Hopkins to Dewey or, if they veer to the extreme, the licking Taft received from General Eisenhower. This miasma is the dominant symptom felt throughout America. An ailment that no one discusses, only acknowledges with tired eyes and hesitant nods. Yes, there is sickness, but nothing near the sure-fire terminality of German Nazism or the persistent infection of Japanese nationalism. Theirs would kill first, and America would remain free and beautiful, pure and righteous.

>The sickness continues despite the exuberance brought by nearly two decades of peace. The fever slowly raises America's temperature. Like a dog in the summer, America pants. Eyes grow hazy, and headaches and chills rack the body. Something must be done, lest this summer cold become a chronic disease.

Yippie! (Pt 2. Gameplay 1/2)

End of the Beginning, 1962-1964

This wasn't supposed to happen. A government split in two halves, the newcomer President Nixon saddled with the incumbent Vice President Kennedy. The United States enters the 60s, the decade of decision, confused. It is a nation mired with conflicts, tensions boiling over, a recalcitrant South (and, increasingly, beyond) lobbying against racial equality, and a public on the verge of madness. Is this what the country deserves? 
One year into his presidency, and Nixon is no closer to an answer.

Leaders, Faction, Natspirits

The circumstances of Nixon's first term forced a political rebirth. His aggressive style that earned him such ire among the Democrats and admiration among his own Republican base was not what the country needed. He was an illegitimate President, housed to power breakaway Southern delegates in a contingent election. His victory was not his own, he had not won the majority of the electoral vote nor the popular vote. Against his own urges, compromise was thrust upon him, and he was losing himself.

Robbed of a victory in his own right, Nixon additionally would have to give up a government in his own name, working with Kennedy to forge a compromise cabinet capable of working with the Democrat-dominated congress. This Nixon–Kennedy Administration would be composed of Republicans tolerable to the ancient Democratic rule and installations from the Vice President's own circle. Nixon could reject this compromise and attempt to rule outright, but Nixon needed Democrats' mandate. After all, a solid Republican voting bloc paired with conservative Democrats could fashion a majority in both houses of Congress.

Ministers

And yet, this arrangement had its readily apparent flaws. There was no telling who really was working in Washington, as next to nothing in the way of bills was truly getting done. By the standards of Republican idealogues, Nixon was shaping up to be a dud. Liberal fears of how Nixon could re-examine the country's many alliances

were forcibly put to rest by the interventionist Secretary of State Earl Warren. Fears of the New Deal being undone in any capacity were neutralized by Kennedy's own brother-in-law, Secretary of Treasury Sargent Shriver. Nixon's appeals were reduced to platitudes. Agriculture is important. Our rivers are full of fish. You cannot have freedom without liberty. Our future lies ahead.

The previous year of work.

Nixon's presidency became continuation, not of Dewey but Roosevelt, Eisenhower, and the same pussy-footed leadership of Kefauver that Nixon raged so hard against a year prior. The image of weakness, compromise, and stagnation was a prison for the President, who felt the country changing beneath his feet and increasingly leaving him behind. Nixon's career began in Congress under Dewey, he fought for his party during its exile from executive power as it languished under leaders without a vision until his 1960 run. If Nixon failed, this would not be the Republicans' doing, it would be entirely on him. These thoughts weighed on the President's mind as he sat, waiting, until his time to speak at the 1962 State of the Union.

State of the Union, 1962

A stranger in his own White House, Nixon is alone to navigate the currents of public opinion. Finding his footing, he must bend the clamps from his left to his right to influence the direction of the country. As he progresses, he will gain more methods to bend the political will surrounding him, making friends where enemies once were or severing ties with allies that weigh him down. This is where you, the player, enter.

Management of these axes will be crucial when the country is thrust into crisis, domestic or foreign. Nixon, above all else, must be a pillar of leadership for a country that has already suffered so much just 1 year into the decade. If he finds himself as an authority on the policy under discussion, he could change the national mood to fit his own.

Six Crises Mechanic

Existing in a vacuum from the Administration's broader struggles are the ever-looming fiscal responsibilities of the United States. The budget is an annual occurrence, where, subject to the economic priorities of Congress, the allocation of funds may influence a variety of existing functions. From the ability to perform actions in proxies to the efficiency of passed government programs, the budget is another means to achieve your agenda. 

Budget Mechanic

For the time being, Nixon remains trapped by Democratic majorities. While the reality that Washington has grown accustomed to since the uncontested rule of the chamber began 30 years ago, it is nonetheless a barrier standing in the way of an authentically conservative agenda.

Congress in 1962

That said, there's always a way forward. No matter what you face in the chamber, cooperation can land most legislation on the desk of the President. Steering your agenda through Congress is much less about the partisan labels than it is the personalities of every self-important face on the hill. Between the hopefuls, or those just trying to make the place their retirement home, there'll be plenty of arms to twist to get it over the threshold.

Congressional\/Factional Leadership

Each bill comes equipped with its policy score. Senators will decide whether to vote on the bills based on their stance on the policy at hand, according to their

own, Senator-specific policy statistics. If the bill has the support of a faction, the leader of that faction will be able to convince all senators who lack adequate assertiveness to vote for the bill, regardless of their own policy opinions. 

Every senator has their own unique policy scores.

Additionally, some legislation may propose amendments, which could alter the policy score of the bill. It may also change the level of support the bill has among certain factions in the House, effectively addressing two issues with one solution.

One of the first bills to attempt to pass.

The Presidency does not command ultimate power over the political system. It's hardly the center of the political universe. The public imagination can be captivated by any whiff of controversy, leaving the White House nothing more than a spectator. 

The case of Damien Greene will have robbed all remaining attention of Nixon and his administration's plans to break through. Glued to their television sets, the American public has been dragged through a proceeding which saw their game shows infiltrated by a nazi, denied his prize, arrested, and then subsequently released on ill obtained evidence. Any warm-blooded American with a pulse oughta take offense, and they do. But for cold operators like Nixon, the event presents a necessary risk.

The Damien Greene case and wild Bill Douglas

Well before he aimed at President Dewey and his troubled administration, Justice William O. Douglas had been an annoyance on any task to the right of center. An outwardly political judge, he received his big break with the nomination to Chief Justice as a consolation prize for the liberals in the Democratic Party from Eisenhower. Since then, he hasn't been a domineering presence, if a presence at all. Every couple of months, he comes out of the wilderness to deliver the will of the liberal elite. The court is an institution untamed, with public sentiment rising against its head; it may be time to go on the offensive.

Makeup of the Supreme Court in 1962

Nixon's public campaign against Justice Douglas will be conducted out of public view. While the White House passes along embarrassing stories of absurd speaking fees and the visage of negligence, the invincible figure of the permanent hold liberals have on government will begin to waver. He's vulnerable. All that remains is to pull the trigger.

The first crisis

Public sentiment against Douglas will hold only briefly, as this is a man who has sat on the bench since the days of Roosevelt. As his allies across the country begin to rise in support of him, the chance will surely pass without immediate action. Utilizing relations in the house to shore up support among weary Republicans, and holding your own among the Dixiecrats, you'll be able to vault the first barrier to impeachment.

From there, the Senate is all that remains. There's no lipstick to put on the bill, you can't amend an impeachment. Therefore, to get the necessary votes in the chamber, Nixon has a narrow route. Either to put Lodge out there to whip the line of party required votes, or to hold the hopeful's feet to the fire. 

Lyndon Johnson's quest for the Presidency didn't end in 1956. His aching heart couldn't kill him or his ambition; it just made him all the more desperate. While the public stands against Douglas, if the White House can stand alongside the Senate Majority Leader, he can shore up just enough Democratic support for the impeachment to

Development Diary XXX: Yippie! - Part 3/4

>*In 1962, the United States of America is a nation beset by profound, far-reaching illnesses. There is not one rot but many of whose symptoms point in all directions and thus may warrant all sorts of cures. These illnesses are endemic conflict between states, between races leading the government and those below it, between classes, the fit and unfit, and between the ever-dynamic battlefield of partisan politics. Whether the solution is to further the divide between North and South, free the economy or entrench its cartels, snip the bud of divergence with sterilization or worse,  or throw it all away and start from scratch, the illness persists. And with time, its symptoms grow worse, and as American cities burn with fear and hatred, so too do the hearts of its people.*

>*But who is to blame for this? Partisans point to the loss of Hopkins to Dewey or, if they veer to the extreme, the licking Taft received from General Eisenhower. This miasma is the dominant symptom felt throughout America. An ailment that no one discusses, only acknowledges with tired eyes and hesitant nods. Yes, there is sickness, but nothing near the sure-fire terminality of German Nazism or the persistent infection of Japanese nationalism. Theirs would kill first, and America would remain free and beautiful, pure and righteous.*

>*The sickness continues despite the exuberance brought by nearly two decades of peace. The fever slowly raises America's temperature. Like a dog in the summer, America pants. Eyes grow hazy, and headaches and chills rack the body. Something must be done, lest this summer cold become a chronic disease.*

***Yippie!*** (Pt 2. Gameplay 1/2)

[End of the Beginning, 1962-1964](https://preview.redd.it/1dh2e7tedqaf1.png?width=512&format=png&auto=webp&s=3a4d7d912787306af6214958bf4d2b80945be73e)

This wasn't supposed to happen. A government split in two halves, the newcomer President Nixon saddled with the incumbent Vice President Kennedy. The United States enters the 60s, the decade of decision, confused. It is a nation mired with conflicts, tensions boiling over, a recalcitrant South (and, increasingly, beyond) lobbying against racial equality, and a public on the verge of madness. Is this what the country deserves? 
One year into his presidency, and Nixon is no closer to an answer.

[Leaders, Faction, Natspirits](https://preview.redd.it/h579tt0deqaf1.png?width=1742&format=png&auto=webp&s=e01b34394b6ad50d32c37be807c0f331dce1d7b3)

The circumstances of Nixon's first term forced a political rebirth. His aggressive style that earned him such ire among the Democrats and admiration among his own Republican base was not what the country needed. He was an illegitimate President, housed to power breakaway Southern delegates in a contingent election. His victory was not his own, he had not won the majority of the electoral vote nor the popular vote. Against his own urges, compromise was thrust upon him, and he was losing himself.

Robbed of a victory in his own right, Nixon additionally would have to give up a government in his own name, working with Kennedy to forge a compromise cabinet capable of working with the Democrat-dominated congress. This Nixon–Kennedy Administration would be composed of Republicans tolerable to the ancient Democratic rule and installations from the Vice President's own circle. Nixon could reject this compromise and attempt to rule outright, but Nixon needed Democrats' mandate. After all, a solid Republican voting bloc paired with conservative Democrats could fashion a majority in both houses of Congress.

[Ministers](https://preview.redd.it/4aevzljpeqaf1.png?width=1250&format=png&auto=webp&s=832cb1e5cab4437a4224939c133e89551a3a26db)

And yet, this arrangement had its readily apparent flaws. There was no telling who really was working in Washington, as next to nothing in the way of bills was truly getting done. By the standards of Republican idealogues, Nixon was shaping up to be a dud. Liberal fears of how Nixon could re-examine the country's many alliances

were forcibly put to rest by the interventionist Secretary of State Earl Warren. Fears of the New Deal being undone in any capacity were neutralized by Kennedy's own brother-in-law, Secretary of Treasury Sargent Shriver. Nixon's appeals were reduced to platitudes. Agriculture is important. Our rivers are full of fish. You cannot have freedom without liberty. Our future lies ahead.

[The previous year of work.](https://preview.redd.it/e9r5rn7veqaf1.png?width=1957&format=png&auto=webp&s=59d0bc5fc69234220b1e0db73f201bcb7408ab59)

Nixon's presidency became continuation, not of Dewey but Roosevelt, Eisenhower, and the same pussy-footed leadership of Kefauver that Nixon raged so hard against a year prior. The image of weakness, compromise, and stagnation was a prison for the President, who felt the country changing beneath his feet and increasingly leaving him behind. Nixon's career began in Congress under Dewey, he fought for his party during its exile from executive power as it languished under leaders without a vision until his 1960 run. If Nixon failed, this would not be the Republicans' doing, it would be entirely on him. These thoughts weighed on the President's mind as he sat, waiting, until his time to speak at the 1962 State of the Union.

[State of the Union, 1962](https://preview.redd.it/4rd1tkhyeqaf1.png?width=1455&format=png&auto=webp&s=3ca596d9b566dbc5743260f66edebdc728962581)

A stranger in his own White House, Nixon is alone to navigate the currents of public opinion. Finding his footing, he must bend the clamps from his left to his right to influence the direction of the country. As he progresses, he will gain more methods to bend the political will surrounding him, making friends where enemies once were or severing ties with allies that weigh him down. This is where you, the player, enter.

Management of these axes will be crucial when the country is thrust into crisis, domestic or foreign. Nixon, above all else, must be a pillar of leadership for a country that has already suffered so much just 1 year into the decade. If he finds himself as an authority on the policy under discussion, he could change the national mood to fit his own.

[Six Crises Mechanic](https://preview.redd.it/r884gxb1fqaf1.png?width=1340&format=png&auto=webp&s=48bbf7e32ce74c9469c7885a81861c60d0944893)

Existing in a vacuum from the Administration's broader struggles are the ever-looming fiscal responsibilities of the United States. The budget is an annual occurrence, where, subject to the economic priorities of Congress, the allocation of funds may influence a variety of existing functions. From the ability to perform actions in proxies to the efficiency of passed government programs, the budget is another means to achieve your agenda. 

[Budget Mechanic](https://preview.redd.it/0ew9fob3fqaf1.png?width=2083&format=png&auto=webp&s=a8f754d6cd229c346a194a00b7083ef5b70a4524)

For the time being, Nixon remains trapped by Democratic majorities. While the reality that Washington has grown accustomed to since the uncontested rule of the chamber began 30 years ago, it is nonetheless a barrier standing in the way of an authentically conservative agenda.

[Congress in 1962](https://preview.redd.it/54woovg5fqaf1.png?width=1556&format=png&auto=webp&s=06fa7026c1893a67cb3435da32fd6e84dbe3f790)

That said, there's always a way forward. No matter what you face in the chamber, cooperation can land most legislation on the desk of the President. Steering your agenda through Congress is much less about the partisan labels than it is the personalities of every self-important face on the hill. Between the hopefuls, or those just trying to make the place their retirement home, there'll be plenty of arms to twist to get it over the threshold.

[Congressional\/Factional Leadership](https://preview.redd.it/tlayajl7fqaf1.png?width=2796&format=png&auto=webp&s=c4b2a6dff4a18c23949cba1b7709c548cdddbf82)

Each bill comes equipped with its policy score. Senators will decide whether to vote on the bills based on their stance on the policy at hand, according to their

own, Senator-specific policy statistics. If the bill has the support of a faction, the leader of that faction will be able to convince all senators who lack adequate assertiveness to vote for the bill, regardless of their own policy opinions. 

[Every senator has their own unique policy scores.](https://preview.redd.it/v68r7hqafqaf1.png?width=963&format=png&auto=webp&s=320dda21262f748e3105a6ceff177467f2ec4f40)

Additionally, some legislation may propose amendments, which could alter the policy score of the bill. It may also change the level of support the bill has among certain factions in the House, effectively addressing two issues with one solution.

[One of the first bills to attempt to pass.](https://preview.redd.it/xpcde57dfqaf1.png?width=1929&format=png&auto=webp&s=56e9ccbc9353f99a6cd2d0f10b7b9047de7d07e4)

The Presidency does not command ultimate power over the political system. It's hardly the center of the political universe. The public imagination can be captivated by any whiff of controversy, leaving the White House nothing more than a spectator. 

The case of Damien Greene will have robbed all remaining attention of Nixon and his administration's plans to break through. Glued to their television sets, the American public has been dragged through a proceeding which saw their game shows infiltrated by a nazi, denied his prize, arrested, and then subsequently released on ill obtained evidence. Any warm-blooded American with a pulse oughta take offense, and they do. But for cold operators like Nixon, the event presents a necessary risk.

[The Damien Greene case and wild Bill Douglas](https://preview.redd.it/yt5wt6whfqaf1.png?width=2385&format=png&auto=webp&s=20aacf29b313c4977cb10586cf6047a0082f599f)

Well before he aimed at President Dewey and his troubled administration, Justice William O. Douglas had been an annoyance on any task to the right of center. An outwardly political judge, he received his big break with the nomination to Chief Justice as a consolation prize for the liberals in the Democratic Party from Eisenhower. Since then, he hasn't been a domineering presence, if a presence at all. Every couple of months, he comes out of the wilderness to deliver the will of the liberal elite. The court is an institution untamed, with public sentiment rising against its head; it may be time to go on the offensive.

[Makeup of the Supreme Court in 1962](https://preview.redd.it/biqvucykfqaf1.png?width=410&format=png&auto=webp&s=82bcfdda8591867bb8ef078e7efb28fcf540da70)

Nixon's public campaign against Justice Douglas will be conducted out of public view. While the White House passes along embarrassing stories of absurd speaking fees and the visage of negligence, the invincible figure of the permanent hold liberals have on government will begin to waver. He's vulnerable. All that remains is to pull the trigger.

[The first crisis](https://preview.redd.it/st9ox30ofqaf1.png?width=1980&format=png&auto=webp&s=51d0c72f468f49ae335d5806ad61f7f155a33f4a)

Public sentiment against Douglas will hold only briefly, as this is a man who has sat on the bench since the days of Roosevelt. As his allies across the country begin to rise in support of him, the chance will surely pass without immediate action. Utilizing relations in the house to shore up support among weary Republicans, and holding your own among the Dixiecrats, you'll be able to vault the first barrier to impeachment.

From there, the Senate is all that remains. There's no lipstick to put on the bill, you can't amend an impeachment. Therefore, to get the necessary votes in the chamber, Nixon has a narrow route. Either to put Lodge out there to whip the line of party required votes, or to hold the hopeful's feet to the fire. 

Lyndon Johnson's quest for the Presidency didn't end in 1956. His aching heart couldn't kill him or his ambition; it just made him all the more desperate. While the public stands against Douglas, if the White House can stand alongside the Senate Majority Leader, he can shore up just enough Democratic support for the impeachment to

pass. 

Just like that, Douglas, a living monument to New Deal liberalism and judicial activism, has fallen.

[One down.](https://preview.redd.it/o722fhbsfqaf1.png?width=1161&format=png&auto=webp&s=1a1322f1baef7ee417a3a3432c084812067016c2)

Uncomfortably close to all the commotion surrounding the campaign against Douglas are the midterm elections. Two years prior, the American people's indecisiveness resulted in a split government being in office. 1962 won't be the Republicans' year to make significant strides in unseating the permanent Democratic majority. However, it's the upper echelon of the White House's hope that decisive action could change enough minds to catch a second wind ahead of the re-election campaign.

The primary influence across states during the election season is momentum. The earlier a party spends to expend momentum in a state, and the more races in a state a party invests in, the more tangible results will be.  

[Congressional Campaigning](https://preview.redd.it/gmam84cvfqaf1.png?width=1557&format=png&auto=webp&s=f8e585ca7b4a2346af5af5772034e82a715d4f9d)

Shortly after the midterms' conclusion, former First Lady, Senator, and public titan Eleanor Roosevelt will pass away. With her legacy, she leaves unfinished work on righting the original sin of the American nation. At her funeral, Nixon will watch her live on from the grave, tormenting him, watching Kennedy greet Dr. King, surely scheming. With her death, the civil rights issue finds new life, as a new crisis emerges for Nixon to bear.

[A vacancy impossible to fill.](https://preview.redd.it/1jlnm2ixfqaf1.png?width=1971&format=png&auto=webp&s=08090060f03f3b19cb425b4cba0a53438f38c6a3)

One doesn't need to look far to see the impact the civil rights debate has already made upon the country. Not only are the President and Kennedy united in unholy matrimony as a result, but the South is the undeniable mover in the Senate. Neither party truly wants the issue to re-enter the public's mindset, but past a certain point, the rot in the country begins to stink.

[Tension](https://preview.redd.it/9q7ugm50gqaf1.png?width=2356&format=png&auto=webp&s=5d6c7c4628000772290674369feb4ef4cd210953)

The problem of civil rights is divorced from any bill that the President could sign into law. The civil rights debate is present in how millions of Americans live their day-to-day lives. As the consequences of inaction escalate, evident to the rest of the Americans sitting comfortably behind their television sets, the necessity of action only grows. Here, it becomes abundantly clear that the White House needs to take a formal stance on the issue.

[Boiling](https://preview.redd.it/zt4s04n2gqaf1.png?width=2380&format=png&auto=webp&s=dc193a808557a6f6616d35f78b9a77ca8a8bbcca)

This civil rights bill will pass. There will be no unexpected veto, a sudden change of heart from its sponsors, or an immediate dissipation in the activists moving it forward. Nixon cannot take a stand against the bill, looking as if he endorses racial violence, but he can't very well sign the bill and keep up his flirtations with the South. There has to be a way out, lest he end up swallowing the poison pill the liberals shove down his throat. 

For success, Nixon must insert himself into the movement early on. Steal the thunder from any liberals, especially Kennedy, and become an authority on the issue. If he can manage, he'll find another man wrestling with the same predicament. 

Lyndon Johnson's quest for the Presidency has taken him to stranger lands. He's used to breaking bread with northern liberals like Humphrey and kissing the ring on Russell's hand the next. This new bill presents him with a problem. How is he supposed to champion the legacy of Eleanor Roosevelt, while being cheered on by a man like King, and still plead for the support of the South in '64? He can't. Working with Nixon, he'll find himself a welcome guest at the White House.

[Bipartisan

Options](https://preview.redd.it/b46zn3u6gqaf1.png?width=2177&format=png&auto=webp&s=fdf40f5aa2032c66a4edca22f46dcf5b122f3298)

[Part 4 (Gameplay 2/2) ➜](https://www.reddit.com/r/TNOmod/comments/1lricz9/development_diary_xxx_yippie_part_44/)

https://redd.it/1lricuh
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Space Race confirmed?
https://redd.it/1lrwqsd
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