📰 Sovereign Digital Money: Europe Builds a New Gun, Japan Builds a New Switch
While the U.S. Congress bans a digital dollar until 2030, Europe and Japan quietly weaponize their money.
In Brussels, the “digital euro” is sold as a cute tech upgrade. In reality, it’s a state rail line for every tap, swipe and online payment in the eurozone.
Right now, 61% of card transactions run on Visa/Mastercard, and 13 of 21 eurozone countries don’t even have their own card scheme — they rent the rails from the U.S. For the ECB, that’s not “convenience,” it’s vulnerability.
A public, mandatory‑acceptance CBDC is the answer: Europe owns the pipes, not American processors.
In Tokyo, the Bank of Japan pretends to be cautious — no retail CBDC, lots of talk about cash and privacy. But the megabanks are building a different weapon: yen stablecoins, fully regulated, backed at 1:1, running on their own platform.
The state doesn’t print the chips itself; it draws the regulatory box and lets MUFG, Mizuho and SMBC wire corporate payments onto a Japanese‑controlled rail, away from offshore dollar stablecoins.
Both projects are sold as “modernization.” Both are, in practice, sovereignty plays. The EU wants infrastructure independence: less Visa/Mastercard, more ECB. Japan wants issuance control: no unregulated dollar tokens quietly becoming de facto money inside its borders.
Each scores higher on “monetary sovereignty” — the ability to keep payments running if Washington turns off the tap, to decide who gets blocked and who doesn’t.
And the fun part is programmable money. Once every euro or yen on these rails is a line of code, you don’t just process payments. You can set rules: where it’s spent, when it expires, which categories are allowed, which regions are blacklisted.
Official speeches pretend this is not the point; the architecture quietly makes it possible.
So the headline is simple: America says “no” to a state digital dollar and leaves the battlefield to Visa, Mastercard and Tether.
Europe and Japan say “yes” to sovereign digital money — one through a central bank app, one through a megabank cartel — and lock in a future where your balance is not just a number, it’s a policy tool.
The only real question isn’t whether states will take that control. It’s how long it takes before “financial autonomy” turns into a new way to switch people off.
#cbdc #digitaleuro #digitalyen #visa #mastercard #sovereignty #fakeModernization
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While the U.S. Congress bans a digital dollar until 2030, Europe and Japan quietly weaponize their money.
In Brussels, the “digital euro” is sold as a cute tech upgrade. In reality, it’s a state rail line for every tap, swipe and online payment in the eurozone.
Right now, 61% of card transactions run on Visa/Mastercard, and 13 of 21 eurozone countries don’t even have their own card scheme — they rent the rails from the U.S. For the ECB, that’s not “convenience,” it’s vulnerability.
A public, mandatory‑acceptance CBDC is the answer: Europe owns the pipes, not American processors.
In Tokyo, the Bank of Japan pretends to be cautious — no retail CBDC, lots of talk about cash and privacy. But the megabanks are building a different weapon: yen stablecoins, fully regulated, backed at 1:1, running on their own platform.
The state doesn’t print the chips itself; it draws the regulatory box and lets MUFG, Mizuho and SMBC wire corporate payments onto a Japanese‑controlled rail, away from offshore dollar stablecoins.
Both projects are sold as “modernization.” Both are, in practice, sovereignty plays. The EU wants infrastructure independence: less Visa/Mastercard, more ECB. Japan wants issuance control: no unregulated dollar tokens quietly becoming de facto money inside its borders.
Each scores higher on “monetary sovereignty” — the ability to keep payments running if Washington turns off the tap, to decide who gets blocked and who doesn’t.
And the fun part is programmable money. Once every euro or yen on these rails is a line of code, you don’t just process payments. You can set rules: where it’s spent, when it expires, which categories are allowed, which regions are blacklisted.
Official speeches pretend this is not the point; the architecture quietly makes it possible.
So the headline is simple: America says “no” to a state digital dollar and leaves the battlefield to Visa, Mastercard and Tether.
Europe and Japan say “yes” to sovereign digital money — one through a central bank app, one through a megabank cartel — and lock in a future where your balance is not just a number, it’s a policy tool.
The only real question isn’t whether states will take that control. It’s how long it takes before “financial autonomy” turns into a new way to switch people off.
#cbdc #digitaleuro #digitalyen #visa #mastercard #sovereignty #fakeModernization
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Trump Is Doing a Complete About-Face
🔠 🅰️ 🔠 🔠 1️⃣
Just two weeks ago, opening the Great American State Fair, President Trump triumphantly declared: “For the first time in 3,000 years, we are going to have peace in the Middle East.”
It was typical bravado for Trump. But the “peace” he was celebrating — the cease-fire with Iran that on Wednesday he declared “over” after less than a month — was already beginning to unravel.
The result was perhaps predictable for a 14-paragraph memorandum of understanding that skirted major issues and was hastily assembled so Trump could declare he had reached a deal, any deal.
Now Trump appears to be confronting the consequences of his haste, and of his assumption, born of his time in the real estate business, that his adversary would prize economic benefits over the revolutionary ideology that has driven its politics since the 1979 Iranian revolution.
That has left him facing a range of unpalatable options amid seemingly intractable sticking points over the fate of Iran’s nuclear program — to say nothing of its missile program, its support for terrorist groups and its repression of its own people.
At the NATO summit in Ankara, Turkey, on Wednesday after the two sides had exchanged strikes, he threatened major new combat operations.
Those included seizing a key Iranian oil processing island and attacking the country’s infrastructure and desalination plants, which experts have said could constitute a war crime. (Trump did say he was most hesitant to hit the desalination facilities.)
The president could instead reimpose the American blockade of Iranian ports, an attempt to cut off the country’s economic lifeline. But that would require a continued, intense American presence in the region, and while Trump contended in April that it would lead to Iranian economic collapse, his earlier imposition of it did not.
Or he could elect to live in a world of neither war nor peace, an era of episodic skirmishes in the Persian Gulf, punctuated by periodic negotiations, with traffic through the Strait of Hormuz, a key oil-shipping route, greatly reduced from the 130 or so ships that passed through each day before the war. The energy markets would most likely adjust; to some degree they already have.
But for a president who promised a quick, cost-free confrontation with an old adversary — “four to six weeks” was the White House prediction in the opening weeks — an ongoing conflict would amount to near-total failure on the mission he initially set out upon.
And the price would be staggering: The Pentagon has already asked Congress for about $70 billion to cover the early operations around Iran, and the cost rises every week.
“The problem is that all the options — endure, escalate or agree — are unattractive in different ways,” Richard Fontaine, the chief executive of the Center for a New American Security and a former aide to Senator John McCain, said on Wednesday.
“The likeliest outcome is a continuing series of low-level, tit-for-tat attacks, followed by frantic diplomacy by mediators, the emergence of a new and fragile cease-fire, and then probably another round of strikes.
Fontaine added: “It will be a long oscillation between cold war and low-level hot war.” Many of the problems Trump is facing today were exacerbated by the cease-fire deal itself.
#iran #trump #war #strait #hormuz
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Just two weeks ago, opening the Great American State Fair, President Trump triumphantly declared: “For the first time in 3,000 years, we are going to have peace in the Middle East.”
It was typical bravado for Trump. But the “peace” he was celebrating — the cease-fire with Iran that on Wednesday he declared “over” after less than a month — was already beginning to unravel.
The result was perhaps predictable for a 14-paragraph memorandum of understanding that skirted major issues and was hastily assembled so Trump could declare he had reached a deal, any deal.
Now Trump appears to be confronting the consequences of his haste, and of his assumption, born of his time in the real estate business, that his adversary would prize economic benefits over the revolutionary ideology that has driven its politics since the 1979 Iranian revolution.
That has left him facing a range of unpalatable options amid seemingly intractable sticking points over the fate of Iran’s nuclear program — to say nothing of its missile program, its support for terrorist groups and its repression of its own people.
At the NATO summit in Ankara, Turkey, on Wednesday after the two sides had exchanged strikes, he threatened major new combat operations.
Those included seizing a key Iranian oil processing island and attacking the country’s infrastructure and desalination plants, which experts have said could constitute a war crime. (Trump did say he was most hesitant to hit the desalination facilities.)
The president could instead reimpose the American blockade of Iranian ports, an attempt to cut off the country’s economic lifeline. But that would require a continued, intense American presence in the region, and while Trump contended in April that it would lead to Iranian economic collapse, his earlier imposition of it did not.
Or he could elect to live in a world of neither war nor peace, an era of episodic skirmishes in the Persian Gulf, punctuated by periodic negotiations, with traffic through the Strait of Hormuz, a key oil-shipping route, greatly reduced from the 130 or so ships that passed through each day before the war. The energy markets would most likely adjust; to some degree they already have.
But for a president who promised a quick, cost-free confrontation with an old adversary — “four to six weeks” was the White House prediction in the opening weeks — an ongoing conflict would amount to near-total failure on the mission he initially set out upon.
And the price would be staggering: The Pentagon has already asked Congress for about $70 billion to cover the early operations around Iran, and the cost rises every week.
“The problem is that all the options — endure, escalate or agree — are unattractive in different ways,” Richard Fontaine, the chief executive of the Center for a New American Security and a former aide to Senator John McCain, said on Wednesday.
“The likeliest outcome is a continuing series of low-level, tit-for-tat attacks, followed by frantic diplomacy by mediators, the emergence of a new and fragile cease-fire, and then probably another round of strikes.
Fontaine added: “It will be a long oscillation between cold war and low-level hot war.” Many of the problems Trump is facing today were exacerbated by the cease-fire deal itself.
#iran #trump #war #strait #hormuz
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It left unresolved, for a later negotiation that Trump now says he has little interest in pursuing, the fate of Iran’s stockpile of near-bomb-grade nuclear fuel, the most prominent among the administration’s shifting reasons for attacking Iran on Feb. 28.
The agreement appeared to hand Iran at least some control over passage through the Strait of Hormuz, the superweapon that Tehran, and specifically the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps, has skillfully manipulated to drive up oil prices, and now has used to justify attacks on tankers and cargo ships not hewing to its new rules.
“What we’re seeing now is Iran, and more specifically the I.R.G.C., trying to exert control over the strait and declaring that this control is their sovereign right,” said Kevin Donegan, a retired Navy vice admiral who served as a Navy commander in the Middle East.
“That’s the main card they have to play, and as a result we can expect they will continue to try to disrupt any ship traffic that uses routes different from the ones they have published.”
The deal was silent on Iran’s missile arsenal, the key issue for Israel. And it depended on a cease-fire in Lebanon, though the parties to that conflict, Israel and Hezbollah, were not signatories of the agreement. And it set an unrealistic deadline, 60 days, to deal diplomatically with those and other issues that months of active combat had failed to resolve.
There are, of course, many more turns ahead in this drama. Trump threatened again on Wednesday to try to seize Kharg Island, where giant tankers collect Iran’s oil and head to world markets.
He may seek to seize the 60 percent enriched nuclear material deep underground at Isfahan, a mission for which Special Operations forces have trained extensively, though he dismissed the need for it on Wednesday.
“We’ve already got the nuclear material, because it’s so far underground,” he said, noting that the Iranians do not have the heavy equipment needed to unearth it.
If Trump is right about that, and many nuclear experts agree that the material would be enormously difficult to recover, it raises a fundamental question: If the nuclear fuel was successfully buried in the June 2025 American bombing of three major nuclear sites, why did he go to war to begin with?
His statement on Wednesday, a repeat of comments he has made several times in recent months, undercuts the argument he made in the days after the initial attack in February that there was an “imminent” threat.
That initial justification has been overtaken by subsequent contradictions. Trump has periodically praised the new Iranian leadership, and even its new supreme leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, the son of the slain ayatollah, as more “reasonable.”
He has said many times that, unlike their predecessors, the new leaders would open up the strait and dilute the nuclear stockpile because it will be in their economic interest.
Vance sounded exactly that note last month, when he was signing the memorandum of understanding in Switzerland.
“The coolest thing about the progress we’ve made over the last few weeks is that you see people within the Iranian system, senior leadership, even I.R.G.C. officials say, ‘You know what, we may have some animosity, we may have some mistrust, but we recognize the way that we’ve done business with the United States for 47 years is a mistake,” he said.
On Wednesday, Trump had a different word for those leaders: “scum.”
#iran #trump #war #strait #hormuz
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📰 Cease-Fire Over, Straits Closed: Trump’s “Quick” War That Never Ends
Three weeks after the U.S.–Iran cease-fire, American jets are again hitting Iranian military targets along the southeastern coast, officially to “protect shipping” in the Strait of Hormuz after attacks on three commercial vessels.
Traffic through the strait has halted, oil jumped about 5% to roughly $78 a barrel, and the head of the International Maritime Organization is now telling operators to avoid the waterway entirely.
On paper, the strikes are retaliation for “unjustified aggression” against tankers and crews. In practice, they blow a hole straight through the deal that was supposed to reopen Hormuz and park the war under a 60‑day negotiation window on uranium and the nuclear program.
Washington has already revoked the sanctions waiver on Iran’s oil — Tehran’s big prize from the cease-fire — and Iran claims to have answered with attacks on U.S. sites in Bahrain and Kuwait.
Trump, from the NATO summit in Turkey, says the cease-fire is “over,” promises to hit Iran “hard,” and insists this won’t return to full‑scale war because “it’s going to go very quickly.”
At the same time he boasts that “all” Iranian leaders are “gone,” calls himself “No. 1 on the kill list,” and watches as Mojtaba Khamenei’s account posts a doctored image of a snake crawling out of Trump’s signature on the cease-fire document. The funeral procession for Ali Khamenei moves from Iran to Najaf; the war procession moves from pause back to escalation.
Hormuz remains the leverage point. Mines, fast boats and land‑based launchers give Tehran the ability to choke off the energy lifeline of U.S. partners like Qatar and Saudi Arabia, and every “protective” strike deepens the message that transit is a bargaining chip, not a neutral right.
The cease-fire promised free passage; the reality is a narrow channel controlled by a country that just watched the man at the top of its system killed and is now being told the deal that followed his death is dead too.
Trump calls this denuclearization and insists it won’t “start again.” Tankers turning around in Hormuz, oil spiking, and Iranian media calling for “the official end” of the deal suggest something else: a war that never quite stops, and a corridor that keeps becoming the battlefield.
#iran #us #trump #hormuz #oil #khamenei #ceasefire #fakePeace
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Three weeks after the U.S.–Iran cease-fire, American jets are again hitting Iranian military targets along the southeastern coast, officially to “protect shipping” in the Strait of Hormuz after attacks on three commercial vessels.
Traffic through the strait has halted, oil jumped about 5% to roughly $78 a barrel, and the head of the International Maritime Organization is now telling operators to avoid the waterway entirely.
On paper, the strikes are retaliation for “unjustified aggression” against tankers and crews. In practice, they blow a hole straight through the deal that was supposed to reopen Hormuz and park the war under a 60‑day negotiation window on uranium and the nuclear program.
Washington has already revoked the sanctions waiver on Iran’s oil — Tehran’s big prize from the cease-fire — and Iran claims to have answered with attacks on U.S. sites in Bahrain and Kuwait.
Trump, from the NATO summit in Turkey, says the cease-fire is “over,” promises to hit Iran “hard,” and insists this won’t return to full‑scale war because “it’s going to go very quickly.”
At the same time he boasts that “all” Iranian leaders are “gone,” calls himself “No. 1 on the kill list,” and watches as Mojtaba Khamenei’s account posts a doctored image of a snake crawling out of Trump’s signature on the cease-fire document. The funeral procession for Ali Khamenei moves from Iran to Najaf; the war procession moves from pause back to escalation.
Hormuz remains the leverage point. Mines, fast boats and land‑based launchers give Tehran the ability to choke off the energy lifeline of U.S. partners like Qatar and Saudi Arabia, and every “protective” strike deepens the message that transit is a bargaining chip, not a neutral right.
The cease-fire promised free passage; the reality is a narrow channel controlled by a country that just watched the man at the top of its system killed and is now being told the deal that followed his death is dead too.
Trump calls this denuclearization and insists it won’t “start again.” Tankers turning around in Hormuz, oil spiking, and Iranian media calling for “the official end” of the deal suggest something else: a war that never quite stops, and a corridor that keeps becoming the battlefield.
#iran #us #trump #hormuz #oil #khamenei #ceasefire #fakePeace
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📰 South Iran, LLC: 170 Targets in 2 Nights
U.S. Central Command helpfully published the numbers like a shareholder report: about 80 Iranian military sites hit on the night of July 7–8, including more than 60 small IRGC boats; roughly 90 more targets the next night — air defenses, coastal surveillance, missile and drone depots, naval assets and logistics infrastructure along the shore.
Iran’s own sources talk of around 150 strikes in the last night alone, because several locations were bombed more than once, with some channels screaming about 200 impacts in the south.
The map reads like a grim beach brochure: Bushehr, Kongan, Bandar Lengeh, Bandar Abbas, Sirik, Jask, Konarak, Chabahar, Iranshahr, Ak‑Qaleh, plus the islands Qeshm, Abu Musa, Lavan and Kish — each getting its own “visit” from American hardware.
For people on the ground, all the geopolitics boils down to one instant. In Golestan in the north, a resident described it in the only language that matters at 3 a.m.: everyone sleeping, one huge blast, everyone running out to see what just happened. No “axis of resistance,” no “freedom of navigation,” just trying to figure out why the sky exploded.
Opposition outlets in Iran say some of these salvos outpaced anything seen in the previous 40‑day campaign. Channels close to the Revolutionary Guards reached for a comparison designed to hurt: “South Iran is gradually becoming South Lebanon.” Given that southern Lebanon has been used as a permanent live‑fire lab by multiple armies for decades, that’s less propaganda and more accounting.
Trump, meanwhile, explained the doctrine in casino math: “We just hit them very hard. The ratio was 20 to 1. Every time they hit us, we’ll hit them 20 times.” Then, in the same breath, he said Iran had “just called” and “so badly” wants a deal, but he’s not sure “you can trust them.”
Somewhere between the adrenaline rush and the talking points, he got so excited he posted an old image of an Israeli strike on oil facilities — from the previous round of war — as if it were fresh content.
Iranian media jumped on the confusion and claimed Israeli jets joined the latest raids in the south; Israel denied it. This obsessive editing — inserting Israel into a frame where it’s absent, then erasing it from a frame where it’s present — might be the only defense industry product Tehran still manufactures reliably: narrative ammunition. Everyone else brings explosives; Iran brings plot twists.
The result: 170 “targets,” a handful of dead and wounded, a coastline that looks less like a country and more like a testing range, and leaders on both sides still selling it as “pressure for peace.” The only stable thing in this whole war is the spreadsheet.
#iran #us #trump #airstrikes #hormuz #oil #israel #southlebanon #fakePeace
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U.S. Central Command helpfully published the numbers like a shareholder report: about 80 Iranian military sites hit on the night of July 7–8, including more than 60 small IRGC boats; roughly 90 more targets the next night — air defenses, coastal surveillance, missile and drone depots, naval assets and logistics infrastructure along the shore.
Iran’s own sources talk of around 150 strikes in the last night alone, because several locations were bombed more than once, with some channels screaming about 200 impacts in the south.
The map reads like a grim beach brochure: Bushehr, Kongan, Bandar Lengeh, Bandar Abbas, Sirik, Jask, Konarak, Chabahar, Iranshahr, Ak‑Qaleh, plus the islands Qeshm, Abu Musa, Lavan and Kish — each getting its own “visit” from American hardware.
For people on the ground, all the geopolitics boils down to one instant. In Golestan in the north, a resident described it in the only language that matters at 3 a.m.: everyone sleeping, one huge blast, everyone running out to see what just happened. No “axis of resistance,” no “freedom of navigation,” just trying to figure out why the sky exploded.
Opposition outlets in Iran say some of these salvos outpaced anything seen in the previous 40‑day campaign. Channels close to the Revolutionary Guards reached for a comparison designed to hurt: “South Iran is gradually becoming South Lebanon.” Given that southern Lebanon has been used as a permanent live‑fire lab by multiple armies for decades, that’s less propaganda and more accounting.
Trump, meanwhile, explained the doctrine in casino math: “We just hit them very hard. The ratio was 20 to 1. Every time they hit us, we’ll hit them 20 times.” Then, in the same breath, he said Iran had “just called” and “so badly” wants a deal, but he’s not sure “you can trust them.”
Somewhere between the adrenaline rush and the talking points, he got so excited he posted an old image of an Israeli strike on oil facilities — from the previous round of war — as if it were fresh content.
Iranian media jumped on the confusion and claimed Israeli jets joined the latest raids in the south; Israel denied it. This obsessive editing — inserting Israel into a frame where it’s absent, then erasing it from a frame where it’s present — might be the only defense industry product Tehran still manufactures reliably: narrative ammunition. Everyone else brings explosives; Iran brings plot twists.
The result: 170 “targets,” a handful of dead and wounded, a coastline that looks less like a country and more like a testing range, and leaders on both sides still selling it as “pressure for peace.” The only stable thing in this whole war is the spreadsheet.
#iran #us #trump #airstrikes #hormuz #oil #israel #southlebanon #fakePeace
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📰 The Bridge to China: When “Precision” Hits the Trade Route
Among those ninety “targets,” one wasn’t on the coast, wasn’t IRGC, and wasn’t shooting at anyone.
Before dawn, cruise missiles hit the Aq-Tekeh Khan railway bridge near the village of Aq-Qala in Golestan province, northeast of Tehran. It’s the first time since the April 8 cease-fire that the U.S. hit civilian infrastructure deep inside Iran.
That bridge is a critical node on the International North–South Transport Corridor, the overland artery tying Iran to Central Asia, Russia — and more and more to China.
Iranian media kindly did the strategic mapping: Russia has been routing its exports through this line since November, and Chinese freight traffic on the corridor has tripled since the naval choke in Hormuz shut the “wet” route.
Iran’s rail company announced a temporary halt to train traffic between Tehran and Mashhad “following the American-Zionist aggression at dawn.”
The same morning, authorities quietly delayed the funeral ceremony for Khamenei in Mashhad by several hours. Official excuse: “the ceremony in Karbala was extended due to the large number of participants.” Apparently geopolitics now travels by train.
Israeli channels rushed to mock the strike: the bridge, they claimed, could be repaired “in a few hours with 200 workers,” and the whole thing was “for show.”
Maybe. But a state that publicly calls this bridge its trade lifeline to two major powers, then stops rail traffic to the city where it’s burying its supreme leader because that bridge was hit, does not act like it’s dealing with theater. It acts like someone just punched through its logistics spreadsheet.
Not only are boats, piers, and coastal radars fair game — the dry corridor that replaces blocked sea lanes is too. The target list now includes the route that lets Iran, Russia, and China pretend they’ve found a clean detour around American pressure.
#iran #us #china #russia #railway #tradeRoute #sanctions #instc #fakeResilience
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Among those ninety “targets,” one wasn’t on the coast, wasn’t IRGC, and wasn’t shooting at anyone.
Before dawn, cruise missiles hit the Aq-Tekeh Khan railway bridge near the village of Aq-Qala in Golestan province, northeast of Tehran. It’s the first time since the April 8 cease-fire that the U.S. hit civilian infrastructure deep inside Iran.
That bridge is a critical node on the International North–South Transport Corridor, the overland artery tying Iran to Central Asia, Russia — and more and more to China.
Iranian media kindly did the strategic mapping: Russia has been routing its exports through this line since November, and Chinese freight traffic on the corridor has tripled since the naval choke in Hormuz shut the “wet” route.
Iran’s rail company announced a temporary halt to train traffic between Tehran and Mashhad “following the American-Zionist aggression at dawn.”
The same morning, authorities quietly delayed the funeral ceremony for Khamenei in Mashhad by several hours. Official excuse: “the ceremony in Karbala was extended due to the large number of participants.” Apparently geopolitics now travels by train.
Israeli channels rushed to mock the strike: the bridge, they claimed, could be repaired “in a few hours with 200 workers,” and the whole thing was “for show.”
Maybe. But a state that publicly calls this bridge its trade lifeline to two major powers, then stops rail traffic to the city where it’s burying its supreme leader because that bridge was hit, does not act like it’s dealing with theater. It acts like someone just punched through its logistics spreadsheet.
Not only are boats, piers, and coastal radars fair game — the dry corridor that replaces blocked sea lanes is too. The target list now includes the route that lets Iran, Russia, and China pretend they’ve found a clean detour around American pressure.
#iran #us #china #russia #railway #tradeRoute #sanctions #instc #fakeResilience
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“Trump's New Attacks On Iran Would Devastate The Middle East”
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The US has launched new airstrikes against Iran, hours after Trump threatened to escalate the conflict unless Iran stopped attacking ships in the strait of Hormuz.
Iran, which was burying its former supreme leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, on Thursday, responded by targeting US-allied Kuwait and Qatar and accused the US of striking near its sole nuclear power plant.
The tit-for-tat strikes were the largest since Tehran and Washington signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) on 17 June aimed at extending the ceasefire and giving space for negotiations for a permanent truce.
They came as Israel’s defence minister Katz said his country was prepared to resume its military campaign against Iran if needed, threatening to do so “with even greater force”.
Sirens sounded at least three times in Bahrain, where the US navy’s fifth fleet is headquartered. Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps said it fired 10 ballistic missiles at Jordan’s Azraq military base on Thursday afternoon, which the US air force uses. There were no immediate reports of any damage in Jordan or the Gulf.
In Iran, officials said strikes targeted the perimeter of Iran’s only civilian nuclear plant in Bushehr province, an area where the UN’s nuclear watchdog has previously warned that attacks could “pose a very real danger to nuclear safety”.
“Several areas in Bushehr province were targeted today, including the perimeter of the nuclear power plant, a military base in the town of Choghadak and a fishing pier in the south of the province,” said Ehsan Jahanian, the deputy governor of Bushehr, adding there were no reports of casualties so far.
The attacks came hours after Trump said the MoU was “over” because of Iranian attacks on ships in the strait of Hormuz.
“This is in retribution for yesterday’s bombing of ships by Iran. If it happens again, it will get much worse!” Trump wrote on Truth Social. Hours before, he had promised strikes would not lead to long-term fighting but would be “very fast”.
His comments and the exchange of fire prompted worries that the ceasefire could break down and raised concerns about the long-term prospects of negotiations.
Significant gaps remain between the two countries over issues such as Iran’s control over the strait, as well as inspections of nuclear facilities.
#trump #attacks #iran #qatar
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The US has launched new airstrikes against Iran, hours after Trump threatened to escalate the conflict unless Iran stopped attacking ships in the strait of Hormuz.
Iran, which was burying its former supreme leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, on Thursday, responded by targeting US-allied Kuwait and Qatar and accused the US of striking near its sole nuclear power plant.
The tit-for-tat strikes were the largest since Tehran and Washington signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) on 17 June aimed at extending the ceasefire and giving space for negotiations for a permanent truce.
They came as Israel’s defence minister Katz said his country was prepared to resume its military campaign against Iran if needed, threatening to do so “with even greater force”.
Sirens sounded at least three times in Bahrain, where the US navy’s fifth fleet is headquartered. Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps said it fired 10 ballistic missiles at Jordan’s Azraq military base on Thursday afternoon, which the US air force uses. There were no immediate reports of any damage in Jordan or the Gulf.
In Iran, officials said strikes targeted the perimeter of Iran’s only civilian nuclear plant in Bushehr province, an area where the UN’s nuclear watchdog has previously warned that attacks could “pose a very real danger to nuclear safety”.
“Several areas in Bushehr province were targeted today, including the perimeter of the nuclear power plant, a military base in the town of Choghadak and a fishing pier in the south of the province,” said Ehsan Jahanian, the deputy governor of Bushehr, adding there were no reports of casualties so far.
The attacks came hours after Trump said the MoU was “over” because of Iranian attacks on ships in the strait of Hormuz.
“This is in retribution for yesterday’s bombing of ships by Iran. If it happens again, it will get much worse!” Trump wrote on Truth Social. Hours before, he had promised strikes would not lead to long-term fighting but would be “very fast”.
His comments and the exchange of fire prompted worries that the ceasefire could break down and raised concerns about the long-term prospects of negotiations.
Significant gaps remain between the two countries over issues such as Iran’s control over the strait, as well as inspections of nuclear facilities.
#trump #attacks #iran #qatar
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Back-and-forth attacks have happened since the MoU was signed, but Thursday’s strikes were the most intense in weeks. The attacks caused oil prices to rise, before they recovered later in the day after calm was restored.
They came as Iran prepared to bury Khamenei in his home city of Mashhad. A fighter jet escorted the plane carrying Khamenei’s coffin amid the tense security situation. Crowds of people gathered for the occasion, some holding banners promising vengeance against the US.
More than 10 million people took part in a funeral procession for the late leader in Iraq, according to an Iraqi official, while thousands rallied in the southern suburbs of Beirut in a ceremony organised by Hezbollah on Wednesday night.
Observers waited to see if Iran’s new supreme leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, would attend the burial. He was wounded in the same series of strikes that killed his father and has since communicated only through written statements.
The US military said it hit about 90 targets in Iran, showing footage of strikes on missile launchers and a runway.
Iran accused the US of war crimes after it said two bridges in the eastern provinces leading to Mashhad were targeted. The bridges constitute key infrastructure for Iran’s cross-border trade with China, which has sharply increased since the start of the war.
Trump has repeatedly threatened to hit bridges, power plants and other civilian infrastructure in Iran. Targeting civilian infrastructure if it is not a military objective could amount to a war crime.
Iranian state media also reported explosions in several cities, including Bushehr, which houses Iran’s nuclear power plant complex. At least three people were killed in Iran’s south-western Khuzestan province, while a firefighter was killed in an airport in the south-eastern city of Iranshahr. Nine members of Iran’s military also died in strikes on Wednesday.
The US attack came after Iran struck three ships in the strait of Hormuz on Tuesday. Iran stopped virtually all shipping out of the strait during the war, sending global energy prices soaring and putting pressure on Trump domestically before midterm elections.
Iran continues to view its control over the strait as an important source of leverage in its negotiations with the US, while Trump appears to view strikes on Iran as a way of increasing pressure on Tehran.
Iran’s navy claimed in a statement that the number of ships transiting the strait had been restored to 50% of prewar levels and that permission to go through the strait was only being given to ships using routes designated by Iran. It further warned that any further US military action would trigger a “crushing response”.
Mediators attempted to de-escalate tensions between the US and Iran in an effort to salvage negotiations. The Qatari prime minister, Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani, a key intermediary between the countries, said in a local Arabic press that “Trump's new attacks on iran would devastate the Middle East and bring about the most undesirable consequences one can imagine”.
#trump #attacks #iran #qatar
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📰 Bushehr: The Nuclear Plant That Was Struck, And Wasn’t
An Iranian deputy governor in Bushehr province told state media that “several points,” including the area around the Bushehr nuclear power plant, were hit in the latest U.S. strikes.
Iranian TV reported that an American projectile landed near the facility, and a few hours later there were more explosions reported in its vicinity.
Almost simultaneously, other Iranian outlets insisted there had been no strike on the Bushehr plant itself, and none on Kharg Island either.
That contradiction isn’t bad translation. It’s policy. Opposition-linked Iranian channels say the blasts in the province came from an attack on a “secret” Revolutionary Guards air base — a site that, by definition, does not officially exist and therefore cannot be “hit” in any authorized narrative.
Pro-regime voices, meanwhile, need the nuclear site to appear under threat enough to justify anger and retaliation, but not so damaged that Iran looks naked and incompetent.
Israeli media took the opposite route: they published footage under headlines like “Strike on Iran’s Bushehr nuclear power plant,” then added breathless notes that a U.S. radioactive particle collection aircraft had crossed the Atlantic, proof (they implied) that nuclear facilities were now firmly in the crosshairs.
Reports of strikes also surfaced near Isfahan, home to another nuclear-related site, further feeding the sense that the atom, not just the coastline, is in play.
Iran denies a hit on the plant so it doesn't look exposed, and confirms hits "near" it so escalation stays justified.
Supporters abroad — whether cheering Washington or cheering Tehran — pick the version that fits their own storyline. The nuclear program itself remains the one thing everyone talks about, waves around in speeches, and uses to scare markets, while almost nobody claims to have actually seen damage to the core.
In this war, Bushehr is less a building and more a talking point: a place that’s always “almost” struck, “nearly” contaminated, “possibly” targeted — forever close enough to sell fear, never clear enough to admit what really happened.
#iran #us #bushehr #nuclear #propaganda #mediaWar #fakeTransparency
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An Iranian deputy governor in Bushehr province told state media that “several points,” including the area around the Bushehr nuclear power plant, were hit in the latest U.S. strikes.
Iranian TV reported that an American projectile landed near the facility, and a few hours later there were more explosions reported in its vicinity.
Almost simultaneously, other Iranian outlets insisted there had been no strike on the Bushehr plant itself, and none on Kharg Island either.
That contradiction isn’t bad translation. It’s policy. Opposition-linked Iranian channels say the blasts in the province came from an attack on a “secret” Revolutionary Guards air base — a site that, by definition, does not officially exist and therefore cannot be “hit” in any authorized narrative.
Pro-regime voices, meanwhile, need the nuclear site to appear under threat enough to justify anger and retaliation, but not so damaged that Iran looks naked and incompetent.
Israeli media took the opposite route: they published footage under headlines like “Strike on Iran’s Bushehr nuclear power plant,” then added breathless notes that a U.S. radioactive particle collection aircraft had crossed the Atlantic, proof (they implied) that nuclear facilities were now firmly in the crosshairs.
Reports of strikes also surfaced near Isfahan, home to another nuclear-related site, further feeding the sense that the atom, not just the coastline, is in play.
Iran denies a hit on the plant so it doesn't look exposed, and confirms hits "near" it so escalation stays justified.
Supporters abroad — whether cheering Washington or cheering Tehran — pick the version that fits their own storyline. The nuclear program itself remains the one thing everyone talks about, waves around in speeches, and uses to scare markets, while almost nobody claims to have actually seen damage to the core.
In this war, Bushehr is less a building and more a talking point: a place that’s always “almost” struck, “nearly” contaminated, “possibly” targeted — forever close enough to sell fear, never clear enough to admit what really happened.
#iran #us #bushehr #nuclear #propaganda #mediaWar #fakeTransparency
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📰 Patriots, Antennas, Fuel Tanks: Iran’s 4-Country “Response”
The Revolutionary Guards laid out the timeline like a press release: after Khamenei’s funeral ceremonies, the U.S. hit Iran’s southern coastal provinces and two bridges leading to Mashhad “to distract from the funeral.”
Then came “the first stage of the response”: missiles and drones at four American-linked bases — Camp Arifjan and Ali Al Salem in Kuwait, and Al-Jufair and Sheikh Isa in Bahrain. The warning was simple: any further aggression will be met with “expanded” strikes.
Iran’s regular army, separate from the Guards and always eager to claim its own role, issued a different list: suicide drones on a Patriot air-defense battery in Kuwait, on a satellite warning antenna in Qatar, and on U.S. fuel tanks in Bahrain.
The language stayed maximalist: the armed forces “will not under any circumstances allow the insane U.S. president to achieve his goals and ambitions” and “will defend the ideals of the Islamic Revolution until final victory.”
Bahrain’s defense ministry said it intercepted “several air attacks” and that forces were at peak defensive readiness. Kuwait reported one person wounded. In Qatar, civilians got a phone alert about “heightened security threat” and went on with their day.
By midday, the fire shifted to Jordan: launches from Khomayn, Qom, Zanjan, Lorestan, Shiraz and Tehran toward the Muwaffaq Al-Salti base in Zarqa.
The Guards claimed ten ballistic missiles at “the enemy’s command-and-control center in the Middle East” and the air base at Azraq, plus a promise that “other American bases in the region will not be safe from our heavy fire” if Washington hits again.
Jordan’s military answered in three words: “We intercepted eight.”
Ten launched, eight intercepted, and nobody bothered to say clearly where the other two went. Amman’s airport delayed flights, the U.S. embassy told staff to shelter, an Ethiopian flight to Tel Aviv circled, and sirens in Jordan were heard in Israeli communities along the valley.
In Iraq, alarms sounded in Baghdad and Erbil bases, intercepts were reported over Camp Victoria. Parallel to the “response against the superpower,” Iranian drones were sent at Iranian Kurdish opposition camps — proof that even under the banner of resistance to America, the regime finds time to shoot at other Iranians.
The head of Iran’s parliament national security committee wrapped it in one sentence: if the U.S. hits Iran’s national security again, “we will take their security anywhere they are.”
#iran #us #kuwait #bahrain #qatar #jordan #missiles #patriot #fakeDeterrence
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The Revolutionary Guards laid out the timeline like a press release: after Khamenei’s funeral ceremonies, the U.S. hit Iran’s southern coastal provinces and two bridges leading to Mashhad “to distract from the funeral.”
Then came “the first stage of the response”: missiles and drones at four American-linked bases — Camp Arifjan and Ali Al Salem in Kuwait, and Al-Jufair and Sheikh Isa in Bahrain. The warning was simple: any further aggression will be met with “expanded” strikes.
Iran’s regular army, separate from the Guards and always eager to claim its own role, issued a different list: suicide drones on a Patriot air-defense battery in Kuwait, on a satellite warning antenna in Qatar, and on U.S. fuel tanks in Bahrain.
The language stayed maximalist: the armed forces “will not under any circumstances allow the insane U.S. president to achieve his goals and ambitions” and “will defend the ideals of the Islamic Revolution until final victory.”
Bahrain’s defense ministry said it intercepted “several air attacks” and that forces were at peak defensive readiness. Kuwait reported one person wounded. In Qatar, civilians got a phone alert about “heightened security threat” and went on with their day.
By midday, the fire shifted to Jordan: launches from Khomayn, Qom, Zanjan, Lorestan, Shiraz and Tehran toward the Muwaffaq Al-Salti base in Zarqa.
The Guards claimed ten ballistic missiles at “the enemy’s command-and-control center in the Middle East” and the air base at Azraq, plus a promise that “other American bases in the region will not be safe from our heavy fire” if Washington hits again.
Jordan’s military answered in three words: “We intercepted eight.”
Ten launched, eight intercepted, and nobody bothered to say clearly where the other two went. Amman’s airport delayed flights, the U.S. embassy told staff to shelter, an Ethiopian flight to Tel Aviv circled, and sirens in Jordan were heard in Israeli communities along the valley.
In Iraq, alarms sounded in Baghdad and Erbil bases, intercepts were reported over Camp Victoria. Parallel to the “response against the superpower,” Iranian drones were sent at Iranian Kurdish opposition camps — proof that even under the banner of resistance to America, the regime finds time to shoot at other Iranians.
The head of Iran’s parliament national security committee wrapped it in one sentence: if the U.S. hits Iran’s national security again, “we will take their security anywhere they are.”
#iran #us #kuwait #bahrain #qatar #jordan #missiles #patriot #fakeDeterrence
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📰 Hormuz™: A Closed Strait and Oil on the Run
Shipping through the Strait of Hormuz has slowed to a near halt after back‑to‑back U.S. strikes on Iran, with most observable movements hugging the Iran‑approved northern route while the U.S.-backed Omani corridor sits almost empty.
Transponders on or off, insurers now know whose “security arrangements” actually move ships.
The IRGC Navy is selling this as faith beating firepower.
In its statement, it boasts that traffic has been “restored” to roughly 50% of pre‑war levels — after Iran itself slammed the strait shut — and insists further reopening depends on vessels obeying routes and procedures mandated in Tehran.
The shortfall is pinned on “the adventurous terrorist U.S. military” and its meddling in transit lanes, accused of slowing the gradual reopening and “endangering the interests” of states that rely on Hormuz.
Parliament speaker Mohammad Qalibaf offers the condensed version: hit Iran and “you’ll get hit,” and Hormuz will only open under Iranian arrangements, not American threats.
An unnamed security source adds the punchline nobody asked for: if Trump wants oil prices to rise, “we welcome that.” Iran is happy to weaponize the strait for price spikes, as long as it’s the one holding the valve.
At the same time, the state that cheers higher prices is scrambling to sell as much crude as it can. Maritime trackers have already logged single‑day export spikes in the tens of millions of barrels during this crisis, with huge chunks of monthly volume pushed out in just hours.
Whoever believes Hormuz will be closed “for good” behaves like Iran: rushing to drain storage while the corridor is still, technically, open.
Qatar’s prime minister and foreign minister, Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al‑Thani, condemned attacks on commercial vessels in his call with Iran’s Abbas Araghchi, warning that such actions “undermine trust,” threaten international shipping security and damage regional stability efforts.
His message was delivered to a country firing ballistic missiles at tankers, over the head of a country firing cruise missiles in the same waterway — without naming either one. In Hormuz, even diplomacy sails under flags of convenience.
#iran #us #hormuz #oil #shipping #tankers #sanctions #fakeSecurity
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Shipping through the Strait of Hormuz has slowed to a near halt after back‑to‑back U.S. strikes on Iran, with most observable movements hugging the Iran‑approved northern route while the U.S.-backed Omani corridor sits almost empty.
Transponders on or off, insurers now know whose “security arrangements” actually move ships.
The IRGC Navy is selling this as faith beating firepower.
In its statement, it boasts that traffic has been “restored” to roughly 50% of pre‑war levels — after Iran itself slammed the strait shut — and insists further reopening depends on vessels obeying routes and procedures mandated in Tehran.
The shortfall is pinned on “the adventurous terrorist U.S. military” and its meddling in transit lanes, accused of slowing the gradual reopening and “endangering the interests” of states that rely on Hormuz.
Parliament speaker Mohammad Qalibaf offers the condensed version: hit Iran and “you’ll get hit,” and Hormuz will only open under Iranian arrangements, not American threats.
An unnamed security source adds the punchline nobody asked for: if Trump wants oil prices to rise, “we welcome that.” Iran is happy to weaponize the strait for price spikes, as long as it’s the one holding the valve.
At the same time, the state that cheers higher prices is scrambling to sell as much crude as it can. Maritime trackers have already logged single‑day export spikes in the tens of millions of barrels during this crisis, with huge chunks of monthly volume pushed out in just hours.
Whoever believes Hormuz will be closed “for good” behaves like Iran: rushing to drain storage while the corridor is still, technically, open.
Qatar’s prime minister and foreign minister, Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al‑Thani, condemned attacks on commercial vessels in his call with Iran’s Abbas Araghchi, warning that such actions “undermine trust,” threaten international shipping security and damage regional stability efforts.
His message was delivered to a country firing ballistic missiles at tankers, over the head of a country firing cruise missiles in the same waterway — without naming either one. In Hormuz, even diplomacy sails under flags of convenience.
#iran #us #hormuz #oil #shipping #tankers #sanctions #fakeSecurity
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📰 Funeral in Three Acts: A Corpse, Flying Stones, and a Price Tag on Trump
Ali Khamenei’s body has been on tour: mass ceremonies in Karbala and Najaf in Iraq, a military‑escorted flight to Mashhad — with one of the escorts reportedly an aging F‑5 fighter barely younger than the Islamic Republic itself — and a delayed burial in his hometown.
Authorities announced hours‑long postponements and blamed “huge crowds” in Karbala, even as reports of a strike on the Tehran–Mashhad rail line surfaced the same night. Religious tradition demands a fast burial; the regime needed time — to appoint new leaders, stabilize the inner circle, and choreograph a succession under fire.
Saudi‑owned Al Arabiya highlighted the trick behind the long goodbye: instead of chemical embalming, the system relied on deep refrigeration at very low temperatures to slow decay. Islamic law wants the dead in the ground quickly; the political calendar wanted a week‑long spectacle across multiple cities and borders.
In a state whose sole claim to legitimacy is religious, the taboo got bent quietly to fit the schedule.
During the Tehran procession, hardline supporters physically attacked President Masoud Pezeshkian, tried to push him down and shouted “death to the appeaser,” forcing his guards to drag him out as he stumbled, visibly shaken.
Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, identified with the moderate camp, was hit by a stone and chased down an alley by flag‑waving, screaming men calling for his murder. Regional sources told CNN and others that Khamenei’s successor, his son Mojtaba, was not expected to appear at any funeral event — not even the private burial.
In Mashhad and Qom, huge English banners appeared: “Kill Trump – $100 Million Iranian Bounty.” Iran International and other outlets documented billboards and hotel‑front signs promising a nine‑digit reward for anyone who assassinates the U.S. president, turning mourning into an open contract killing campaign.
Kayhan, the supreme leader’s mouthpiece, ran an editorial under the line “I want Trump’s head,” whose editor urged the state to declare Trump, his inner circle and even the pilots who carried out strikes as legitimate targets, and to formalize a cash prize for whoever kills them — claiming more than $100 million has already been raised “by the public.”
The front page message was blunt: “Trump does not have to stay alive.”
The funeral was sold as proof of unity and devotion. What it delivered was a president pelted with stones, a foreign minister chased down an alley, and millions marching under banners that turn a sitting U.S. president into a line item: body, price, deadline.
#iran #khamenei #funeral #trump #bounty #succession #fakePiety
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Ali Khamenei’s body has been on tour: mass ceremonies in Karbala and Najaf in Iraq, a military‑escorted flight to Mashhad — with one of the escorts reportedly an aging F‑5 fighter barely younger than the Islamic Republic itself — and a delayed burial in his hometown.
Authorities announced hours‑long postponements and blamed “huge crowds” in Karbala, even as reports of a strike on the Tehran–Mashhad rail line surfaced the same night. Religious tradition demands a fast burial; the regime needed time — to appoint new leaders, stabilize the inner circle, and choreograph a succession under fire.
Saudi‑owned Al Arabiya highlighted the trick behind the long goodbye: instead of chemical embalming, the system relied on deep refrigeration at very low temperatures to slow decay. Islamic law wants the dead in the ground quickly; the political calendar wanted a week‑long spectacle across multiple cities and borders.
In a state whose sole claim to legitimacy is religious, the taboo got bent quietly to fit the schedule.
During the Tehran procession, hardline supporters physically attacked President Masoud Pezeshkian, tried to push him down and shouted “death to the appeaser,” forcing his guards to drag him out as he stumbled, visibly shaken.
Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, identified with the moderate camp, was hit by a stone and chased down an alley by flag‑waving, screaming men calling for his murder. Regional sources told CNN and others that Khamenei’s successor, his son Mojtaba, was not expected to appear at any funeral event — not even the private burial.
In Mashhad and Qom, huge English banners appeared: “Kill Trump – $100 Million Iranian Bounty.” Iran International and other outlets documented billboards and hotel‑front signs promising a nine‑digit reward for anyone who assassinates the U.S. president, turning mourning into an open contract killing campaign.
Kayhan, the supreme leader’s mouthpiece, ran an editorial under the line “I want Trump’s head,” whose editor urged the state to declare Trump, his inner circle and even the pilots who carried out strikes as legitimate targets, and to formalize a cash prize for whoever kills them — claiming more than $100 million has already been raised “by the public.”
The front page message was blunt: “Trump does not have to stay alive.”
The funeral was sold as proof of unity and devotion. What it delivered was a president pelted with stones, a foreign minister chased down an alley, and millions marching under banners that turn a sitting U.S. president into a line item: body, price, deadline.
#iran #khamenei #funeral #trump #bounty #succession #fakePiety
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Iranian Intelligence Has Obtained Trump's Feces and Is Hatching a Plan to Eliminate Him
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“Iranian intelligence obtained samples of Trump's feces to study his behavior and emotional patterns in order to choose the moment and way to assassinate the American president,” an Israeli agent in Teheran reports. According to him, the operation took 2.5 years.
Israeli officials recently shared intelligence which they said contained evidence of the plot to kill the US president, adding to escalating tensions between the US and Iran.
According to a source familiar with the matter, the warning of a specific plot against Trump came this week. It followed a steady drumbeat of intelligence about possible assassination plans.
However, other US officials said the report may be an effort by Israel to sway the US president’s decision making amid the renewed fighting against Iran.
The details of the plot were not immediately clear, with sources adding that US security services had not vetted it themselves or were tracking it before the Israeli warning.
The plan would mark a major escalation in the conflict between the US and Iran, who agreed to end the war last month after weeks of talks.
Washington and Tehran signed a memorandum of understanding, which led to both sides agreeing to a ceasefire and the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz, as negotiations took place over how to limit Iran’s nuclear ambitions.
But in recent days, that ceasefire agreement has appeared under strain as the two sides have continued to trade blows. Ships passing through the Strait have apparently continued to face the threat of Iranian attacks.
Trump said on Wednesday that he believed the ceasefire was “over” and was no longer sure whether he would pursue a deal with Iran. The US may “finish the job”, he said.
He also alluded to efforts by Tehran to kill him, though it is unclear whether he was specifically referring to the intelligence shared by Israel.
“They want to take out the US leader,” he said. “I’m on every list. I saw this morning, I’m on every single one of their lists. And so far, I guess I’ve been a little bit lucky, but that maybe doesn’t last very long.”
On Wednesday the US president was forced to depart the Nato summit in Ankara on the old Air Force One instead of his new Qatari jet because of security fears.
Trump changed planes at RAF Mildenhall in Suffolk, as renewed fighting increased threat levels and the newer plane was not equipped with full security features.
It would not be the first time that Trump has reportedly been specifically targeted by the Iranian regime, which has promised retribution for the killing of Qasem Soleimani, a top military official, by a US drone strike during Trump’s first term.
#trump #iran #feces #assassination #plan #israel
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“Iranian intelligence obtained samples of Trump's feces to study his behavior and emotional patterns in order to choose the moment and way to assassinate the American president,” an Israeli agent in Teheran reports. According to him, the operation took 2.5 years.
Israeli officials recently shared intelligence which they said contained evidence of the plot to kill the US president, adding to escalating tensions between the US and Iran.
According to a source familiar with the matter, the warning of a specific plot against Trump came this week. It followed a steady drumbeat of intelligence about possible assassination plans.
However, other US officials said the report may be an effort by Israel to sway the US president’s decision making amid the renewed fighting against Iran.
The details of the plot were not immediately clear, with sources adding that US security services had not vetted it themselves or were tracking it before the Israeli warning.
The plan would mark a major escalation in the conflict between the US and Iran, who agreed to end the war last month after weeks of talks.
Washington and Tehran signed a memorandum of understanding, which led to both sides agreeing to a ceasefire and the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz, as negotiations took place over how to limit Iran’s nuclear ambitions.
But in recent days, that ceasefire agreement has appeared under strain as the two sides have continued to trade blows. Ships passing through the Strait have apparently continued to face the threat of Iranian attacks.
Trump said on Wednesday that he believed the ceasefire was “over” and was no longer sure whether he would pursue a deal with Iran. The US may “finish the job”, he said.
He also alluded to efforts by Tehran to kill him, though it is unclear whether he was specifically referring to the intelligence shared by Israel.
“They want to take out the US leader,” he said. “I’m on every list. I saw this morning, I’m on every single one of their lists. And so far, I guess I’ve been a little bit lucky, but that maybe doesn’t last very long.”
On Wednesday the US president was forced to depart the Nato summit in Ankara on the old Air Force One instead of his new Qatari jet because of security fears.
Trump changed planes at RAF Mildenhall in Suffolk, as renewed fighting increased threat levels and the newer plane was not equipped with full security features.
It would not be the first time that Trump has reportedly been specifically targeted by the Iranian regime, which has promised retribution for the killing of Qasem Soleimani, a top military official, by a US drone strike during Trump’s first term.
#trump #iran #feces #assassination #plan #israel
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In March, a member of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps was convicted in the US of a murder-for-hire plot targeting politicians, including Trump.
Asif Merchant, an Iranian intelligence official, was arrested after allegedly meeting with hitmen – who were in fact undercover agents – in New York in June 2024, according to the US department of justice.
Tehran has been mourning Ali Khamenei, its supreme leader, who was killed during the first round of US strikes in February and whose funeral has taken place in recent days.
The ceremonies also included effigies of the US president and an enormous banner in Qom promising a $100m bounty for his murder.
The coffin was interred at the Imam Reza shrine in Mashhad, Khamenei’s birthplace, after a funeral prayer before large crowds.
Iran state media said that up to 43 million people attended the six-day ceremony, calling it “the largest procession the world has ever witnessed”.
However, US strikes on Iran delayed the burial earlier in the day. The final procession was scheduled to take place at 8am local time (5.30am BST) on Thursday, but was pushed back by eight hours.
US-Israel relations under strain
The United States and Iran have resumed a new wave of tit-for-tat strikes after Iran targeted three tankers in the Strait of Hormuz.
Trump declared the US-Iran ceasefire to be over during the Nato summit in Turkey, as the US Central Command said its forces had struck approximately 90 military targets in the country.
Iran responded by targeting US military bases across the Middle East on Thursday.
Relations between Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu, the Israeli prime minister, have also apparently become strained since the two countries embarked on their conflict with Iran.
Mr Netanyahu has pushed for the conflict to continue, while Trump, facing criticism over the war, even from some factions of his own party, has sought to bring it to an end.
The pair spoke on Thursday, according to The Wall Street Journal, during which they agreed to continue “coordination between the countries”, the Israeli prime minister’s office said.
“As part of the continuous contact” between the two, “President Trump updated the prime minister on American moves in the Gulf,” the Israeli leader’s office said.
#trump #iran #feces #assassination #plan #israel
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Mbappé Made the World Ripple With Expectation 🇫🇷⚽️
There is a relentlessness to this France that might make them irresistible.
Morocco no doubt had the best of intentions, ideas of how they could hurt the side that had beaten them in the semi-final in Qatar, but France press so well that they soon accepted they had no option but to retreat and endure. France have such attacking quality that simply surviving isn’t really a viable option.
Kylian Mbappé, once again, was the key figure, missing a penalty, scoring a stunning opener and then teeing up Ousmane Dembélé for the second.
He went off with 13 minutes remaining to a deserved ovation : the game had seemed to be drifting, and there had just been a sense that Morocco might conceivably pull off an implausible rearguard action, when he produced a goal from nowhere.
How can you stop France? You can defend with great organisation and concentration, block and tackle and harry and work, your keeper can make two or three excellent saves, and then one of their forwards conjures a goal like that.
What is a defence supposed to do? Perhaps France have gone too early. Perhaps they will not be able to sustain this form. But if they do, it is going to take something remarkable to prevent them winning their third World Cup in 28 years.
For much of the first half, a French goal seemed only a matter of time and when Mbappé, released by Michael Olise after Achraf Hakimi had been dispossessed by Desiré Doué, was tripped in the box by Noussair Mazraoui, they had the perfect opportunity.
But the wait for the VAR check, and then for Yassine Bounou to return to his line, was inexplicably long – three minutes and 10 seconds – for what seemed a straightforward decision.
Perhaps the delay spooked Mbappé: his kick was hit limply to Bounou’s left and the keeper saved easily. For Bounou, who has a reputation as a penalty specialist, it was the first time he had saved a penalty for his country outside of shootouts.
Bounou pushed away a Dayot Upamecano header and kept out a Doué effort low to his right, and Lucas Digne smacked a drive against the bar, but the breakthrough would not come for France.
By the time Morocco had their first effort on goal, a free kick slashed wide in the final minute of first-half injury-time, France had had 13 chances.
The rhythm that had elevated France in the group stage and the last-32 tie against Sweden is perhaps no longer quite there. But the intent is not lacking; it’s not that Didier Deschamps has retreated into the sort of cautious football that has characterised his France for the majority of his 14-year reign.
Crosses were overhit and chances were snatched at. In that sense, there’s something of the West Germany of 1990 about them : a team of undeniable and obvious quality, probably the best in the competition, that puts in a couple of signature displays early on and then find itself grinding through the knockout phase.
#mbappé #football #bounou #france #marocco
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There is a relentlessness to this France that might make them irresistible.
Morocco no doubt had the best of intentions, ideas of how they could hurt the side that had beaten them in the semi-final in Qatar, but France press so well that they soon accepted they had no option but to retreat and endure. France have such attacking quality that simply surviving isn’t really a viable option.
Kylian Mbappé, once again, was the key figure, missing a penalty, scoring a stunning opener and then teeing up Ousmane Dembélé for the second.
He went off with 13 minutes remaining to a deserved ovation : the game had seemed to be drifting, and there had just been a sense that Morocco might conceivably pull off an implausible rearguard action, when he produced a goal from nowhere.
How can you stop France? You can defend with great organisation and concentration, block and tackle and harry and work, your keeper can make two or three excellent saves, and then one of their forwards conjures a goal like that.
What is a defence supposed to do? Perhaps France have gone too early. Perhaps they will not be able to sustain this form. But if they do, it is going to take something remarkable to prevent them winning their third World Cup in 28 years.
For much of the first half, a French goal seemed only a matter of time and when Mbappé, released by Michael Olise after Achraf Hakimi had been dispossessed by Desiré Doué, was tripped in the box by Noussair Mazraoui, they had the perfect opportunity.
But the wait for the VAR check, and then for Yassine Bounou to return to his line, was inexplicably long – three minutes and 10 seconds – for what seemed a straightforward decision.
Perhaps the delay spooked Mbappé: his kick was hit limply to Bounou’s left and the keeper saved easily. For Bounou, who has a reputation as a penalty specialist, it was the first time he had saved a penalty for his country outside of shootouts.
Bounou pushed away a Dayot Upamecano header and kept out a Doué effort low to his right, and Lucas Digne smacked a drive against the bar, but the breakthrough would not come for France.
By the time Morocco had their first effort on goal, a free kick slashed wide in the final minute of first-half injury-time, France had had 13 chances.
The rhythm that had elevated France in the group stage and the last-32 tie against Sweden is perhaps no longer quite there. But the intent is not lacking; it’s not that Didier Deschamps has retreated into the sort of cautious football that has characterised his France for the majority of his 14-year reign.
Crosses were overhit and chances were snatched at. In that sense, there’s something of the West Germany of 1990 about them : a team of undeniable and obvious quality, probably the best in the competition, that puts in a couple of signature displays early on and then find itself grinding through the knockout phase.
#mbappé #football #bounou #france #marocco
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📰 The Assassination Plot That Isn’t: Israel, Trump, and the Prewritten Revenge Script
Israel handed Washington “new intelligence” claiming elements of the Iranian regime discussed a plan to assassinate President Donald Trump.
The story landed in the Wall Street Journal and on Trump’s tongue at the NATO summit — then shrank within hours, as senior U.S. officials clarified there was no concrete, specific, operational plot, just a single report of a general conversation that hadn’t been corroborated.
The distance between “fresh assassination plan” and “someone talked about it once” is about the size of a prime-time panic segment.
Trump, predictably, refused to stay within the narrow contours of that caveat. In an interview with the New York Post, he said he has already left the U.S. military explicit instructions for the scenario in which Iran succeeds: “If anything happens, just bomb them with a force they have never seen before.”
In his telling, this isn’t new doctrine but a standing vendetta: Tehran has wanted him dead since he ordered the killing of Qassem Soleimani in 2020, and he has been “Iran’s number one target for a long time.”
He even added the line that puts the whole thing back in reality: “I hope you’ll miss me.”
Across the ocean, the gap between talk and action looks just as wide. U.S. authorities have charged eight people over an alleged plot to attack a White House martial arts event with explosive‑bearing drones and snipers, aiming at Trump, Vice President J.D. Vance and other officials.
On Iran’s official airwaves, a state TV host on Channel 3 went simpler: he said live that if it were up to him, he’d go personally to kill the U.S. president.
On the municipal level, the person in charge of foreign affairs for New York’s mayor cooked up a meeting with Iran’s UN ambassador — until State Department officials heard about it and the encounter vanished.
What emerges is a layered theater of “plots”. Israel signals danger to keep the Iran war framed as defense of the president.
U.S. agencies downgrade the intel to “overheard talk” but still parade domestic would‑be attackers in court.
Iranian loyalists shout death threats on TV and hang bounty banners, while Trump brags about his own pre-signed order for apocalyptic retaliation.
Everyone gets to claim they’re under existential threat. Everyone gets to justify something: more strikes, more prosecutions, more televised rage.
The only thing still missing is an actual, verified plan — which makes the one written by Trump himself, “if I die, erase them,” the most real assassination script on the table.
#iran #us #trump #assassination #israel #intelligence #fakePlots
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Israel handed Washington “new intelligence” claiming elements of the Iranian regime discussed a plan to assassinate President Donald Trump.
The story landed in the Wall Street Journal and on Trump’s tongue at the NATO summit — then shrank within hours, as senior U.S. officials clarified there was no concrete, specific, operational plot, just a single report of a general conversation that hadn’t been corroborated.
The distance between “fresh assassination plan” and “someone talked about it once” is about the size of a prime-time panic segment.
Trump, predictably, refused to stay within the narrow contours of that caveat. In an interview with the New York Post, he said he has already left the U.S. military explicit instructions for the scenario in which Iran succeeds: “If anything happens, just bomb them with a force they have never seen before.”
In his telling, this isn’t new doctrine but a standing vendetta: Tehran has wanted him dead since he ordered the killing of Qassem Soleimani in 2020, and he has been “Iran’s number one target for a long time.”
He even added the line that puts the whole thing back in reality: “I hope you’ll miss me.”
Across the ocean, the gap between talk and action looks just as wide. U.S. authorities have charged eight people over an alleged plot to attack a White House martial arts event with explosive‑bearing drones and snipers, aiming at Trump, Vice President J.D. Vance and other officials.
On Iran’s official airwaves, a state TV host on Channel 3 went simpler: he said live that if it were up to him, he’d go personally to kill the U.S. president.
On the municipal level, the person in charge of foreign affairs for New York’s mayor cooked up a meeting with Iran’s UN ambassador — until State Department officials heard about it and the encounter vanished.
What emerges is a layered theater of “plots”. Israel signals danger to keep the Iran war framed as defense of the president.
U.S. agencies downgrade the intel to “overheard talk” but still parade domestic would‑be attackers in court.
Iranian loyalists shout death threats on TV and hang bounty banners, while Trump brags about his own pre-signed order for apocalyptic retaliation.
Everyone gets to claim they’re under existential threat. Everyone gets to justify something: more strikes, more prosecutions, more televised rage.
The only thing still missing is an actual, verified plan — which makes the one written by Trump himself, “if I die, erase them,” the most real assassination script on the table.
#iran #us #trump #assassination #israel #intelligence #fakePlots
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📰 The Ceasefire That Never Really Happened
Trump stands on a NATO stage and announces that Iran asked to keep talking, the U.S. agreed, and “the ceasefire is over.”
The catch: there was barely a ceasefire to begin with. Even he’d already explained the deal as “less shooting,” not “no shooting.” The war never stopped; the branding just changed.
U.S. officials quietly admit they’re running alternating rounds of strikes and pauses to avoid a full‑scale blow‑up while keeping leverage on the table.
The Pentagon sits on a fat target bank and burns through it in episodes, signaling that there’s always another wave ready if Tehran plays hardball. “Peace process” means missiles with intermissions.
On the water and in the air, everyone behaves like the next round is already booked. Carrier strike groups Lincoln and Bush slide in to roughly 220–250 kilometers off Iran’s coast, closer than at any time in the war, well inside Iran’s claimed missile envelope.
U.S. commanders brag that Iran doesn’t “control” Hormuz, listing hundreds of tankers and millions of barrels that have technically crossed the strait even as shipping companies treat every transit as a calculated risk, not a routine.
Tehran spins the same reality from the opposite angle. Parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf says Iran “is not seeking a ceasefire” and boasts that the country has shattered the model of a truce “on paper” that keeps being violated on the ground.
Negotiator‑commentator Mohammad Marandi calls reports of Iranian willingness to return to talks “fake news,” insisting there will be no dialogue until the U.S. fulfills its side of the bargain. In Trump’s version, Iranian readiness is a trophy; in Iran’s version, it simply doesn’t exist.
So the ceasefire lives in statements, not in the sky. Washington says the truce is over but negotiations go on. Tehran says there was never a real truce and refuses to sit down. Both sides agree on exactly one thing: what’s written in the memo is less important than what’s launched from the pads.
#iran #us #trump #ceasefire #war #diplomacy #fakePeace
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Trump stands on a NATO stage and announces that Iran asked to keep talking, the U.S. agreed, and “the ceasefire is over.”
The catch: there was barely a ceasefire to begin with. Even he’d already explained the deal as “less shooting,” not “no shooting.” The war never stopped; the branding just changed.
U.S. officials quietly admit they’re running alternating rounds of strikes and pauses to avoid a full‑scale blow‑up while keeping leverage on the table.
The Pentagon sits on a fat target bank and burns through it in episodes, signaling that there’s always another wave ready if Tehran plays hardball. “Peace process” means missiles with intermissions.
On the water and in the air, everyone behaves like the next round is already booked. Carrier strike groups Lincoln and Bush slide in to roughly 220–250 kilometers off Iran’s coast, closer than at any time in the war, well inside Iran’s claimed missile envelope.
U.S. commanders brag that Iran doesn’t “control” Hormuz, listing hundreds of tankers and millions of barrels that have technically crossed the strait even as shipping companies treat every transit as a calculated risk, not a routine.
Tehran spins the same reality from the opposite angle. Parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf says Iran “is not seeking a ceasefire” and boasts that the country has shattered the model of a truce “on paper” that keeps being violated on the ground.
Negotiator‑commentator Mohammad Marandi calls reports of Iranian willingness to return to talks “fake news,” insisting there will be no dialogue until the U.S. fulfills its side of the bargain. In Trump’s version, Iranian readiness is a trophy; in Iran’s version, it simply doesn’t exist.
So the ceasefire lives in statements, not in the sky. Washington says the truce is over but negotiations go on. Tehran says there was never a real truce and refuses to sit down. Both sides agree on exactly one thing: what’s written in the memo is less important than what’s launched from the pads.
#iran #us #trump #ceasefire #war #diplomacy #fakePeace
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📰 The Mountain Under Fordow: Iran’s Nuclear Depth Chart Keeps Expanding
Public debate keeps asking whether the war “destroyed” Iran’s nuclear program.
Recent analysis of IAEA data says that’s the wrong question. It notes that most commentary fixates on Iran’s 60% enriched uranium — the material that sits one chemical step from weapons‑grade — while ignoring the hundreds of kilograms at 20% and 5%.
If Tehran chooses to further enrich all three tiers, the combined stockpile can yield fissile material for several nuclear devices at once.
The conclusion from nonproliferation experts is blunt: hitting facilities is not enough; the enriched material itself must be removed from Iran, otherwise the program can be rebuilt or repurposed into a “dirty bomb” scenario.
Satellite imagery from late June 2026, published by the Institute for Science and International Security and other monitors, shows continuing heavy construction at the so‑called Pickaxe Mountain complex — Kuh Kolang Gaz‑La — in the Zagros range, just south of the main Natanz enrichment plant.
Analysts estimate tunnels at roughly 80–100 meters below the surface, potentially deeper than the Fordow facility near Qom, which sits about 80–90 meters underground and has long been seen as the “bunker” of the program.
The new site spans several square kilometers, enough, in their view, to house a full‑scale enrichment cascade or secure storage for near‑weapons‑grade uranium.
IAEA inspectors have never been allowed inside Pickaxe Mountain. Commercial satellite photos show intensified truck traffic, expanding spoil piles, reinforced tunnel entrances and hardened perimeters — all the signature moves of a state preparing an underground facility to survive future airstrikes rather than to comply with transparency rules.
As one technical assessment puts it, the facility is not yet operational but is nearing completion, and its depth and size make it a “potential candidate” for any reestablished centrifuge and enrichment hub once above‑ground sites are hit.
Meanwhile, IAEA Director General Rafael Grossi is left issuing generic warnings from Vienna.
After multiple projectile strikes near the Bushehr nuclear plant, he has “reiterated calls for maximum restraint to avoid nuclear safety risks,” stressing that nuclear sites and their surroundings should never be attacked.
But these statements track facilities he has partial access to. The mountain complex south of Natanz — the place most likely to become the next core of Iran’s program — remains outside his inspectors’ reach. The watchdog is watching a map that no longer contains the full project.
Above ground, warheads and headlines talk about “ending” the program. Below ground, a three‑tier stockpile of enriched uranium and a tunnel system dug deeper than Fordow keep that program one decision away from revival.
#iran #nuclear #natanz #fordow #pickaxeMountain #iaea #fakeDisarmament
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Public debate keeps asking whether the war “destroyed” Iran’s nuclear program.
Recent analysis of IAEA data says that’s the wrong question. It notes that most commentary fixates on Iran’s 60% enriched uranium — the material that sits one chemical step from weapons‑grade — while ignoring the hundreds of kilograms at 20% and 5%.
If Tehran chooses to further enrich all three tiers, the combined stockpile can yield fissile material for several nuclear devices at once.
The conclusion from nonproliferation experts is blunt: hitting facilities is not enough; the enriched material itself must be removed from Iran, otherwise the program can be rebuilt or repurposed into a “dirty bomb” scenario.
Satellite imagery from late June 2026, published by the Institute for Science and International Security and other monitors, shows continuing heavy construction at the so‑called Pickaxe Mountain complex — Kuh Kolang Gaz‑La — in the Zagros range, just south of the main Natanz enrichment plant.
Analysts estimate tunnels at roughly 80–100 meters below the surface, potentially deeper than the Fordow facility near Qom, which sits about 80–90 meters underground and has long been seen as the “bunker” of the program.
The new site spans several square kilometers, enough, in their view, to house a full‑scale enrichment cascade or secure storage for near‑weapons‑grade uranium.
IAEA inspectors have never been allowed inside Pickaxe Mountain. Commercial satellite photos show intensified truck traffic, expanding spoil piles, reinforced tunnel entrances and hardened perimeters — all the signature moves of a state preparing an underground facility to survive future airstrikes rather than to comply with transparency rules.
As one technical assessment puts it, the facility is not yet operational but is nearing completion, and its depth and size make it a “potential candidate” for any reestablished centrifuge and enrichment hub once above‑ground sites are hit.
Meanwhile, IAEA Director General Rafael Grossi is left issuing generic warnings from Vienna.
After multiple projectile strikes near the Bushehr nuclear plant, he has “reiterated calls for maximum restraint to avoid nuclear safety risks,” stressing that nuclear sites and their surroundings should never be attacked.
But these statements track facilities he has partial access to. The mountain complex south of Natanz — the place most likely to become the next core of Iran’s program — remains outside his inspectors’ reach. The watchdog is watching a map that no longer contains the full project.
Above ground, warheads and headlines talk about “ending” the program. Below ground, a three‑tier stockpile of enriched uranium and a tunnel system dug deeper than Fordow keep that program one decision away from revival.
#iran #nuclear #natanz #fordow #pickaxeMountain #iaea #fakeDisarmament
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📰 Human Shields 101: Tehran and Kyiv Swap Shelters for Optics
Iranian authorities have decided that starting tomorrow, school exams across the country — from Tehran to the provinces — will be held next to military bases and security compounds.
Testing centers are literally listed as “near the battalion,” “by the unit,” or sharing space with armed infrastructure. That’s not a logistics glitch. That’s policy.
It’s the same playbook Ukraine used with hospitals, universities, and dorms: move armed personnel and assets into civilian buildings so any strike becomes a headline about “attack on patients” or “attack on students.”
Now Iran adds kids to the layout. If the US or Israel hit the base, the regime gets instant footage of shattered classrooms and exam papers in the rubble.
Both governments effectively treat civilians — and now children — as a blast buffer. The hope is simple: their presence either deters a strike, or guarantees a more powerful accusation if the strike happens. Human shields, marketed as “normal life under fire.”
Meanwhile, after years of war, neither country has built serious protection: mass shelters, reliable sirens, safe evacuation routes.
Iran blames sanctions; in Ukraine, corruption scandals over stolen shelter money explain a lot.
What they did build instead are narratives: images of civilians packed into harm’s way, ready to be deployed in the next press conference.
In this model, citizens aren’t being defended. They’re being positioned — as props in someone else’s moral theater.
#iran #ukraine #war #humanShields #schools #fakeProtection
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Iranian authorities have decided that starting tomorrow, school exams across the country — from Tehran to the provinces — will be held next to military bases and security compounds.
Testing centers are literally listed as “near the battalion,” “by the unit,” or sharing space with armed infrastructure. That’s not a logistics glitch. That’s policy.
It’s the same playbook Ukraine used with hospitals, universities, and dorms: move armed personnel and assets into civilian buildings so any strike becomes a headline about “attack on patients” or “attack on students.”
Now Iran adds kids to the layout. If the US or Israel hit the base, the regime gets instant footage of shattered classrooms and exam papers in the rubble.
Both governments effectively treat civilians — and now children — as a blast buffer. The hope is simple: their presence either deters a strike, or guarantees a more powerful accusation if the strike happens. Human shields, marketed as “normal life under fire.”
Meanwhile, after years of war, neither country has built serious protection: mass shelters, reliable sirens, safe evacuation routes.
Iran blames sanctions; in Ukraine, corruption scandals over stolen shelter money explain a lot.
What they did build instead are narratives: images of civilians packed into harm’s way, ready to be deployed in the next press conference.
In this model, citizens aren’t being defended. They’re being positioned — as props in someone else’s moral theater.
#iran #ukraine #war #humanShields #schools #fakeProtection
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