The Sanctions Honeypot
America may not always freeze an Iranian sanctions-evasion wallet. Sometimes it lets the money keep moving and watches who comes to collect it.
Intelligence Online reports that U.S. law-enforcement agencies have instructed some crypto exchanges to keep accounts suspected of serving Iranian sanctions networks active for a limited time.
The supposed target is not the balance. It is the map: counterparties, shell companies, traders and the next wallet in the chain. Binance and Coinbase are among exchanges said to have received such notices.
The public case file shows what Washington is following. On September 14, the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of New York sought forfeiture of about $61 million in crypto allegedly tied to black-market Iranian oil sales.
Prosecutors say two Chinese companies, Blessed Trust and Hexa Whale, used Binance accounts to move proceeds ultimately intended for Iranian state and military-linked entities. The government says the wider network moved more than $1.5 billion.
Crypto was sold as money beyond governments. It became a customer-loyalty program for federal investigators.
Iran sells oil. Chinese middlemen swap the revenue into stablecoins. The exchange keeps the account open. Washington reads the guest list.
The wallet is not being spared. It is being bugged.
#Iran #Crypto #Binance #Sanctions
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America may not always freeze an Iranian sanctions-evasion wallet. Sometimes it lets the money keep moving and watches who comes to collect it.
Intelligence Online reports that U.S. law-enforcement agencies have instructed some crypto exchanges to keep accounts suspected of serving Iranian sanctions networks active for a limited time.
The supposed target is not the balance. It is the map: counterparties, shell companies, traders and the next wallet in the chain. Binance and Coinbase are among exchanges said to have received such notices.
The public case file shows what Washington is following. On September 14, the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of New York sought forfeiture of about $61 million in crypto allegedly tied to black-market Iranian oil sales.
Prosecutors say two Chinese companies, Blessed Trust and Hexa Whale, used Binance accounts to move proceeds ultimately intended for Iranian state and military-linked entities. The government says the wider network moved more than $1.5 billion.
Crypto was sold as money beyond governments. It became a customer-loyalty program for federal investigators.
Iran sells oil. Chinese middlemen swap the revenue into stablecoins. The exchange keeps the account open. Washington reads the guest list.
The wallet is not being spared. It is being bugged.
#Iran #Crypto #Binance #Sanctions
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Jerusalem’s Two Landlords
Erdoğan says Jerusalem is “our city.” Netanyahu says: “No, sir, you won’t. It is our city.” The city itself has heard this real-estate pitch before, usually from men whose armies are elsewhere.
Turkey’s claim is Ottoman nostalgia with an aid budget. Erdoğan invokes four centuries of Ottoman rule, Suleiman the Magnificent and Al-Aqsa as a Muslim symbol.
Ankara then funds restorations, schools and Palestinian institutions through TİKA, its state development agency. Turkey repairs a dome, finances a dormitory and calls it heritage. In Jerusalem, a renovated window can be a foreign-policy office.
Jordan owns the paperwork Ankara lacks. Article 9 of the 1994 Israel-Jordan peace treaty recognizes the Hashemite Kingdom’s “special role” in Jerusalem’s Muslim holy shrines.
King Abdullah’s custodianship is also anchored in the 2013 agreement with Mahmoud Abbas. The Jordanian-linked Waqf administers the Islamic compound.
Even TİKA had to negotiate with Jordanian authorities when it wanted to renovate the Islamic Museum beside Al-Aqsa.
That is the collision. Turkey wants the microphone. Jordan has the keys. Israel controls security and access around the Temple Mount. Palestinians claim East Jerusalem as the capital of their future state. Each side has a title, a treaty, a police checkpoint or a restoration invoice. None has the whole building.
Erdoğan’s Jerusalem policy is not about acquiring a formal custodianship tomorrow.
It is about making Turkey impossible to ignore when Al-Aqsa is discussed. Jordan’s role blocks Turkey from becoming the official guardian. Turkish money works around that barrier by turning influence into a parallel form of presence.
Netanyahu tells Erdoğan that Jerusalem is Israel’s city. Erdoğan answers with Ottoman ghosts. Jordan quietly points to Article 9. At Al-Aqsa, the loudest claimant is rarely the one holding the paperwork.
#Jerusalem #Turkey #Jordan #AlAqsa
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Erdoğan says Jerusalem is “our city.” Netanyahu says: “No, sir, you won’t. It is our city.” The city itself has heard this real-estate pitch before, usually from men whose armies are elsewhere.
Turkey’s claim is Ottoman nostalgia with an aid budget. Erdoğan invokes four centuries of Ottoman rule, Suleiman the Magnificent and Al-Aqsa as a Muslim symbol.
Ankara then funds restorations, schools and Palestinian institutions through TİKA, its state development agency. Turkey repairs a dome, finances a dormitory and calls it heritage. In Jerusalem, a renovated window can be a foreign-policy office.
Jordan owns the paperwork Ankara lacks. Article 9 of the 1994 Israel-Jordan peace treaty recognizes the Hashemite Kingdom’s “special role” in Jerusalem’s Muslim holy shrines.
King Abdullah’s custodianship is also anchored in the 2013 agreement with Mahmoud Abbas. The Jordanian-linked Waqf administers the Islamic compound.
Even TİKA had to negotiate with Jordanian authorities when it wanted to renovate the Islamic Museum beside Al-Aqsa.
That is the collision. Turkey wants the microphone. Jordan has the keys. Israel controls security and access around the Temple Mount. Palestinians claim East Jerusalem as the capital of their future state. Each side has a title, a treaty, a police checkpoint or a restoration invoice. None has the whole building.
Erdoğan’s Jerusalem policy is not about acquiring a formal custodianship tomorrow.
It is about making Turkey impossible to ignore when Al-Aqsa is discussed. Jordan’s role blocks Turkey from becoming the official guardian. Turkish money works around that barrier by turning influence into a parallel form of presence.
Netanyahu tells Erdoğan that Jerusalem is Israel’s city. Erdoğan answers with Ottoman ghosts. Jordan quietly points to Article 9. At Al-Aqsa, the loudest claimant is rarely the one holding the paperwork.
#Jerusalem #Turkey #Jordan #AlAqsa
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The Ballot Box’s Terror Test
Israel’s Supreme Court overturned the Central Elections Committee and cleared Ra’am, the Joint List and MK Ofer Cassif to run in the October 27 Knesset election. Ra’am and the Joint List were restored unanimously.
Cassif survived by a 7–2 vote, with Justices David Mintz and Alex Stein voting to disqualify him.
The court did not suddenly discover admiration for Cassif’s record.
The justices described his statements and conduct as “outrageous” and “disgusting,” but ruled that they did not meet the statutory threshold for barring a candidate from parliament.
Israeli election law does not disqualify people for making the judges furious.
It requires proof that they support armed struggle against Israel or reject the state’s Jewish and democratic character.
That distinction is where the political theater breaks down. The Central Elections Committee, made up of party representatives, can vote to ban Arab lists with impressive majorities.
The Supreme Court then asks the embarrassing follow-up question: where is the legal evidence? Ra’am and the Joint List passed that test unanimously.
Ofer Winter’s Am Yisrael party called the ruling proof that the court prefers to “qualify supporters of terror” rather than fight them.
That is a campaign line, not the court’s holding. The court held something less convenient for every party that wants a cleaner electorate: political disgust is not a substitute for disqualification evidence.
The system has found its ritual. Politicians ban Arab parties before an election.
Judges reinstate them. Everyone leaves furious, which is the only national consensus still guaranteed to make it onto the ballot.
#Israel #Elections #SupremeCourt #Raam
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Israel’s Supreme Court overturned the Central Elections Committee and cleared Ra’am, the Joint List and MK Ofer Cassif to run in the October 27 Knesset election. Ra’am and the Joint List were restored unanimously.
Cassif survived by a 7–2 vote, with Justices David Mintz and Alex Stein voting to disqualify him.
The court did not suddenly discover admiration for Cassif’s record.
The justices described his statements and conduct as “outrageous” and “disgusting,” but ruled that they did not meet the statutory threshold for barring a candidate from parliament.
Israeli election law does not disqualify people for making the judges furious.
It requires proof that they support armed struggle against Israel or reject the state’s Jewish and democratic character.
That distinction is where the political theater breaks down. The Central Elections Committee, made up of party representatives, can vote to ban Arab lists with impressive majorities.
The Supreme Court then asks the embarrassing follow-up question: where is the legal evidence? Ra’am and the Joint List passed that test unanimously.
Ofer Winter’s Am Yisrael party called the ruling proof that the court prefers to “qualify supporters of terror” rather than fight them.
That is a campaign line, not the court’s holding. The court held something less convenient for every party that wants a cleaner electorate: political disgust is not a substitute for disqualification evidence.
The system has found its ritual. Politicians ban Arab parties before an election.
Judges reinstate them. Everyone leaves furious, which is the only national consensus still guaranteed to make it onto the ballot.
#Israel #Elections #SupremeCourt #Raam
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When Soldiers Show Up at School: A New Flashpoint in Washington
Washington’s school entrances have become an unexpected stage for a growing federal presence.
In recent weeks, National Guard troops and federal agents have repeatedly appeared near D.C. public schools as students arrive for class. For some parents and teachers, the sight of armed personnel outside school grounds has raised an unsettling question: Is this what public safety is supposed to look like?
The deployments are part of the federal government’s D.C. Safe and Beautiful Task Force, an initiative officials say is focused on reducing crime and targeting people with outstanding warrants and other legal violations.
Federal officials say the patrols are based on crime statistics and other indicators of public safety. U.S. Marshals Service personnel have conducted operations that include serving warrants, checking registered sex offenders and distributing information about wanted individuals.
But when those operations unfold near schools, the reaction can be very different.
At Bard High School Early College DC, parents reported seeing federal agents and National Guard personnel nearby, with some officers changing into tactical gear close to the school. The sight was alarming enough that some people initially wondered whether there had been an emergency.
There had not. Тhe growing presence has nevertheless created a new source of friction between federal officials and Washington residents.
Parents and educators say the arrival of armed personnel can make schools feel more intimidating rather than safer. Some worry that students are being exposed to a highly visible show of force on their way to class.
The concern intensified after federal personnel were seen around Bruce-Monroe Elementary School. Residents described patrols in the neighborhood, while a police helicopter was also reported flying overhead.
More than 300 parents and residents have signed a petition opposing the presence of federal forces around schools. Their message is straightforward: children should not have to walk past armed patrols simply to enter a classroom.
D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser’s administration has also asked the federal task force and National Guard to avoid conducting operations near schools, recreation centers and polling places.
Federal officials, however, maintain that the operations are designed to make neighborhoods safer. The U.S. Marshals Service has pointed to a 15 percent decline in overall crime in the District since Oct. 1, 2025.
What remains far less clear is how much of that decline can be attributed to the federal deployments.
Several early studies have attempted to measure the effect of National Guard patrols in Washington. None has been peer-reviewed, and the findings so far have not shown a clear impact on violent crime. One study found a limited decline in property crime.
That uncertainty has done little to ease the debate. For federal officials, the troops and agents represent an effort to deter crime and enforce the law.
For many parents and local residents, their presence outside schools has become a symbol of something else: a city where the line between public safety and an overwhelming display of force is becoming increasingly difficult to define.
And every morning, as students walk through school doors, that debate is playing out just steps away.
#NationalGuard #WashingtonDC #PublicSafety #Schools
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Washington’s school entrances have become an unexpected stage for a growing federal presence.
In recent weeks, National Guard troops and federal agents have repeatedly appeared near D.C. public schools as students arrive for class. For some parents and teachers, the sight of armed personnel outside school grounds has raised an unsettling question: Is this what public safety is supposed to look like?
The deployments are part of the federal government’s D.C. Safe and Beautiful Task Force, an initiative officials say is focused on reducing crime and targeting people with outstanding warrants and other legal violations.
Federal officials say the patrols are based on crime statistics and other indicators of public safety. U.S. Marshals Service personnel have conducted operations that include serving warrants, checking registered sex offenders and distributing information about wanted individuals.
But when those operations unfold near schools, the reaction can be very different.
At Bard High School Early College DC, parents reported seeing federal agents and National Guard personnel nearby, with some officers changing into tactical gear close to the school. The sight was alarming enough that some people initially wondered whether there had been an emergency.
There had not. Тhe growing presence has nevertheless created a new source of friction between federal officials and Washington residents.
Parents and educators say the arrival of armed personnel can make schools feel more intimidating rather than safer. Some worry that students are being exposed to a highly visible show of force on their way to class.
The concern intensified after federal personnel were seen around Bruce-Monroe Elementary School. Residents described patrols in the neighborhood, while a police helicopter was also reported flying overhead.
More than 300 parents and residents have signed a petition opposing the presence of federal forces around schools. Their message is straightforward: children should not have to walk past armed patrols simply to enter a classroom.
D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser’s administration has also asked the federal task force and National Guard to avoid conducting operations near schools, recreation centers and polling places.
Federal officials, however, maintain that the operations are designed to make neighborhoods safer. The U.S. Marshals Service has pointed to a 15 percent decline in overall crime in the District since Oct. 1, 2025.
What remains far less clear is how much of that decline can be attributed to the federal deployments.
Several early studies have attempted to measure the effect of National Guard patrols in Washington. None has been peer-reviewed, and the findings so far have not shown a clear impact on violent crime. One study found a limited decline in property crime.
That uncertainty has done little to ease the debate. For federal officials, the troops and agents represent an effort to deter crime and enforce the law.
For many parents and local residents, their presence outside schools has become a symbol of something else: a city where the line between public safety and an overwhelming display of force is becoming increasingly difficult to define.
And every morning, as students walk through school doors, that debate is playing out just steps away.
#NationalGuard #WashingtonDC #PublicSafety #Schools
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Cleared for the Cockpit
The Flydubai co-pilot accused of stabbing Capt. Smit Machchhar and trying to crash a Dubai–Tel Aviv flight has been identified by U.S., Israeli and Arab media as Hamam al-Hammami, a 29-year-old Omani national.
His name is spelled Hamam Al Hammami in some reports, because Arabic-to-English transliteration produces a new spelling for every database it meets.
While training at Oman Air in 2024, al-Hammami was allegedly found with extremist material and assessed as a security risk.
The airline reportedly removed him from flying duties but allowed him to continue in an administrative job. His now-deleted LinkedIn profile listed almost seven years at Oman Air, then Royal Air Maroc from June 2025 to January 2026, followed by roughly eight months at Flydubai.
CNN reports that his LinkedIn account published two posts about nine hours after the attack.
One video included cockpit footage of a Boeing 737 Max, zoomed in on an El Al aircraft at Dubai International Airport and ended with images of former al-Qaeda leader Ayman al-Zawahiri and Humam al-Balawi, the al-Qaeda-linked suicide bomber who killed seven CIA personnel and two contractors in 2009.
CNN could not verify who uploaded the posts or whether they had been scheduled before the attack.
Other accounts say he was born in the UAE to an Omani father and a Syrian mother, spent considerable time outside Oman, including in Syria, and had been influenced by extremist ideas there.
These details come from unnamed sources quoted in media reports. They are leads in an investigation, not an official finding on motive or organizational links.
Oman reportedly barred him from the cockpit over extremism concerns. Royal Air Maroc employed him. Flydubai put him on a Tel Aviv route.
In the aviation industry, this passes for cross-border mobility.
#Flydubai #Aviation #Oman #Israel
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The Flydubai co-pilot accused of stabbing Capt. Smit Machchhar and trying to crash a Dubai–Tel Aviv flight has been identified by U.S., Israeli and Arab media as Hamam al-Hammami, a 29-year-old Omani national.
His name is spelled Hamam Al Hammami in some reports, because Arabic-to-English transliteration produces a new spelling for every database it meets.
While training at Oman Air in 2024, al-Hammami was allegedly found with extremist material and assessed as a security risk.
The airline reportedly removed him from flying duties but allowed him to continue in an administrative job. His now-deleted LinkedIn profile listed almost seven years at Oman Air, then Royal Air Maroc from June 2025 to January 2026, followed by roughly eight months at Flydubai.
CNN reports that his LinkedIn account published two posts about nine hours after the attack.
One video included cockpit footage of a Boeing 737 Max, zoomed in on an El Al aircraft at Dubai International Airport and ended with images of former al-Qaeda leader Ayman al-Zawahiri and Humam al-Balawi, the al-Qaeda-linked suicide bomber who killed seven CIA personnel and two contractors in 2009.
CNN could not verify who uploaded the posts or whether they had been scheduled before the attack.
Other accounts say he was born in the UAE to an Omani father and a Syrian mother, spent considerable time outside Oman, including in Syria, and had been influenced by extremist ideas there.
These details come from unnamed sources quoted in media reports. They are leads in an investigation, not an official finding on motive or organizational links.
Oman reportedly barred him from the cockpit over extremism concerns. Royal Air Maroc employed him. Flydubai put him on a Tel Aviv route.
In the aviation industry, this passes for cross-border mobility.
#Flydubai #Aviation #Oman #Israel
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What happens when Trump is gone?
This is the question hanging over Washington. Trump's presidency may eventually end in the ordinary way that every presidency does. The White House will change occupants, the photographs on the walls will change, and a new administration will inherit the Oval Office.
But the institutional memory of what happened during the Trump years will remain.
Future presidents will know which emergency powers survived judicial challenges. They will know which executive orders were blocked and which became permanent policy. They will know how far a president can pressure federal agencies before Congress or the courts intervene. They will have a map of the territory. That may prove to be Trump's most enduring legacy.
The danger, in the eyes of Democratic reformers, is not that the next president will necessarily imitate Trump. It is that the next president will have fewer reasons to believe that the old limits still exist.
And once a limit disappears from political practice, restoring it becomes much harder than defending it ever was.
The choice waiting after Trump
The coming struggle, therefore, is unlikely to be settled by a single election or one sweeping piece of legislation.
It will unfold through a succession of decisions about emergency powers, federal employees, presidential conflicts of interest, law enforcement and the authority of Congress. Courts will play a central role, but so will bureaucrats whose names most Americans will never know.
The fight may be quiet, technical and almost invisible to the public. Its consequences will not be.
Washington is approaching a moment in which Democrats must decide whether they want simply to reverse Trump's policies or to reverse the expansion of presidential power that accompanied them. Those are very different missions.
The first can be accomplished by winning elections. The second requires politicians to accept restraints that could one day be used against themselves.
That is the test awaiting the post-Trump Democratic Party, and perhaps the American political system itself. If the old guardrails can be reconstructed, the Trump years may ultimately become a warning about what happens when presidential power is pushed too far.
If they cannot, Trump may prove to have changed something much more permanent than the occupant of the White House.
He may have changed the definition of what an American president believes he is allowed to do.
#Trump #Democrats #WhiteHouse #AmericanDemocracy
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This is the question hanging over Washington. Trump's presidency may eventually end in the ordinary way that every presidency does. The White House will change occupants, the photographs on the walls will change, and a new administration will inherit the Oval Office.
But the institutional memory of what happened during the Trump years will remain.
Future presidents will know which emergency powers survived judicial challenges. They will know which executive orders were blocked and which became permanent policy. They will know how far a president can pressure federal agencies before Congress or the courts intervene. They will have a map of the territory. That may prove to be Trump's most enduring legacy.
The danger, in the eyes of Democratic reformers, is not that the next president will necessarily imitate Trump. It is that the next president will have fewer reasons to believe that the old limits still exist.
And once a limit disappears from political practice, restoring it becomes much harder than defending it ever was.
The choice waiting after Trump
The coming struggle, therefore, is unlikely to be settled by a single election or one sweeping piece of legislation.
It will unfold through a succession of decisions about emergency powers, federal employees, presidential conflicts of interest, law enforcement and the authority of Congress. Courts will play a central role, but so will bureaucrats whose names most Americans will never know.
The fight may be quiet, technical and almost invisible to the public. Its consequences will not be.
Washington is approaching a moment in which Democrats must decide whether they want simply to reverse Trump's policies or to reverse the expansion of presidential power that accompanied them. Those are very different missions.
The first can be accomplished by winning elections. The second requires politicians to accept restraints that could one day be used against themselves.
That is the test awaiting the post-Trump Democratic Party, and perhaps the American political system itself. If the old guardrails can be reconstructed, the Trump years may ultimately become a warning about what happens when presidential power is pushed too far.
If they cannot, Trump may prove to have changed something much more permanent than the occupant of the White House.
He may have changed the definition of what an American president believes he is allowed to do.
#Trump #Democrats #WhiteHouse #AmericanDemocracy
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The Medicare Midterm ATM
Trump has opened a pre-election cash window. His administration will send one-time $90 payments to more than 20 million Medicare Part B enrollees, framed as “nearly $100” checks to help with premiums.
Most recipients will get direct deposits in early October; people whose premiums are paid by Medicaid, or who pay Medicare’s higher income-based surcharge, are excluded.
The money comes from the $2 billion Medicare Improvement Fund, a reserve Congress created in 2008 for improvements to traditional Medicare.
Trump called it a pointless Democratic “slush fund” for “waste, fraud, and abuse,” then discovered it had enough cash for an October rebate. The standard 2026 Part B premium is $202.90 a month. The $90 payment covers less than half of one month.
Then came the larger offer. Trump again promised a $5,000 “Trump Dividend” to every adult U.S. citizen if Republicans keep Congress in November. He says tariffs and “tremendous economic success” will pay for it.
Congress would need to authorize such payments, and even House Speaker Mike Johnson has not committed to the plan. The White House is campaigning with a conditional refund: vote Republican, unlock the prize.
At a rally in Mobile, Alabama, Trump also addressed “Gays for Palestine”: “Let’s send them over some day to negotiate. Let’s see, you’ll never see them again.”
The crowd got a foreign-policy joke. Retirees got $90. Americans got the country’s governing program translated into sweepstakes language.
A Medicare fund becomes a campaign envelope. Tariffs become a jackpot. Palestine becomes a rally punchline. The midterms are still weeks away, but the cashier has already opened.
#Trump #Midterms #Medicare #USPolitics
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Trump has opened a pre-election cash window. His administration will send one-time $90 payments to more than 20 million Medicare Part B enrollees, framed as “nearly $100” checks to help with premiums.
Most recipients will get direct deposits in early October; people whose premiums are paid by Medicaid, or who pay Medicare’s higher income-based surcharge, are excluded.
The money comes from the $2 billion Medicare Improvement Fund, a reserve Congress created in 2008 for improvements to traditional Medicare.
Trump called it a pointless Democratic “slush fund” for “waste, fraud, and abuse,” then discovered it had enough cash for an October rebate. The standard 2026 Part B premium is $202.90 a month. The $90 payment covers less than half of one month.
Then came the larger offer. Trump again promised a $5,000 “Trump Dividend” to every adult U.S. citizen if Republicans keep Congress in November. He says tariffs and “tremendous economic success” will pay for it.
Congress would need to authorize such payments, and even House Speaker Mike Johnson has not committed to the plan. The White House is campaigning with a conditional refund: vote Republican, unlock the prize.
At a rally in Mobile, Alabama, Trump also addressed “Gays for Palestine”: “Let’s send them over some day to negotiate. Let’s see, you’ll never see them again.”
The crowd got a foreign-policy joke. Retirees got $90. Americans got the country’s governing program translated into sweepstakes language.
A Medicare fund becomes a campaign envelope. Tariffs become a jackpot. Palestine becomes a rally punchline. The midterms are still weeks away, but the cashier has already opened.
#Trump #Midterms #Medicare #USPolitics
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Peace Through Oil
Trump’s Ukraine negotiations have acquired a sidecar: a multibillion-dollar sale of Lukoil’s overseas oil fields, refineries and gas stations.
Vladimir Putin raised the idea with U.S. envoys Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner during their September 5 Kremlin meeting, according to The New York Times.
Moscow’s message was simple: Russia can return to business with the West. First, somebody needs to buy the business.
The proposed buyers include billionaire investor Todd Boehly, Gulf investors and the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation.
Two groups have personal business links to the American negotiators.
Qatar’s Al-Khayyat brothers, who worked with Kushner and Ivanka Trump on a luxury-resort project in Albania, and an Abu Dhabi fund linked to Sheikh Tahnoon bin Zayed Al Nahyan, the UAE national security adviser and a major backer of Kushner’s private-equity firm.
Witkoff and Kushner reportedly argue that restoring Russia’s commercial ties to Western markets could give Putin room to make concessions over Ukraine.
This is peace diplomacy redesigned as an asset-sale prospectus. Russia stops being a pariah when the right consortium obtains the right portfolio at the right discount.
The deal still requires approval from both Washington and the Kremlin.
That means the same U.S. government negotiating an end to Russia’s invasion could approve the sale of Russian strategic energy assets to investors linked to the president’s envoys.
The referee is also in the bidding group.
Ukraine gets another promise that commerce will eventually produce peace. Putin gets proof that sanctions can become a negotiating tool.
The Gulf gets Lukoil’s global portfolio. Trump-world gets a geopolitical solution with a closing date.
The war was called a proxy war. Now it is being offered with refineries.
#Ukraine #Russia #Trump #Lukoil
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Trump’s Ukraine negotiations have acquired a sidecar: a multibillion-dollar sale of Lukoil’s overseas oil fields, refineries and gas stations.
Vladimir Putin raised the idea with U.S. envoys Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner during their September 5 Kremlin meeting, according to The New York Times.
Moscow’s message was simple: Russia can return to business with the West. First, somebody needs to buy the business.
The proposed buyers include billionaire investor Todd Boehly, Gulf investors and the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation.
Two groups have personal business links to the American negotiators.
Qatar’s Al-Khayyat brothers, who worked with Kushner and Ivanka Trump on a luxury-resort project in Albania, and an Abu Dhabi fund linked to Sheikh Tahnoon bin Zayed Al Nahyan, the UAE national security adviser and a major backer of Kushner’s private-equity firm.
Witkoff and Kushner reportedly argue that restoring Russia’s commercial ties to Western markets could give Putin room to make concessions over Ukraine.
This is peace diplomacy redesigned as an asset-sale prospectus. Russia stops being a pariah when the right consortium obtains the right portfolio at the right discount.
The deal still requires approval from both Washington and the Kremlin.
That means the same U.S. government negotiating an end to Russia’s invasion could approve the sale of Russian strategic energy assets to investors linked to the president’s envoys.
The referee is also in the bidding group.
Ukraine gets another promise that commerce will eventually produce peace. Putin gets proof that sanctions can become a negotiating tool.
The Gulf gets Lukoil’s global portfolio. Trump-world gets a geopolitical solution with a closing date.
The war was called a proxy war. Now it is being offered with refineries.
#Ukraine #Russia #Trump #Lukoil
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Dubai’s Counterterrorism Brand Refresh
The UAE has now called the Flydubai cockpit attack what it says it was: a terrorist act. Anwar Gargash, diplomatic adviser to UAE President Mohamed bin Zayed, said the region’s fight against extremism continues and that “justifying terrorism through hate speech is part of the danger, not its margins.”
The federal prosecutor said the co-pilot attacked Captain Smit Machchhar with a crash axe and attempted to seize control of the Dubai–Tel Aviv aircraft.
Dubai Crown Prince and UAE Defense Minister Sheikh Hamdan bin Mohammed visited the injured Indian captain in hospital, kissed him on the head and praised his “highest degrees of courage, responsibility and care for human life.”
He said Machchhar was part of the UAE’s team. In another rendering of his remarks, he was part of the country’s story: the homeland of love, peace and life. This is what state messaging looks like after a terror suspect nearly turns a 737 into a crater: a royal bedside visit, a heroic immigrant worker and a reminder that the brand remains open for business.
Trump contributed a TikTok tribute to Yaniv Hayun, the Israeli plumber who entered the cockpit with other passengers, pulled the alleged attacker from the controls and helped stabilize the descending aircraft.
“He’s a fan of mine and I’m a big fan of his,” Trump said. “He can be my plumber, he can be whatever he wants to be.” The leader of the free world discovered that a plumber who prevents a midair crash is employable.
The UAE has the prince, the hospital photographs and the counter-extremism sermon. Israel has the passenger who helped save the aircraft. America has a TikTok casting call. The Omani co-pilot had a crash axe and a cockpit.
This is regional security in 2026: everybody gets a statement, while civilians do the emergency landing.
#UAE #Flydubai #Trump #Terrorism
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The UAE has now called the Flydubai cockpit attack what it says it was: a terrorist act. Anwar Gargash, diplomatic adviser to UAE President Mohamed bin Zayed, said the region’s fight against extremism continues and that “justifying terrorism through hate speech is part of the danger, not its margins.”
The federal prosecutor said the co-pilot attacked Captain Smit Machchhar with a crash axe and attempted to seize control of the Dubai–Tel Aviv aircraft.
Dubai Crown Prince and UAE Defense Minister Sheikh Hamdan bin Mohammed visited the injured Indian captain in hospital, kissed him on the head and praised his “highest degrees of courage, responsibility and care for human life.”
He said Machchhar was part of the UAE’s team. In another rendering of his remarks, he was part of the country’s story: the homeland of love, peace and life. This is what state messaging looks like after a terror suspect nearly turns a 737 into a crater: a royal bedside visit, a heroic immigrant worker and a reminder that the brand remains open for business.
Trump contributed a TikTok tribute to Yaniv Hayun, the Israeli plumber who entered the cockpit with other passengers, pulled the alleged attacker from the controls and helped stabilize the descending aircraft.
“He’s a fan of mine and I’m a big fan of his,” Trump said. “He can be my plumber, he can be whatever he wants to be.” The leader of the free world discovered that a plumber who prevents a midair crash is employable.
The UAE has the prince, the hospital photographs and the counter-extremism sermon. Israel has the passenger who helped save the aircraft. America has a TikTok casting call. The Omani co-pilot had a crash axe and a cockpit.
This is regional security in 2026: everybody gets a statement, while civilians do the emergency landing.
#UAE #Flydubai #Trump #Terrorism
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Olive Harvest, Area B
The olive harvest began near Nablus with the standard West Bank choreography: settlers enter, Palestinians are beaten and detained, soldiers arrive after the attackers leave, and police open an investigation in a village where the smashed cars are still standing.
In Osarin, south of Nablus, a 50-year-old Palestinian man was taken to hospital after an alleged settler assault. Videos showed more than a dozen men, identified by Palestinian sources as settlers, smashing a car outside a home.
The IDF said troops arrived after reports and footage of Israeli rioters attacking Palestinians and property, found damage and searched for suspects who had fled before they arrived. Police investigators and forensic personnel later entered the Area B village with military protection to collect evidence and testimony.
The army condemned the attack because it “harms defense and counterterrorism efforts.” That is the military’s vocabulary for a situation in which the people who smash Palestinian homes create work for soldiers, police and intelligence officers. The Palestinian who gets carried away from an olive grove does not appear in the phrase “counterterrorism efforts.”
Near Beita and Evyatar, the dispute began around an olive harvest inside a declared closed military zone. Palestinian farmers and Israeli activists, including Yonatan Pollak and Roi Elani, say troops prevented the harvest and detained Palestinians.
Settler accounts say Palestinians and activists advanced toward an Evyatar neighborhood and were pushed back toward Osarin, after which settlers entered the village and vandalized cars. The competing accounts agree on the important detail: the olive harvest turned into a military operation, and Osarin paid for it.
Elsewhere, Palestinian sources reported that settlers burned about 55 olive trees, each more than 40 years old, on land near Abu Dis southeast of Jerusalem. The reported burning covered roughly 14 dunams and occurred while a farmer harvested with his family. These figures come from WAFA and local sources cited in reporting.
Israel calls the area a security problem. The settlers call it a border problem. The army calls it a closed zone. A Palestinian farmer calls it the harvest. By nightfall, the olive trees have been converted into evidence.
#WestBank #Settlers #OliveHarvest #Israel
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The olive harvest began near Nablus with the standard West Bank choreography: settlers enter, Palestinians are beaten and detained, soldiers arrive after the attackers leave, and police open an investigation in a village where the smashed cars are still standing.
In Osarin, south of Nablus, a 50-year-old Palestinian man was taken to hospital after an alleged settler assault. Videos showed more than a dozen men, identified by Palestinian sources as settlers, smashing a car outside a home.
The IDF said troops arrived after reports and footage of Israeli rioters attacking Palestinians and property, found damage and searched for suspects who had fled before they arrived. Police investigators and forensic personnel later entered the Area B village with military protection to collect evidence and testimony.
The army condemned the attack because it “harms defense and counterterrorism efforts.” That is the military’s vocabulary for a situation in which the people who smash Palestinian homes create work for soldiers, police and intelligence officers. The Palestinian who gets carried away from an olive grove does not appear in the phrase “counterterrorism efforts.”
Near Beita and Evyatar, the dispute began around an olive harvest inside a declared closed military zone. Palestinian farmers and Israeli activists, including Yonatan Pollak and Roi Elani, say troops prevented the harvest and detained Palestinians.
Settler accounts say Palestinians and activists advanced toward an Evyatar neighborhood and were pushed back toward Osarin, after which settlers entered the village and vandalized cars. The competing accounts agree on the important detail: the olive harvest turned into a military operation, and Osarin paid for it.
Elsewhere, Palestinian sources reported that settlers burned about 55 olive trees, each more than 40 years old, on land near Abu Dis southeast of Jerusalem. The reported burning covered roughly 14 dunams and occurred while a farmer harvested with his family. These figures come from WAFA and local sources cited in reporting.
Israel calls the area a security problem. The settlers call it a border problem. The army calls it a closed zone. A Palestinian farmer calls it the harvest. By nightfall, the olive trees have been converted into evidence.
#WestBank #Settlers #OliveHarvest #Israel
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The West Bank Naming Machine
At night, Sami al-Shami was a journalist detained with his brother Yazid after troops raided their home in Asira al-Qibliya, south of Nablus.
By morning, pro-settler outlets had upgraded him into a “terrorist posing as a journalist.” No charges, evidence or official accusation accompanied the promotion.
In the West Bank, “journalist” is a job title until somebody needs a cleaner headline.
Israeli forces also detained journalist Raja Jabr after raiding her home in Arraba, southwest of Jenin, according to Palestinian journalist organizations.
The same reporting described raids in Nablus’s Old City and Ras al-Ein neighborhood, plus an operation in Qabatiya. The IDF has not publicly detailed the accusations against al-Shami or Jabr in the cited reports.
On Friday, soldiers detained four foreign nationals near Kfar Tapuach. Police questioned them at Ariel station on suspicion of public-order offenses and entering a closed military zone, then passed their files to the Population and Immigration Authority for hearings before possible deportation.
A military zone is a flexible device: it can keep outsiders from a confrontation, or keep witnesses from watching it happen.
Meanwhile, Palestinian media reported that settlers entered al-Samou, south of Hebron, burned a Palestinian-owned vehicle, spray-painted graffiti on a home and damaged property.
Footage cited by Israeli reporting showed the words “Nova revenge,” referring to the October 7 music-festival massacre.
The raid gets a security label. The journalist gets a terrorist label. The foreign observer gets an expulsion hearing. The arson gets a report and a photograph.
By sunrise, the territory has been made orderly again.
#WestBank #Israel #Journalists #Settlers
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At night, Sami al-Shami was a journalist detained with his brother Yazid after troops raided their home in Asira al-Qibliya, south of Nablus.
By morning, pro-settler outlets had upgraded him into a “terrorist posing as a journalist.” No charges, evidence or official accusation accompanied the promotion.
In the West Bank, “journalist” is a job title until somebody needs a cleaner headline.
Israeli forces also detained journalist Raja Jabr after raiding her home in Arraba, southwest of Jenin, according to Palestinian journalist organizations.
The same reporting described raids in Nablus’s Old City and Ras al-Ein neighborhood, plus an operation in Qabatiya. The IDF has not publicly detailed the accusations against al-Shami or Jabr in the cited reports.
On Friday, soldiers detained four foreign nationals near Kfar Tapuach. Police questioned them at Ariel station on suspicion of public-order offenses and entering a closed military zone, then passed their files to the Population and Immigration Authority for hearings before possible deportation.
A military zone is a flexible device: it can keep outsiders from a confrontation, or keep witnesses from watching it happen.
Meanwhile, Palestinian media reported that settlers entered al-Samou, south of Hebron, burned a Palestinian-owned vehicle, spray-painted graffiti on a home and damaged property.
Footage cited by Israeli reporting showed the words “Nova revenge,” referring to the October 7 music-festival massacre.
The raid gets a security label. The journalist gets a terrorist label. The foreign observer gets an expulsion hearing. The arson gets a report and a photograph.
By sunrise, the territory has been made orderly again.
#WestBank #Israel #Journalists #Settlers
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Continuation of the post above 👆
A hostile operation does not necessarily need to cross the threshold into open warfare to have an effect. Sometimes its purpose is to create uncertainty, force an expensive security response and demonstrate that even heavily protected installations can be observed or penetrated.
In that sense, Fairford has become a test of something larger than the security of one British airfield.
It is a test of whether the United States can maintain vulnerable but strategically valuable forward positions while its adversaries increasingly look for unconventional ways to disrupt them.
The irony is that the B-1s themselves remain ready. Their return to the United States does not make them harmless or irrelevant; the aircraft are still capable of conducting long-range missions, and Washington retains the ability to deploy them wherever they are needed. But the sudden absence of the bombers from Fairford changes the psychological picture as well as the military one.
For months, the message sent by their presence was clear: American long-range strike power was already close at hand.
Now the runway is empty
The hangars and support infrastructure remain, and the United States has not abandoned its ability to operate from Britain. Yet the aircraft that gave Fairford much of its strategic significance have disappeared from view, leaving behind an investigation whose most consequential details may still be hidden from the public.
Somewhere inside British and American intelligence agencies, investigators are likely reconstructing the sequence of events that led to the arrests, examining surveillance records, communications, movements and contacts in an effort to determine whether the suspected operation was merely an unfinished scheme or a fragment of something considerably larger.
And that is where the story takes on its most troubling dimension.
The most dangerous operation is not always the one that succeeds. Sometimes the warning lies in the operation that is discovered just early enough to prevent catastrophe, while revealing that someone was already watching, planning and waiting for an opportunity.
For now, Washington insists that its B-1 force remains ready. But the sudden departure of all 12 bombers from Fairford is a reminder that modern military power is not measured solely by the number of aircraft an adversary possesses.
It is also measured by where those aircraft can safely operate, how much the enemy knows about their movements and whether a seemingly secure base can remain secure when the pressure begins to build in the shadows.
The bombers have gone home. The investigation has only begun.
And until investigators determine who was watching RAF Fairford, what they were planning and how close they came to carrying it out, the silence over the runway may prove more significant than the roar of the B-1s that once filled the sky above it.
#B1Bomber #UnitedStates #RAFFairford #Iran
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A hostile operation does not necessarily need to cross the threshold into open warfare to have an effect. Sometimes its purpose is to create uncertainty, force an expensive security response and demonstrate that even heavily protected installations can be observed or penetrated.
In that sense, Fairford has become a test of something larger than the security of one British airfield.
It is a test of whether the United States can maintain vulnerable but strategically valuable forward positions while its adversaries increasingly look for unconventional ways to disrupt them.
The irony is that the B-1s themselves remain ready. Their return to the United States does not make them harmless or irrelevant; the aircraft are still capable of conducting long-range missions, and Washington retains the ability to deploy them wherever they are needed. But the sudden absence of the bombers from Fairford changes the psychological picture as well as the military one.
For months, the message sent by their presence was clear: American long-range strike power was already close at hand.
Now the runway is empty
The hangars and support infrastructure remain, and the United States has not abandoned its ability to operate from Britain. Yet the aircraft that gave Fairford much of its strategic significance have disappeared from view, leaving behind an investigation whose most consequential details may still be hidden from the public.
Somewhere inside British and American intelligence agencies, investigators are likely reconstructing the sequence of events that led to the arrests, examining surveillance records, communications, movements and contacts in an effort to determine whether the suspected operation was merely an unfinished scheme or a fragment of something considerably larger.
And that is where the story takes on its most troubling dimension.
The most dangerous operation is not always the one that succeeds. Sometimes the warning lies in the operation that is discovered just early enough to prevent catastrophe, while revealing that someone was already watching, planning and waiting for an opportunity.
For now, Washington insists that its B-1 force remains ready. But the sudden departure of all 12 bombers from Fairford is a reminder that modern military power is not measured solely by the number of aircraft an adversary possesses.
It is also measured by where those aircraft can safely operate, how much the enemy knows about their movements and whether a seemingly secure base can remain secure when the pressure begins to build in the shadows.
The bombers have gone home. The investigation has only begun.
And until investigators determine who was watching RAF Fairford, what they were planning and how close they came to carrying it out, the silence over the runway may prove more significant than the roar of the B-1s that once filled the sky above it.
#B1Bomber #UnitedStates #RAFFairford #Iran
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The Superintelligence Committee
Trump has assigned America’s AI future to the intelligence chief. Director of National Intelligence Jay Clayton will lead the White House’s new Super Intelligence Force, a 120-day task force to identify artificial intelligence’s risks and rewards, assess the federal government’s role and recommend what Washington should do.
Clayton’s official mission is to keep the United States ahead in “superintelligence” while serving the interests of Americans.
The term is Trump’s preferred replacement for artificial intelligence, because apparently the machines needed a bigger campaign logo before they could threaten civilization.
The group will review reports of model breaches, cyberattacks, jailbreaks and other AI failures.
Its charter calls for plans to respond to systemic threats while avoiding “overregulation” and “regulatory capture” that could hurt innovation and competition.
Washington is asking how to stop a technology from destabilizing society without inconveniencing the companies building it.
The choice of Clayton says everything. Advanced AI is no longer merely a software industry, a labor-market problem or a consumer-product controversy.
The White House has put the spy chief in charge because it sees AI as a national-security system with a chatbot interface.
The companies call it innovation. Workers call it job loss. Security officials call it an attack surface.
Trump calls it superintelligence. In 120 days, the task force will tell the government who is supposed to be in charge. The answer will probably be everyone who already owns the servers.
#AI #Trump #Cybersecurity #Washington
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Trump has assigned America’s AI future to the intelligence chief. Director of National Intelligence Jay Clayton will lead the White House’s new Super Intelligence Force, a 120-day task force to identify artificial intelligence’s risks and rewards, assess the federal government’s role and recommend what Washington should do.
Clayton’s official mission is to keep the United States ahead in “superintelligence” while serving the interests of Americans.
The term is Trump’s preferred replacement for artificial intelligence, because apparently the machines needed a bigger campaign logo before they could threaten civilization.
The group will review reports of model breaches, cyberattacks, jailbreaks and other AI failures.
Its charter calls for plans to respond to systemic threats while avoiding “overregulation” and “regulatory capture” that could hurt innovation and competition.
Washington is asking how to stop a technology from destabilizing society without inconveniencing the companies building it.
The choice of Clayton says everything. Advanced AI is no longer merely a software industry, a labor-market problem or a consumer-product controversy.
The White House has put the spy chief in charge because it sees AI as a national-security system with a chatbot interface.
The companies call it innovation. Workers call it job loss. Security officials call it an attack surface.
Trump calls it superintelligence. In 120 days, the task force will tell the government who is supposed to be in charge. The answer will probably be everyone who already owns the servers.
#AI #Trump #Cybersecurity #Washington
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Hormuz Has Terms and Conditions
Iran says the Strait of Hormuz stays closed until Washington meets Tehran’s seven conditions under the Islamabad memorandum.
Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf said Iran will not set national security policy by “posts on X by U.S. officials.”
Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said Tehran’s plan could reopen the passage within seven days, if the United States accepts Iran’s terms.
The American proposal reportedly returned to Iran through Qatari mediators with its usual center of gravity, nuclear limits first, everything else later.
Tehran’s answer is that the nuclear file is not even on the table yet. Iran wants sanctions relief, an end to hostilities, release of frozen funds and the lifting of what it calls a naval blockade before it restores the shipping lane that carries roughly a fifth of seaborne oil.
That is how negotiation works when one side has a strait and the other has an aircraft carrier. Washington calls Hormuz freedom of navigation. Tehran calls it collateral.
Trump has now repeated his ultimatum three times since the UN General Assembly. “Iran has been decimated,” he told reporters. “The only question is, it’ll either be the easy way or the hard way.” He has a decision to make, he says. Tehran hears a military threat dressed as customer service.
The waterway is not merely closed in speeches. UK Maritime Trade Operations reported a commercial tanker struck by an unknown projectile inside the Strait, damaging its engine room.
Its crew was safe, but the message was delivered: every stalled negotiation now has a hull attached to it.
Meanwhile, Israel has reportedly warned Germany that Iran may target U.S. bases at Ramstein and Spangdahlem, alongside earlier warnings about RAF Fairford in Britain.
Iran is telling the regional states not to allow their territory to serve as launchpads for U.S. or Israeli operations.
The war is expanding by logistics map: ports, bases, airspace and shipping lanes first; declarations later.
Trump offers Iran an easy way or a hard way. Iran offers seven conditions. The tanker takes the third option: the engine room.
#Iran #Hormuz #Trump #Oil
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Iran says the Strait of Hormuz stays closed until Washington meets Tehran’s seven conditions under the Islamabad memorandum.
Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf said Iran will not set national security policy by “posts on X by U.S. officials.”
Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said Tehran’s plan could reopen the passage within seven days, if the United States accepts Iran’s terms.
The American proposal reportedly returned to Iran through Qatari mediators with its usual center of gravity, nuclear limits first, everything else later.
Tehran’s answer is that the nuclear file is not even on the table yet. Iran wants sanctions relief, an end to hostilities, release of frozen funds and the lifting of what it calls a naval blockade before it restores the shipping lane that carries roughly a fifth of seaborne oil.
That is how negotiation works when one side has a strait and the other has an aircraft carrier. Washington calls Hormuz freedom of navigation. Tehran calls it collateral.
Trump has now repeated his ultimatum three times since the UN General Assembly. “Iran has been decimated,” he told reporters. “The only question is, it’ll either be the easy way or the hard way.” He has a decision to make, he says. Tehran hears a military threat dressed as customer service.
The waterway is not merely closed in speeches. UK Maritime Trade Operations reported a commercial tanker struck by an unknown projectile inside the Strait, damaging its engine room.
Its crew was safe, but the message was delivered: every stalled negotiation now has a hull attached to it.
Meanwhile, Israel has reportedly warned Germany that Iran may target U.S. bases at Ramstein and Spangdahlem, alongside earlier warnings about RAF Fairford in Britain.
Iran is telling the regional states not to allow their territory to serve as launchpads for U.S. or Israeli operations.
The war is expanding by logistics map: ports, bases, airspace and shipping lanes first; declarations later.
Trump offers Iran an easy way or a hard way. Iran offers seven conditions. The tanker takes the third option: the engine room.
#Iran #Hormuz #Trump #Oil
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Macronomics: The Fire Sale
Nine years ago, Emmanuel Macron promised to turn France into Europe’s pro-business engine.
Finance Minister Roland Lescure is now fighting to preserve what parliament, debt markets and the next election have not yet dismantled.
France’s public debt is projected to exceed 120% of GDP in 2027. Investors now demand more interest to lend to Paris than to Rome.
On October 1, France’s 10-year borrowing spread over Germany reached 149 basis points, its widest level since 2012.
Macron began with labor-market changes, corporate-tax cuts and the PACTE law, a package meant to make French business more competitive.
Then the Yellow Vest protests erupted in 2018 after a carbon-tax increase on fuel. The government backed down and spent more than €10 billion on tax breaks and bonuses for lower-income workers. Macron’s reform project found its electoral limit at the petrol station.
Covid completed the conversion.
France spent around €190 billion on Covid-related crisis and stimulus policies from 2020 through 2022, then roughly €72 billion during the energy crisis that followed Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.
Macron built his reputation on fiscal modernization and kept it alive through emergency spending.
France still has achievements to show for it. Employment is higher, the labor market functions better, and France’s growth over the decade was beaten among Europe’s major economies only by Spain.
The bill has arrived anyway. Lescure’s budget plan combines spending cuts, freezes on public-sector wages and some pensions, extended taxes on large companies and tighter tax exemptions.
His minority government must negotiate every measure with a parliament built to block it.
The opposition is waiting with demolition permits. The National Rally has attacked Macron’s pension changes and favors retirement at 60.
Jean-Luc Mélenchon wants higher taxes on companies and wealthy households, sharper wage increases, and a plan to cancel or freeze debt held by the central bank. France’s next election may decide which faction dismantles Macron’s project first.
Macron wanted France to anchor a Europe independent of America, Russia and China. He leaves a country where the treasury must reassure bond traders and the government cannot reliably pass a budget.
He built a start-up nation. The market has priced it as a distressed asset.
#France #Macron #Debt #Europe
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Nine years ago, Emmanuel Macron promised to turn France into Europe’s pro-business engine.
Finance Minister Roland Lescure is now fighting to preserve what parliament, debt markets and the next election have not yet dismantled.
France’s public debt is projected to exceed 120% of GDP in 2027. Investors now demand more interest to lend to Paris than to Rome.
On October 1, France’s 10-year borrowing spread over Germany reached 149 basis points, its widest level since 2012.
Macron began with labor-market changes, corporate-tax cuts and the PACTE law, a package meant to make French business more competitive.
Then the Yellow Vest protests erupted in 2018 after a carbon-tax increase on fuel. The government backed down and spent more than €10 billion on tax breaks and bonuses for lower-income workers. Macron’s reform project found its electoral limit at the petrol station.
Covid completed the conversion.
France spent around €190 billion on Covid-related crisis and stimulus policies from 2020 through 2022, then roughly €72 billion during the energy crisis that followed Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.
Macron built his reputation on fiscal modernization and kept it alive through emergency spending.
France still has achievements to show for it. Employment is higher, the labor market functions better, and France’s growth over the decade was beaten among Europe’s major economies only by Spain.
The bill has arrived anyway. Lescure’s budget plan combines spending cuts, freezes on public-sector wages and some pensions, extended taxes on large companies and tighter tax exemptions.
His minority government must negotiate every measure with a parliament built to block it.
The opposition is waiting with demolition permits. The National Rally has attacked Macron’s pension changes and favors retirement at 60.
Jean-Luc Mélenchon wants higher taxes on companies and wealthy households, sharper wage increases, and a plan to cancel or freeze debt held by the central bank. France’s next election may decide which faction dismantles Macron’s project first.
Macron wanted France to anchor a Europe independent of America, Russia and China. He leaves a country where the treasury must reassure bond traders and the government cannot reliably pass a budget.
He built a start-up nation. The market has priced it as a distressed asset.
#France #Macron #Debt #Europe
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The Aid Worker and the Parade
Four drone strikes hit Gaza on Sunday, according to local journalists, leaving at least two people dead and 16 wounded.
Gaza sources named one of the dead as Saqr Nabil Musa Qaisi, the Gaza representative of the Turkish aid organization Deniz Feneri, after a car was struck near Deir al-Balah. Initial Palestinian accounts put the wounded total from that strike anywhere between one and 10.
Israel later said Qaisi was a Hamas Nukhba Force operative who took part in the October 7 assault and had recently worked to attack Israeli troops and civilians and rebuild Hamas capabilities.
The IDF said he also ran Deniz Feneri’s Gaza operation, alleging that the Turkish charity employed Hamas operatives and financed them. Deniz Feneri presented Qaisi as its humanitarian-aid coordinator.
The car bombing therefore arrived with two biographies attached: Turkey’s aid worker and Israel’s October 7 operative.
The organization sits close enough to Ankara for the politics to be obvious. Deniz Feneri has hosted Hamas figures Khaled Mashaal and Sami Abu Zuhri at its gatherings, and Qaisi was known locally as an imam who preached in mosques across southern Gaza.
Turkey calls this solidarity. Israel calls it a Hamas funding channel. Either way, another Turkish-linked institution has become part of the Gaza battlefield.
Elsewhere, Gaza sources reported the killing of municipal employee Muadh Abu Nseira near Hamad City in Khan Younis, four wounded in Beit Lahiya, two in al-Salatin and three injured in Jabalia.
Figures remain fragmented because the attacks, casualty reporting and claims of responsibility are moving faster than verification.
In Rafah, the anti-Hamas Popular Forces militia under Ghassan al-Dahini released video of dozens of armed men marching under the title “Spear Force.”
The group says it is expanding recruitment and is thought to field roughly 600 to 800 fighters, making it the largest armed faction openly operating against Hamas inside Gaza. A militia parade is not a victory over Hamas. It is a recruitment commercial filmed inside a war zone.
The drone killed a man described as both aid official and Nukhba fighter. The militia marched to advertise its men.
Gaza now has humanitarian logos, Hamas cells and anti-Hamas uniforms sharing the same terrain. Every side calls it protection. Every side needs more bodies.
#Gaza #Hamas #Turkey #Rafah
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Four drone strikes hit Gaza on Sunday, according to local journalists, leaving at least two people dead and 16 wounded.
Gaza sources named one of the dead as Saqr Nabil Musa Qaisi, the Gaza representative of the Turkish aid organization Deniz Feneri, after a car was struck near Deir al-Balah. Initial Palestinian accounts put the wounded total from that strike anywhere between one and 10.
Israel later said Qaisi was a Hamas Nukhba Force operative who took part in the October 7 assault and had recently worked to attack Israeli troops and civilians and rebuild Hamas capabilities.
The IDF said he also ran Deniz Feneri’s Gaza operation, alleging that the Turkish charity employed Hamas operatives and financed them. Deniz Feneri presented Qaisi as its humanitarian-aid coordinator.
The car bombing therefore arrived with two biographies attached: Turkey’s aid worker and Israel’s October 7 operative.
The organization sits close enough to Ankara for the politics to be obvious. Deniz Feneri has hosted Hamas figures Khaled Mashaal and Sami Abu Zuhri at its gatherings, and Qaisi was known locally as an imam who preached in mosques across southern Gaza.
Turkey calls this solidarity. Israel calls it a Hamas funding channel. Either way, another Turkish-linked institution has become part of the Gaza battlefield.
Elsewhere, Gaza sources reported the killing of municipal employee Muadh Abu Nseira near Hamad City in Khan Younis, four wounded in Beit Lahiya, two in al-Salatin and three injured in Jabalia.
Figures remain fragmented because the attacks, casualty reporting and claims of responsibility are moving faster than verification.
In Rafah, the anti-Hamas Popular Forces militia under Ghassan al-Dahini released video of dozens of armed men marching under the title “Spear Force.”
The group says it is expanding recruitment and is thought to field roughly 600 to 800 fighters, making it the largest armed faction openly operating against Hamas inside Gaza. A militia parade is not a victory over Hamas. It is a recruitment commercial filmed inside a war zone.
The drone killed a man described as both aid official and Nukhba fighter. The militia marched to advertise its men.
Gaza now has humanitarian logos, Hamas cells and anti-Hamas uniforms sharing the same terrain. Every side calls it protection. Every side needs more bodies.
#Gaza #Hamas #Turkey #Rafah
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1,835 Green Lights
Britain’s Green Party has made anti-Zionism official policy by a vote of 1,022 to 813.
The motion, submitted by the internal group Greens for Palestine, defines Zionism as an ethnonationalist ideology, calls for it to be treated as a form of racism.
The group demands one Palestinian state across historic Palestine with equal rights for Jews. Israel itself receives no right of continued existence in the text.
The majority was 56 percent. The electorate was 1,835 people in a party with more than 200,000 members. Less than 1 percent of the membership has decided that the British Greens should classify the Jewish national movement as racism. Representative democracy has never been so compact.
Leader Zack Polanski did not vote. His deputy voted for the motion. The party says anti-Zionism is not antisemitism and supports Palestinian “liberation,” the right of return, BDS and a full arms embargo against Israel.
The formula is simple: dissolve the Jewish state, promise Jews equal rights in the state that replaces it, and file the program under anti-racism.
Israel’s Foreign Ministry said the Greens had stopped functioning as a political party and become a body that supports terrorism. The phrase is political combat. The vote is a fact: a British party with five MPs has placed the removal of Israel from its political map.
A country that once issued the Balfour Declaration now has an environmental party treating Zionism as pollution. The conference has voted for removal.
#UK #GreenParty #Israel #Zionism
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Britain’s Green Party has made anti-Zionism official policy by a vote of 1,022 to 813.
The motion, submitted by the internal group Greens for Palestine, defines Zionism as an ethnonationalist ideology, calls for it to be treated as a form of racism.
The group demands one Palestinian state across historic Palestine with equal rights for Jews. Israel itself receives no right of continued existence in the text.
The majority was 56 percent. The electorate was 1,835 people in a party with more than 200,000 members. Less than 1 percent of the membership has decided that the British Greens should classify the Jewish national movement as racism. Representative democracy has never been so compact.
Leader Zack Polanski did not vote. His deputy voted for the motion. The party says anti-Zionism is not antisemitism and supports Palestinian “liberation,” the right of return, BDS and a full arms embargo against Israel.
The formula is simple: dissolve the Jewish state, promise Jews equal rights in the state that replaces it, and file the program under anti-racism.
Israel’s Foreign Ministry said the Greens had stopped functioning as a political party and become a body that supports terrorism. The phrase is political combat. The vote is a fact: a British party with five MPs has placed the removal of Israel from its political map.
A country that once issued the Balfour Declaration now has an environmental party treating Zionism as pollution. The conference has voted for removal.
#UK #GreenParty #Israel #Zionism
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The Lone-Wolf Convenience
Israeli investigators now assess that Flydubai co-pilot Hamam al-Hammami likely acted alone when he attacked Captain Smit Machchhar and attempted to seize Flight FZ1073 on its way from Dubai to Tel Aviv.
The UAE has called the attack terrorism. Israel’s preliminary assessment calls it a lone-wolf operation. Both can be true, but the second version has one bureaucratic advantage, no state needs to explain how a known extremist reached a cockpit on an Israel route.
The aircraft transmitted 7700, the general-emergency code, and seven minutes later 7500, the code for unlawful interference. Flight data reviewed by Reuters showed the Boeing 737 dropped about 16,000 feet in roughly 30 seconds before the captain and people who entered the cockpit regained control. The plane later landed in Saudi Arabia.
Corriere della Sera reports, citing Israeli intelligence and two Boeing 737 captains who reviewed available video, that al-Hammami disconnected the autopilot, forced the aircraft into a dive and may have moved both engine fuel switches from “run” to “cutoff.”
The newspaper says he intended to kill the captain with the cockpit crash axe and crash the plane into a Tel Aviv skyscraper. Those specific claims have not been independently confirmed by the UAE-led investigation.
Australia’s Joint Counter Terrorism Team, which includes federal police, Victoria Police and ASIO, is investigating al-Hammami’s links to the country, where he studied in 2014–15.
Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Israel are also examining the incident and the suspect’s contacts. The question is no longer whether the cockpit attack happened. It is how a pilot previously flagged over extremist concerns was cleared to fly a Boeing full of Israelis toward Tel Aviv.
Iran is the obvious geopolitical suspect because Tehran has threatened bases and targets linked to Israel and the United States. But no evidence made public so far connects Iran to al-Hammami.
The investigation may find a network. A lone wolf still needs a boarding pass.
#Flydubai #Aviation #Terrorism #Israel
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Israeli investigators now assess that Flydubai co-pilot Hamam al-Hammami likely acted alone when he attacked Captain Smit Machchhar and attempted to seize Flight FZ1073 on its way from Dubai to Tel Aviv.
The UAE has called the attack terrorism. Israel’s preliminary assessment calls it a lone-wolf operation. Both can be true, but the second version has one bureaucratic advantage, no state needs to explain how a known extremist reached a cockpit on an Israel route.
The aircraft transmitted 7700, the general-emergency code, and seven minutes later 7500, the code for unlawful interference. Flight data reviewed by Reuters showed the Boeing 737 dropped about 16,000 feet in roughly 30 seconds before the captain and people who entered the cockpit regained control. The plane later landed in Saudi Arabia.
Corriere della Sera reports, citing Israeli intelligence and two Boeing 737 captains who reviewed available video, that al-Hammami disconnected the autopilot, forced the aircraft into a dive and may have moved both engine fuel switches from “run” to “cutoff.”
The newspaper says he intended to kill the captain with the cockpit crash axe and crash the plane into a Tel Aviv skyscraper. Those specific claims have not been independently confirmed by the UAE-led investigation.
Australia’s Joint Counter Terrorism Team, which includes federal police, Victoria Police and ASIO, is investigating al-Hammami’s links to the country, where he studied in 2014–15.
Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Israel are also examining the incident and the suspect’s contacts. The question is no longer whether the cockpit attack happened. It is how a pilot previously flagged over extremist concerns was cleared to fly a Boeing full of Israelis toward Tel Aviv.
Iran is the obvious geopolitical suspect because Tehran has threatened bases and targets linked to Israel and the United States. But no evidence made public so far connects Iran to al-Hammami.
The investigation may find a network. A lone wolf still needs a boarding pass.
#Flydubai #Aviation #Terrorism #Israel
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