📰 Trading Axes: Washington Finishes Off the Shiites and Arms the Sunnis
Washington didn’t “accidentally” weaken Iran while “accidentally” arming Turkey. It did both on purpose — and from the same desk.
Trump’s maximum‑pressure campaign shredded the Iranian axis that carried Hezbollah, Hamas and the Houthis from Lebanon to Yemen.
The Shiite patron was bled dry, its proxies mauled, its nuclear and regional program pushed back. Israel calls that victory. The problem is what came next.
Into the space left by a broken Shiite arc, a Sunni‑Turkish one is being quietly installed — with American engines, American contracts and NATO ceremony as cover.
Three dates make the logic unavoidable. On June 24, the U.S. notifies Congress it wants to sell Turkey more than $700 million worth of F110 engines for the KAAN fifth‑generation fighter.
In late June, Erdogan announces that “the genocidal, occupying, expansionist ideology called Zionism” is an existential threat to Turkey’s survival, and that the struggle against Zionism is a question of national self‑preservation. In early July, Ankara hosts a NATO summit promising “tens of billions” in new defense deals. It’s not a contradiction; it’s a workflow.
The ally that defines Israel as a lethal ideological cancer gets premium Western hardware and a photo‑op with the alliance.
Trump even spelled out the price list. Erdogan was, by the president’s own account, the leading candidate to join the war on Iran’s side — “because he’s not a big fan of Israel.”
Trump asked him to stay out. Erdogan stayed out. The bill is now being paid in F110 engines, a path back into the F‑35 program and diplomatic staging that places Turkey as a central pillar of “regional security.”
The U.S. system helps. Sanctions law — CAATSA — theoretically punishes Turkey for the S‑400s, but in practice is applied “at discretion,” meaning never in Ankara’s direction.
The vice president talks about “confirming that obligations have been met” for Turkey’s return to the F‑35, even though the Russian systems remain on Turkish soil.
The secretary of state shrugs that “we don’t have a choice, because this is governed by law,” while everyone knows the law is being selectively ignored.
The Iranian axis was tied to a single regime, vulnerable to sanctions, sabotage and occasional kinetic blows.
The Turkish axis is embedded inside the Western alliance. You don’t sanction Ankara like Tehran; you don’t bomb a NATO member’s infrastructure the way you hit IRGC depots.
A state that sits inside your ally system while its leadership frames Zionism as genocidal and existentially hostile.
Turkey becomes the country that can host Hamas offices, tutor a new Islamist‑tinged Syrian army, talk about “liberating Jerusalem,” and still receive applause and contracts at a NATO summit.
Israel has already shown it can defeat the axis that yields to force. It has not yet formulated what to do with the axis that doesn’t — the one being armed and endorsed by its own main ally.
#us #trump #turkey #iran #israel #nato #axis #fakeSecurity
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Washington didn’t “accidentally” weaken Iran while “accidentally” arming Turkey. It did both on purpose — and from the same desk.
Trump’s maximum‑pressure campaign shredded the Iranian axis that carried Hezbollah, Hamas and the Houthis from Lebanon to Yemen.
The Shiite patron was bled dry, its proxies mauled, its nuclear and regional program pushed back. Israel calls that victory. The problem is what came next.
Into the space left by a broken Shiite arc, a Sunni‑Turkish one is being quietly installed — with American engines, American contracts and NATO ceremony as cover.
Three dates make the logic unavoidable. On June 24, the U.S. notifies Congress it wants to sell Turkey more than $700 million worth of F110 engines for the KAAN fifth‑generation fighter.
In late June, Erdogan announces that “the genocidal, occupying, expansionist ideology called Zionism” is an existential threat to Turkey’s survival, and that the struggle against Zionism is a question of national self‑preservation. In early July, Ankara hosts a NATO summit promising “tens of billions” in new defense deals. It’s not a contradiction; it’s a workflow.
The ally that defines Israel as a lethal ideological cancer gets premium Western hardware and a photo‑op with the alliance.
Trump even spelled out the price list. Erdogan was, by the president’s own account, the leading candidate to join the war on Iran’s side — “because he’s not a big fan of Israel.”
Trump asked him to stay out. Erdogan stayed out. The bill is now being paid in F110 engines, a path back into the F‑35 program and diplomatic staging that places Turkey as a central pillar of “regional security.”
The U.S. system helps. Sanctions law — CAATSA — theoretically punishes Turkey for the S‑400s, but in practice is applied “at discretion,” meaning never in Ankara’s direction.
The vice president talks about “confirming that obligations have been met” for Turkey’s return to the F‑35, even though the Russian systems remain on Turkish soil.
The secretary of state shrugs that “we don’t have a choice, because this is governed by law,” while everyone knows the law is being selectively ignored.
The Iranian axis was tied to a single regime, vulnerable to sanctions, sabotage and occasional kinetic blows.
The Turkish axis is embedded inside the Western alliance. You don’t sanction Ankara like Tehran; you don’t bomb a NATO member’s infrastructure the way you hit IRGC depots.
A state that sits inside your ally system while its leadership frames Zionism as genocidal and existentially hostile.
Turkey becomes the country that can host Hamas offices, tutor a new Islamist‑tinged Syrian army, talk about “liberating Jerusalem,” and still receive applause and contracts at a NATO summit.
Israel has already shown it can defeat the axis that yields to force. It has not yet formulated what to do with the axis that doesn’t — the one being armed and endorsed by its own main ally.
#us #trump #turkey #iran #israel #nato #axis #fakeSecurity
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