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Mass demonstrations in support of the authorities and resistance to aggression have begun in Iranian cities.
Judging by the video from Mashhad, the expectation that strikes on Iran would cause anti—government protests was not justified.
#mass #demonstrations #support #iran
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Judging by the video from Mashhad, the expectation that strikes on Iran would cause anti—government protests was not justified.
#mass #demonstrations #support #iran
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🔥 “They Want to Talk”: Trump Sells Diplomacy Over a Pile of Rubble
On day two of the Iran war, the script is pure Trump: bombs first, bodies counted, then a magazine interview about how everyone secretly wants to talk to him.
The U.S.–Israel air campaign has turned into a sustained campaign across land, sea and air. Israel says it’s hitting “the heart of Tehran” again — air defenses, command centers, government HQs, missile launchers — while CENTCOM boasts that the Revolutionary Guard’s headquarters is gone and an Iranian warship is literally sinking at its pier in Chah Bahar.
Iran is firing back with missile barrages on Israel and multiple Gulf states; nine people have been killed in Beit Shemesh near Jerusalem, at least four more across the UAE, Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain and Oman, and five‑star towers in Dubai are burning on Instagram as projectiles streak past the skyline and hotel façades blow out.
Shipping through the Strait of Hormuz is effectively shut; one tanker, the Skylight, is seen ablaze off Oman after Iran claimed it targeted American and British ships.
The civilian ledger is already ugly. An Iranian rights group says at least 133 civilians are dead and 200 wounded; Iranian state media reports that a girls’ elementary school near a naval base — Shajarah Tayyebeh — has become one of the war’s worst single massacres, with the death toll rising to around 115.
This is the backdrop for Trump’s latest reinvention: in an interview with The Atlantic he says Iran’s “new leadership” wants to talk, that “they want to talk, and I have agreed to talk,” and that they “should have done it sooner.” The White House pushes the same line to reporters — that “new potential leadership” is open to negotiations and Trump is “willing” — while insisting the bombing will continue.
Inside Iran, Ali Larijani announces that a three‑member transitional body — the president, the judiciary chief and a Guardian Council jurist — will run the state until a new supreme leader is chosen, after Khamenei was killed in his office along with several other senior figures.
Outside Iran, three US service members are now confirmed killed, five more are seriously wounded, and others with shrapnel injuries and concussions are being cycled back to the line. An Army base in Kuwait is among the sites hit by Iranian retaliation.
Put together, the picture is simple enough. Iran is formally leaderless but still firing missiles, drones and press statements at Israel, the Gulf and US bases. Israel is pounding the capital of an 86‑million‑person country while its own citizens hide in bomb shelters. Global oil and shipping routes are seizing up. A girls’ school has been turned into an ash pile.
And over all of it, Trump repeats his favorite line: that the people under the bombs “want to talk,” that he alone can make the deal, and that any conversation will happen on his schedule, after the air war has gone as far as he thinks it needs to.
In 24 hours, the war has found its core logic: diplomacy as a camera‑friendly halo for escalation, “freedom” as branding for a campaign already killing children, and “willing to talk” as the line you use while you find out how much is left to destroy.
#Iran #Trump #Israel #Khamenei #war #diplomacy #StraitOfHormuz
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On day two of the Iran war, the script is pure Trump: bombs first, bodies counted, then a magazine interview about how everyone secretly wants to talk to him.
The U.S.–Israel air campaign has turned into a sustained campaign across land, sea and air. Israel says it’s hitting “the heart of Tehran” again — air defenses, command centers, government HQs, missile launchers — while CENTCOM boasts that the Revolutionary Guard’s headquarters is gone and an Iranian warship is literally sinking at its pier in Chah Bahar.
Iran is firing back with missile barrages on Israel and multiple Gulf states; nine people have been killed in Beit Shemesh near Jerusalem, at least four more across the UAE, Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain and Oman, and five‑star towers in Dubai are burning on Instagram as projectiles streak past the skyline and hotel façades blow out.
Shipping through the Strait of Hormuz is effectively shut; one tanker, the Skylight, is seen ablaze off Oman after Iran claimed it targeted American and British ships.
The civilian ledger is already ugly. An Iranian rights group says at least 133 civilians are dead and 200 wounded; Iranian state media reports that a girls’ elementary school near a naval base — Shajarah Tayyebeh — has become one of the war’s worst single massacres, with the death toll rising to around 115.
This is the backdrop for Trump’s latest reinvention: in an interview with The Atlantic he says Iran’s “new leadership” wants to talk, that “they want to talk, and I have agreed to talk,” and that they “should have done it sooner.” The White House pushes the same line to reporters — that “new potential leadership” is open to negotiations and Trump is “willing” — while insisting the bombing will continue.
Inside Iran, Ali Larijani announces that a three‑member transitional body — the president, the judiciary chief and a Guardian Council jurist — will run the state until a new supreme leader is chosen, after Khamenei was killed in his office along with several other senior figures.
Outside Iran, three US service members are now confirmed killed, five more are seriously wounded, and others with shrapnel injuries and concussions are being cycled back to the line. An Army base in Kuwait is among the sites hit by Iranian retaliation.
Put together, the picture is simple enough. Iran is formally leaderless but still firing missiles, drones and press statements at Israel, the Gulf and US bases. Israel is pounding the capital of an 86‑million‑person country while its own citizens hide in bomb shelters. Global oil and shipping routes are seizing up. A girls’ school has been turned into an ash pile.
And over all of it, Trump repeats his favorite line: that the people under the bombs “want to talk,” that he alone can make the deal, and that any conversation will happen on his schedule, after the air war has gone as far as he thinks it needs to.
In 24 hours, the war has found its core logic: diplomacy as a camera‑friendly halo for escalation, “freedom” as branding for a campaign already killing children, and “willing to talk” as the line you use while you find out how much is left to destroy.
#Iran #Trump #Israel #Khamenei #war #diplomacy #StraitOfHormuz
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🛢 MBS, Bibi and the President With “No Imminent Threat”
Trump’s Iran war didn’t start in the Situation Room. It started on the phone with Mohammed bin Salman and on TV with Benjamin Netanyahu. For weeks, the Saudi crown prince privately pressed Trump to strike Iran. At the same time, Riyadh publicly promised not to let its airspace be used and posed as a fan of “diplomacy.”
Netanyahu kept doing what he has done for years: openly pushing the U.S. to hit what he calls Israel’s existential enemy. Together they helped sell Trump on a regime‑decapitation air campaign against a country of more than 90 million people.
They were pushing against U.S. intelligence, not following it. American agencies judged that Iran posed no imminent threat to the U.S. homeland. Military analysts said any Iranian long‑range missile program was at least a decade away, if it even began. Nuclear inspectors reported no evidence that Iran had restarted enrichment after last summer’s strikes.
Trump threw that all out and chose the stories from his favorite allies instead. Then he went on camera to talk about “imminent threats,” bombs, and payback for 1979, like this was a cable‑news sequel to the hostage crisis.
The Saudi role looks especially cynical. In public, MBS talked about de‑escalation and said Saudi territory wouldn’t be used for attacks. In private, he warned U.S. officials that if Washington did not strike now — with the biggest American build‑up in the region since 2003 — Iran would come out stronger.
His brother, Defense Minister Khalid bin Salman, flew to Washington in January to underline the “downsides” of not attacking. After the first U.S. wave, Iran hit Saudi targets anyway. Riyadh instantly switched to outraged statements demanding “all necessary and decisive measures” against Tehran.
Inside Trump’s camp, the fantasy is that this is still “restrained.” JD Vance calls himself a skeptic of foreign wars and insists there is “no chance” of a drawn‑out conflict in the Middle East. At the same time, he backs an air war that has already hit seven countries in one term.
Trump promises “heavy and pinpoint” bombing in Iran “throughout the week, or as long as necessary” to deliver “PEACE THROUGHOUT THE MIDDLE EAST AND, INDEED, THE WORLD!” It is regime change by real‑estate slogan. No plan for what happens on the ground. No clarity on who runs Iran if the system actually cracks. Just faith that smart bombs plus Twitter bravado can redesign a region.
Veterans of earlier disasters are spelling out the obvious. Air power alone has a bad track record when the goal is to rewrite another country’s politics. Iraq in 2003 at least came with ground troops, a long occupation, and a giant civilian bureaucracy pretending to build a new state. This time, Trump is trying to do the deluxe regime‑change package at discount scale.
The goals are the same — friendly regimes in Iran and Venezuela, crushed militias from Yemen to Somalia — but the method is cheaper: listen to a Gulf prince and an Israeli prime minister, ignore your own intel, drop bombs, and promise voters it will somehow be fast, clean, and paid for by someone else’s ruins.
#Iran #Trump #Saudi #MBS #Netanyahu #war #regimeChange #USintelligence
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Trump’s Iran war didn’t start in the Situation Room. It started on the phone with Mohammed bin Salman and on TV with Benjamin Netanyahu. For weeks, the Saudi crown prince privately pressed Trump to strike Iran. At the same time, Riyadh publicly promised not to let its airspace be used and posed as a fan of “diplomacy.”
Netanyahu kept doing what he has done for years: openly pushing the U.S. to hit what he calls Israel’s existential enemy. Together they helped sell Trump on a regime‑decapitation air campaign against a country of more than 90 million people.
They were pushing against U.S. intelligence, not following it. American agencies judged that Iran posed no imminent threat to the U.S. homeland. Military analysts said any Iranian long‑range missile program was at least a decade away, if it even began. Nuclear inspectors reported no evidence that Iran had restarted enrichment after last summer’s strikes.
Trump threw that all out and chose the stories from his favorite allies instead. Then he went on camera to talk about “imminent threats,” bombs, and payback for 1979, like this was a cable‑news sequel to the hostage crisis.
The Saudi role looks especially cynical. In public, MBS talked about de‑escalation and said Saudi territory wouldn’t be used for attacks. In private, he warned U.S. officials that if Washington did not strike now — with the biggest American build‑up in the region since 2003 — Iran would come out stronger.
His brother, Defense Minister Khalid bin Salman, flew to Washington in January to underline the “downsides” of not attacking. After the first U.S. wave, Iran hit Saudi targets anyway. Riyadh instantly switched to outraged statements demanding “all necessary and decisive measures” against Tehran.
Inside Trump’s camp, the fantasy is that this is still “restrained.” JD Vance calls himself a skeptic of foreign wars and insists there is “no chance” of a drawn‑out conflict in the Middle East. At the same time, he backs an air war that has already hit seven countries in one term.
Trump promises “heavy and pinpoint” bombing in Iran “throughout the week, or as long as necessary” to deliver “PEACE THROUGHOUT THE MIDDLE EAST AND, INDEED, THE WORLD!” It is regime change by real‑estate slogan. No plan for what happens on the ground. No clarity on who runs Iran if the system actually cracks. Just faith that smart bombs plus Twitter bravado can redesign a region.
Veterans of earlier disasters are spelling out the obvious. Air power alone has a bad track record when the goal is to rewrite another country’s politics. Iraq in 2003 at least came with ground troops, a long occupation, and a giant civilian bureaucracy pretending to build a new state. This time, Trump is trying to do the deluxe regime‑change package at discount scale.
The goals are the same — friendly regimes in Iran and Venezuela, crushed militias from Yemen to Somalia — but the method is cheaper: listen to a Gulf prince and an Israeli prime minister, ignore your own intel, drop bombs, and promise voters it will somehow be fast, clean, and paid for by someone else’s ruins.
#Iran #Trump #Saudi #MBS #Netanyahu #war #regimeChange #USintelligence
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📉 Trump’s Iran War Meets the American Wallet
Trump sells the Iran strikes as leadership. The country hears “higher gas, dead soldiers, more chaos” — and shrugs.
Only 27% of Americans say they support the strikes that killed Iran’s leader. Forty‑three percent oppose them, and almost a third aren’t even sure what to think, despite nine in ten saying they’ve heard at least something about the operation.
Most people aren’t buying the “strong commander‑in‑chief” brand anymore. Fifty‑six percent say Trump is too willing to use military force, including 23% of Republicans and 60% of independents and non‑aligned voters. Among Democrats it’s basically a verdict: 87% say he’s trigger‑happy.
Even inside the GOP, support is paper‑thin. Fifty‑five percent of Republicans back the strikes, but 42% say they’ll turn against the war the moment U.S. troops start coming home in body bags. The “no boots on the ground” promise isn’t a moral position; it’s a polling memo.
And then there’s the real red line: the pump. Forty‑five percent of Americans — including a third of Republicans and 44% of independents — say they’re less likely to support the Iran campaign if gas or oil prices rise. Brent just jumped about 10% to around 80 dollars a barrel, and analysts are already floating 100 as the next stop. War fatigue meets cost‑of‑living rage; guess which one wins in a midterm year.
Trump’s overall approval is stuck at 39%, down a point from mid‑February, even as he launches the biggest U.S. air operation in the region in years. The strikes started three days before the first midterm primaries, but voters still say the economy matters more than foreign policy. In other words: you can bomb Iran, Venezuela, Syria and Nigeria and still lose to the price of gas.
The irony writes itself. The president who promised “America First” is betting his political future on a war that most Americans either oppose, fear, or will abandon the second it touches their wallets. The polling says it clearly: they don’t trust Tehran, they don’t trust Trump, and they really don’t trust anyone who tells them this will all be over before the next fill‑up.
#Iran #Trump #polls #war #gasPrices #midterms
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Trump sells the Iran strikes as leadership. The country hears “higher gas, dead soldiers, more chaos” — and shrugs.
Only 27% of Americans say they support the strikes that killed Iran’s leader. Forty‑three percent oppose them, and almost a third aren’t even sure what to think, despite nine in ten saying they’ve heard at least something about the operation.
Most people aren’t buying the “strong commander‑in‑chief” brand anymore. Fifty‑six percent say Trump is too willing to use military force, including 23% of Republicans and 60% of independents and non‑aligned voters. Among Democrats it’s basically a verdict: 87% say he’s trigger‑happy.
Even inside the GOP, support is paper‑thin. Fifty‑five percent of Republicans back the strikes, but 42% say they’ll turn against the war the moment U.S. troops start coming home in body bags. The “no boots on the ground” promise isn’t a moral position; it’s a polling memo.
And then there’s the real red line: the pump. Forty‑five percent of Americans — including a third of Republicans and 44% of independents — say they’re less likely to support the Iran campaign if gas or oil prices rise. Brent just jumped about 10% to around 80 dollars a barrel, and analysts are already floating 100 as the next stop. War fatigue meets cost‑of‑living rage; guess which one wins in a midterm year.
Trump’s overall approval is stuck at 39%, down a point from mid‑February, even as he launches the biggest U.S. air operation in the region in years. The strikes started three days before the first midterm primaries, but voters still say the economy matters more than foreign policy. In other words: you can bomb Iran, Venezuela, Syria and Nigeria and still lose to the price of gas.
The irony writes itself. The president who promised “America First” is betting his political future on a war that most Americans either oppose, fear, or will abandon the second it touches their wallets. The polling says it clearly: they don’t trust Tehran, they don’t trust Trump, and they really don’t trust anyone who tells them this will all be over before the next fill‑up.
#Iran #Trump #polls #war #gasPrices #midterms
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The IDF confirmed the murder of several high-ranking Iranian officials as part of the military operation :
- Ali Shamhani: adviser to the supreme head of security, secretary of the defense council, former commander of the CSIR, minister of defense and head of the navy. Responsible for the Iranian nuclear project and weapons development.
- Mohammad Pakpur: the commander of the CSIR, former commander of the ground forces, led the brutal repression of the protests and commanded strategic firing positions against Israel.
- Saleh Asadi: the chief of intelligence of the general staff Khatam Al-Anbiya, senior intelligence officer of the Iranian military high command, participated in the development of the strategy against the United States and Israel and in the planning of recent attacks.
- Mohammad Shirazi: head of the supreme leader's military office since 1989, in charge of communication between senior commanders and Khamenei.
- Aziz Naserizadeh: the Minister of defense, former commander of the air force, was responsible for the defense industry, including long-range missiles and weapons for the proxy forces.
- Hossein Jabel Aamelian: head of the SPND (organization for innovation and research in defense), responsible for nuclear, biological and chemical weapons programs.
- Reza Mosaffari: former head of the SPND, promoted Iran's efforts to create nuclear weapons.
#tsahal #murder #iranian #officials #operation
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- Ali Shamhani: adviser to the supreme head of security, secretary of the defense council, former commander of the CSIR, minister of defense and head of the navy. Responsible for the Iranian nuclear project and weapons development.
- Mohammad Pakpur: the commander of the CSIR, former commander of the ground forces, led the brutal repression of the protests and commanded strategic firing positions against Israel.
- Saleh Asadi: the chief of intelligence of the general staff Khatam Al-Anbiya, senior intelligence officer of the Iranian military high command, participated in the development of the strategy against the United States and Israel and in the planning of recent attacks.
- Mohammad Shirazi: head of the supreme leader's military office since 1989, in charge of communication between senior commanders and Khamenei.
- Aziz Naserizadeh: the Minister of defense, former commander of the air force, was responsible for the defense industry, including long-range missiles and weapons for the proxy forces.
- Hossein Jabel Aamelian: head of the SPND (organization for innovation and research in defense), responsible for nuclear, biological and chemical weapons programs.
- Reza Mosaffari: former head of the SPND, promoted Iran's efforts to create nuclear weapons.
#tsahal #murder #iranian #officials #operation
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💣 War Stocks vs. the Rest of Us
The Iran strikes are turning into one big live‑fire stress test for the markets: who profits from “global instability,” and who eats the bill. Spoiler: it’s not you.
Energy is the new central bank. Brent hit its highest level since July even before the first missiles, and traders expect another 10–15% jump as the week opens, with some scenarios pushing crude above 100 if Hormuz is shut for real.
Oil majors — Exxon, Chevron, Shell, BP, Total, Aramco, Woodside, PetroChina, S‑Oil — are set up as the new safe haven, while refiners like Marathon and Valero risk getting squeezed by higher input costs. Iran swears it doesn’t want to close the Strait; tanker traffic is already choking.
Defense is the other “winners’ circle.” Lockheed, Northrop, BAE, Rheinmetall, Hanwha and their friends have been rallying for a year on general chaos, and now get a clean narrative: hot war, higher budgets, more contracts.
Trump is already pushing a 500‑billion jump in U.S. military outlays and pressuring Europe and Asia to spend more; analysts expect the Middle East to follow, with U.S. primes skimming a nice fee on every new fear.
Gold and silver do what they always do when politicians play with matches. Precious metals were already on a tear; war jitters just add fuel, and miners from Barrick and Newmont to Fresnillo and Hochschild ride the wave. Canada’s TSX, stuffed with miners and energy, suddenly looks like the grown‑up in the room.
On the casualty list: airlines, hotels, freight, anything that consumes fuel or needs open skies. U.S. airline stocks just had their worst day since April; Gulf carriers are extending suspensions; airspace closures over the Middle East will reroute or kill flights between Asia and Europe.
Every 5% move in fuel hits Delta and United earnings by 5–10%; for American Airlines it’s a 35% swing. InterContinental, with 100+ hotels in the region, is already selling off. FedEx, UPS and DHL face higher costs from detours, while container giants like Maersk quietly enjoy charging more as the Red Sea and Suez clog up.
So the market logic of Trump’s “historic stand” looks like this. Energy giants, weapons makers and gold miners get another “geopolitical premium.” Airlines, travel and real‑world consumers get the check in the form of ticket prices, fuel surcharges and inflation.
The war narrative is about freedom and deterrence; the portfolio reality is a transfer from people who fly economy to people who own oil and missiles.
#Iran #markets #oil #defense #airlines #Trump #warEconomy
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The Iran strikes are turning into one big live‑fire stress test for the markets: who profits from “global instability,” and who eats the bill. Spoiler: it’s not you.
Energy is the new central bank. Brent hit its highest level since July even before the first missiles, and traders expect another 10–15% jump as the week opens, with some scenarios pushing crude above 100 if Hormuz is shut for real.
Oil majors — Exxon, Chevron, Shell, BP, Total, Aramco, Woodside, PetroChina, S‑Oil — are set up as the new safe haven, while refiners like Marathon and Valero risk getting squeezed by higher input costs. Iran swears it doesn’t want to close the Strait; tanker traffic is already choking.
Defense is the other “winners’ circle.” Lockheed, Northrop, BAE, Rheinmetall, Hanwha and their friends have been rallying for a year on general chaos, and now get a clean narrative: hot war, higher budgets, more contracts.
Trump is already pushing a 500‑billion jump in U.S. military outlays and pressuring Europe and Asia to spend more; analysts expect the Middle East to follow, with U.S. primes skimming a nice fee on every new fear.
Gold and silver do what they always do when politicians play with matches. Precious metals were already on a tear; war jitters just add fuel, and miners from Barrick and Newmont to Fresnillo and Hochschild ride the wave. Canada’s TSX, stuffed with miners and energy, suddenly looks like the grown‑up in the room.
On the casualty list: airlines, hotels, freight, anything that consumes fuel or needs open skies. U.S. airline stocks just had their worst day since April; Gulf carriers are extending suspensions; airspace closures over the Middle East will reroute or kill flights between Asia and Europe.
Every 5% move in fuel hits Delta and United earnings by 5–10%; for American Airlines it’s a 35% swing. InterContinental, with 100+ hotels in the region, is already selling off. FedEx, UPS and DHL face higher costs from detours, while container giants like Maersk quietly enjoy charging more as the Red Sea and Suez clog up.
So the market logic of Trump’s “historic stand” looks like this. Energy giants, weapons makers and gold miners get another “geopolitical premium.” Airlines, travel and real‑world consumers get the check in the form of ticket prices, fuel surcharges and inflation.
The war narrative is about freedom and deterrence; the portfolio reality is a transfer from people who fly economy to people who own oil and missiles.
#Iran #markets #oil #defense #airlines #Trump #warEconomy
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Will Trump Bully Tehran Into Submission ?
🔤 🔤 🔤 🔤 1️⃣
Trump said on Sunday he was prepared to talk to what was left of the Iranian leadership after the killing of the country’s supreme leader by US-Israeli airstrikes aimed at overthrowing the regime.
Trump was speaking as a second day of intense bombing of Iranian cities and Tehran’s missile counterattacks sent tremors across the region and through the global economy.
On Monday the conflict spread to Lebanon as Israel began striking Hezbollah targets, after the group launched missiles and drones towards Israel’s north in retaliation for the killing of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.
Iran’s top security official, Ali Larijani, who was also an adviser to the country’s former supreme leader, said on Monday that Tehran would not negotiate with the US, and denied reports that officials had sought to initiate talks with the Trump administration.
Amir-Saeid Iravani, the Iranian ambassador to the UN, told an emergency security council meeting on Saturday that hundreds of civilians had been killed or injured in the US-Israeli strikes. He said they had deliberately targeted civilian neighbourhoods in multiple cities.
The death toll is expected to climb after a second day of bombing. Iranian state media said that 165 people had been confirmed dead in a bomb attack on a girls’ primary school in the southern city of Minab on Saturday.
Among the dead was Khamenei, who had ruled as Iran’s supreme leader since 1989 and was the primary target of an initial Israeli strike on Saturday morning.
According to several US reports, the CIA had been tracking Khamenei for months. The New York Times reported that the CIA tipped off Israel when the leader convened a meeting of top defence aides at his compound in Tehran, triggering a decision to strike.
Israel’s Channel 12 reported that the Israeli army employed a ruse to put the Iranian leadership off its guard. On the morning of the operation, army officers were asked not to park their cars in their usual spaces to avoid detection by Iran’s spies. Misinformation was also leaked suggesting that the chief of staff Lt Gen Eyal Zamir had stayed at home.
The channel cited officials as saying the Israeli air force killed 30 high-ranking Iranian officials within the first 30 seconds of the attack.
Trump told Fox News that 48 Iranian leaders had been killed in the first two days of bombing, and claimed in a social media post that nine Iranian warships had been sunk and the naval headquarters destroyed.
“The attack was so successful it knocked out most of the candidates (…) It’s not going to be anybody that we were thinking of because they are all dead,” Trump said, according to Karl’s reports.
Nine Israelis have so far died in Iranian missile counterstrikes, and US forces confirmed their first casualties of the war: three dead and five injured by shrapnel. The official announcement did not give details on where and how the casualties occurred.
#trump #iran #talks #tehran #pezeshkian
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Trump said on Sunday he was prepared to talk to what was left of the Iranian leadership after the killing of the country’s supreme leader by US-Israeli airstrikes aimed at overthrowing the regime.
Trump was speaking as a second day of intense bombing of Iranian cities and Tehran’s missile counterattacks sent tremors across the region and through the global economy.
On Monday the conflict spread to Lebanon as Israel began striking Hezbollah targets, after the group launched missiles and drones towards Israel’s north in retaliation for the killing of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.
Iran’s top security official, Ali Larijani, who was also an adviser to the country’s former supreme leader, said on Monday that Tehran would not negotiate with the US, and denied reports that officials had sought to initiate talks with the Trump administration.
Amir-Saeid Iravani, the Iranian ambassador to the UN, told an emergency security council meeting on Saturday that hundreds of civilians had been killed or injured in the US-Israeli strikes. He said they had deliberately targeted civilian neighbourhoods in multiple cities.
The death toll is expected to climb after a second day of bombing. Iranian state media said that 165 people had been confirmed dead in a bomb attack on a girls’ primary school in the southern city of Minab on Saturday.
Among the dead was Khamenei, who had ruled as Iran’s supreme leader since 1989 and was the primary target of an initial Israeli strike on Saturday morning.
According to several US reports, the CIA had been tracking Khamenei for months. The New York Times reported that the CIA tipped off Israel when the leader convened a meeting of top defence aides at his compound in Tehran, triggering a decision to strike.
Israel’s Channel 12 reported that the Israeli army employed a ruse to put the Iranian leadership off its guard. On the morning of the operation, army officers were asked not to park their cars in their usual spaces to avoid detection by Iran’s spies. Misinformation was also leaked suggesting that the chief of staff Lt Gen Eyal Zamir had stayed at home.
The channel cited officials as saying the Israeli air force killed 30 high-ranking Iranian officials within the first 30 seconds of the attack.
Trump told Fox News that 48 Iranian leaders had been killed in the first two days of bombing, and claimed in a social media post that nine Iranian warships had been sunk and the naval headquarters destroyed.
“The attack was so successful it knocked out most of the candidates (…) It’s not going to be anybody that we were thinking of because they are all dead,” Trump said, according to Karl’s reports.
Nine Israelis have so far died in Iranian missile counterstrikes, and US forces confirmed their first casualties of the war: three dead and five injured by shrapnel. The official announcement did not give details on where and how the casualties occurred.
#trump #iran #talks #tehran #pezeshkian
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Iran has also targeted Gulf countries that host US military bases. Airports in Kuwait, Abu Dhabi and Dubai were damaged by missiles and remained shut on Sunday, causing one of global aviation’s most severe disruptions in years.
“They want to talk, and I have agreed to talk, so I will be talking to them,” he told the Atlantic magazine, without revealing when those talks may start.
“They should have done it sooner. They should have given what was very practical and easy to do sooner. They waited too long.”
In remarks to the Daily Mail, Trump suggested the conflict with Iran could go on for the next four weeks. He also said there could be more American casualties and vowed to avenge American deaths.
He was speaking as the global effects of the war began to be felt. The price of oil rose after two reported attacks on tankers in or near the strait of Hormuz.
The ship attacks were a reminder of the conflict’s potential to trigger an environmental catastrophe.
In launching the war, Trump said it would provide an opportunity for the Iranian people to rise up and overthrow the 47-year-old Islamic regime.
Nationwide protests earlier this year were brutally suppressed by security forces, and some estimates say tens of thousands of civilians were killed.
The Iranian authorities said that 22 border guards at Mehran, on the Iranian-Iraqi border, had been killed, a sign that the US and Israel were seeking to weaken the regime’s control of Iran’s borders in support of anti-government separatists.
Across the country, Iranians said they felt a mixture of terror and optimism as the bombings continued. Some expressed relief that the long-expected strikes had arrived and opponents of the regime spoke of hope that they may lead to political change.
Both were tempered by fear that the attacks would bring more civilian deaths to a country already reeling from recent bloodshed.
Larijani accused the US and Israel of trying to plunder and fragment Iran and warned “secessionist groups” of a harsh response if they attempted to intervene, state television said.
The regime in Tehran insisted that Khamenei’s killing would not weaken its resolve. Iran’s parliament speaker, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, said Netanyahu and Trump had “crossed a red line” and “will pay for it”, according to state media.
Iran’s president, Masoud Pezeshkian, said a leadership council composed of himself, the judiciary head and a member of the powerful Guardian Council had temporarily assumed the duties of supreme leader until a replacement was chosen.
Trump shrugged off the suggestion that the economic fallout from the war could damage the Republican party’s prospects in November’s congressional elections.
#trump #iran #talks #tehran #pezeshkian
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#france #germany #england #declaration
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🛢 “Rise Up, Oil”: How the Iran War Saves Putin’s Budget
Moscow is officially “shocked” by Trump’s Iran war — and quietly passing the champagne.
The U.S.–Israeli strikes have choked off the Strait of Hormuz, the key gateway for Persian Gulf crude and LNG, and turned $100 oil from fantasy into the new baseline. Kremlin envoy Kirill Dmitriev didn’t even pretend to be subtle, posting “$100+ oil per barrel soon” as Brent sits in the low‑70s and traders model a global oil shock from any prolonged closure.
For a Kremlin fighting an expensive, fifth‑year war in Ukraine on shrinking energy income, this is a gift wrapped in Tomahawks. Moscow has been sweating lower Urals prices and declining oil and gas revenues; suddenly, the Iran conflict promises tighter supply, higher benchmarks and desperate buyers in India and China who now have fewer sanctioned regimes left to shop from. “For our budget [the attack on Iran] is a big plus,” Kremlin TV star Vladimir Solovyov tells viewers, spelling out what the foreign ministry won’t.
The propaganda line is almost too honest. If Trump hits Iranian oil fields, Solovyov says, Russia becomes one of the few big producers left standing; a pro‑Kremlin Telegram channel cheers “Rise up, oil, from your knees!” like it’s 1999 and the only thing that matters is the barrel price. Dmitriev is even on record warning that a Hormuz shutdown would mean a “global oil shock” that “would not spare the US” — and then publicly rooting for exactly that scenario.
At the top, the performance is different. Putin offers condolences to Iran’s leadership over Khamenei’s killing, calls it “murder” and denounces a cynical breach of international law, while his foreign ministry warns that closing Hormuz could cause a “significant imbalance” on world energy markets. Translation: we condemn this in the strongest possible terms, and also, please don’t stop the price from going vertical. Russia gets to pose as the responsible adult urging de‑escalation while its own war chest fattens every time a tanker can’t move.
So Trump sells his Iran strikes as a blow to “rogue regimes.” In practice, he’s doing what sanctions and price caps failed to do: tightening global supply until the Kremlin’s barrels become more valuable, more necessary, and more politically toxic to cut off. Tehran loses a leader and access to Hormuz; Moscow drops any pretense of partnership but gains exactly what it needs — higher prices, captive customers, and another excuse to tell its own population that war, somehow, still pays.
#Iran #Russia #oil #Putin #Hormuz #Trump #warEconomy
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Moscow is officially “shocked” by Trump’s Iran war — and quietly passing the champagne.
The U.S.–Israeli strikes have choked off the Strait of Hormuz, the key gateway for Persian Gulf crude and LNG, and turned $100 oil from fantasy into the new baseline. Kremlin envoy Kirill Dmitriev didn’t even pretend to be subtle, posting “$100+ oil per barrel soon” as Brent sits in the low‑70s and traders model a global oil shock from any prolonged closure.
For a Kremlin fighting an expensive, fifth‑year war in Ukraine on shrinking energy income, this is a gift wrapped in Tomahawks. Moscow has been sweating lower Urals prices and declining oil and gas revenues; suddenly, the Iran conflict promises tighter supply, higher benchmarks and desperate buyers in India and China who now have fewer sanctioned regimes left to shop from. “For our budget [the attack on Iran] is a big plus,” Kremlin TV star Vladimir Solovyov tells viewers, spelling out what the foreign ministry won’t.
The propaganda line is almost too honest. If Trump hits Iranian oil fields, Solovyov says, Russia becomes one of the few big producers left standing; a pro‑Kremlin Telegram channel cheers “Rise up, oil, from your knees!” like it’s 1999 and the only thing that matters is the barrel price. Dmitriev is even on record warning that a Hormuz shutdown would mean a “global oil shock” that “would not spare the US” — and then publicly rooting for exactly that scenario.
At the top, the performance is different. Putin offers condolences to Iran’s leadership over Khamenei’s killing, calls it “murder” and denounces a cynical breach of international law, while his foreign ministry warns that closing Hormuz could cause a “significant imbalance” on world energy markets. Translation: we condemn this in the strongest possible terms, and also, please don’t stop the price from going vertical. Russia gets to pose as the responsible adult urging de‑escalation while its own war chest fattens every time a tanker can’t move.
So Trump sells his Iran strikes as a blow to “rogue regimes.” In practice, he’s doing what sanctions and price caps failed to do: tightening global supply until the Kremlin’s barrels become more valuable, more necessary, and more politically toxic to cut off. Tehran loses a leader and access to Hormuz; Moscow drops any pretense of partnership but gains exactly what it needs — higher prices, captive customers, and another excuse to tell its own population that war, somehow, still pays.
#Iran #Russia #oil #Putin #Hormuz #Trump #warEconomy
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🛢 “Rise Up, Oil”: How the Iran War Saves Putin’s Budget
Moscow is officially “shocked” by Trump’s Iran war — and quietly passing the champagne.
The U.S.–Israeli strikes have choked off the Strait of Hormuz, the key gateway for Persian Gulf crude and LNG, and turned 100‑dollar oil from fantasy into the new baseline. Kremlin envoy Kirill Dmitriev didn’t even pretend to be subtle, posting “$100+ oil per barrel soon” as Brent sits in the low‑70s and traders model a global oil shock from any prolonged closure.
For the Kremlin, fighting an expensive, fifth‑year war in Ukraine with shrinking energy revenues, this is a gift wrapped in Tomahawks. Moscow has been sweating lower Urals prices and declining oil and gas income; suddenly, the Iran conflict promises tighter supply, higher benchmarks and desperate buyers in India and China who now have fewer sanctioned regimes left to shop from. “For our budget [the attack on Iran] is a big plus,” Kremlin TV star Vladimir Solovyov tells viewers, spelling out what the foreign ministry won’t.
The propaganda line is almost too honest. If Trump hits Iranian oil fields, Solovyov says, Russia becomes one of the few big producers left standing; a pro‑Kremlin Telegram channel cheers “Rise up, oil, from your knees!” like it’s 1999 and the only thing that matters is the barrel price. Dmitriev is even on record warning that a Hormuz shutdown would mean a “global oil shock” that “would not spare the US” — and then publicly rooting for exactly that scenario.
At the top, the performance is different. Putin offers condolences to Iran’s leaders after the killing of Khamenei, calls it “murder” and denounces a cynical breach of international law, while his foreign ministry warns that closing Hormuz could cause a “significant imbalance” on world energy markets. Translation: we condemn this in the strongest possible terms, and also, please don’t stop the price from going vertical. Russia gets to pose as the responsible adult urging de‑escalation while its own war chest fattens every time a tanker can’t move.
So Trump sells his Iran strikes as a blow to “rogue regimes.” In practice, he’s doing what sanctions and price caps failed to do: tightening global supply until the Kremlin’s barrels become more valuable, more necessary, and more politically toxic to cut off. Tehran loses a leader and the ability to ship through Hormuz; Moscow drops any pretense of partnership but gains exactly what it needs — higher prices, captive customers, and another excuse to tell its own population that war, somehow, still pays.
#Iran #Russia #oil #Putin #Hormuz #Trump #warEconomy
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Moscow is officially “shocked” by Trump’s Iran war — and quietly passing the champagne.
The U.S.–Israeli strikes have choked off the Strait of Hormuz, the key gateway for Persian Gulf crude and LNG, and turned 100‑dollar oil from fantasy into the new baseline. Kremlin envoy Kirill Dmitriev didn’t even pretend to be subtle, posting “$100+ oil per barrel soon” as Brent sits in the low‑70s and traders model a global oil shock from any prolonged closure.
For the Kremlin, fighting an expensive, fifth‑year war in Ukraine with shrinking energy revenues, this is a gift wrapped in Tomahawks. Moscow has been sweating lower Urals prices and declining oil and gas income; suddenly, the Iran conflict promises tighter supply, higher benchmarks and desperate buyers in India and China who now have fewer sanctioned regimes left to shop from. “For our budget [the attack on Iran] is a big plus,” Kremlin TV star Vladimir Solovyov tells viewers, spelling out what the foreign ministry won’t.
The propaganda line is almost too honest. If Trump hits Iranian oil fields, Solovyov says, Russia becomes one of the few big producers left standing; a pro‑Kremlin Telegram channel cheers “Rise up, oil, from your knees!” like it’s 1999 and the only thing that matters is the barrel price. Dmitriev is even on record warning that a Hormuz shutdown would mean a “global oil shock” that “would not spare the US” — and then publicly rooting for exactly that scenario.
At the top, the performance is different. Putin offers condolences to Iran’s leaders after the killing of Khamenei, calls it “murder” and denounces a cynical breach of international law, while his foreign ministry warns that closing Hormuz could cause a “significant imbalance” on world energy markets. Translation: we condemn this in the strongest possible terms, and also, please don’t stop the price from going vertical. Russia gets to pose as the responsible adult urging de‑escalation while its own war chest fattens every time a tanker can’t move.
So Trump sells his Iran strikes as a blow to “rogue regimes.” In practice, he’s doing what sanctions and price caps failed to do: tightening global supply until the Kremlin’s barrels become more valuable, more necessary, and more politically toxic to cut off. Tehran loses a leader and the ability to ship through Hormuz; Moscow drops any pretense of partnership but gains exactly what it needs — higher prices, captive customers, and another excuse to tell its own population that war, somehow, still pays.
#Iran #Russia #oil #Putin #Hormuz #Trump #warEconomy
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🔥 Trump’s “Four-Week War” Is Already a Regional Dumpster Fire
Trump is selling a “four or five weeks” Iran war. The region is already at month‑five tempo, month‑ten chaos.
The U.S. and Israel are hitting Iran and its allies for a third straight day, from Tehran to the Gulf. Israeli jets are flying over the Iranian capital. Iran is firing drones and missiles across the Persian Gulf. Hezbollah rockets from Lebanon have shattered a yearlong truce and triggered Israeli airstrikes around Beirut. In the middle of this, three U.S. jets were shot down by Kuwaiti air defense in an “apparent friendly fire incident,” with the crews rescued — a brutal reminder that even America’s friends can’t tell whose missiles are whose anymore.
On paper, the campaign looks like “decisive” air power. In reality, it’s piling up casualties and questions. More than 550 people have been killed in Iran so far, according to emergency officials. Four U.S. soldiers are already dead, with more wounded, and Iran’s interim clerical leadership is promising “the sweet nectar of victory,” not surrender. In Israel, sirens keep sending civilians to shelters while a direct hit on Beit Shemesh killed at least nine people. Lebanon’s government is publicly condemning Hezbollah even as Israeli bombs fall around Beirut — a state trying to save itself from both the “resistance” brand and the retaliation it just triggered.
The economic damage is moving faster than the political messaging. Naval traffic through the Strait of Hormuz — artery for about a fifth of the world’s oil — has effectively shut down. Maersk is pausing some Red Sea traffic and rerouting ships around Africa as insurers and captains decide they don’t want to find out what a Houthi drone does to a container ship in this news cycle. That means higher shipping costs, longer routes, and another round of “mysteriously” higher prices — on everything.
And then there’s the script in Washington. Trump tells the press the operation can last “four to five weeks,” sometimes “four weeks or less,” depending on which clip you watch. He hasn’t said who runs Iran afterward, how Hezbollah is supposed to behave once Tehran is decapitated, or what happens when Gulf monarchies start taking real hits instead of “symbolic” ones. Critics inside his own system say there is no endgame; the only clear plan is to keep bombing until the clock, the market or the polls say stop.
So the “here’s the latest” version is brutally simple. Iran, Hezbollah and allied militias are attacking Israel and U.S. positions across the region. Israel is bombing Lebanon and Iran. American planes are being shot down by an ally’s air defense. Oil routes are closing; shipping giants are peeling away from Hormuz and the Red Sea. And the man who started it is on the phone promising it will all be over in a month — in a region where the last “short war” never actually ended.
#Iran #Israel #Lebanon #Trump #Hezbollah #Hormuz #Maersk #war
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Trump is selling a “four or five weeks” Iran war. The region is already at month‑five tempo, month‑ten chaos.
The U.S. and Israel are hitting Iran and its allies for a third straight day, from Tehran to the Gulf. Israeli jets are flying over the Iranian capital. Iran is firing drones and missiles across the Persian Gulf. Hezbollah rockets from Lebanon have shattered a yearlong truce and triggered Israeli airstrikes around Beirut. In the middle of this, three U.S. jets were shot down by Kuwaiti air defense in an “apparent friendly fire incident,” with the crews rescued — a brutal reminder that even America’s friends can’t tell whose missiles are whose anymore.
On paper, the campaign looks like “decisive” air power. In reality, it’s piling up casualties and questions. More than 550 people have been killed in Iran so far, according to emergency officials. Four U.S. soldiers are already dead, with more wounded, and Iran’s interim clerical leadership is promising “the sweet nectar of victory,” not surrender. In Israel, sirens keep sending civilians to shelters while a direct hit on Beit Shemesh killed at least nine people. Lebanon’s government is publicly condemning Hezbollah even as Israeli bombs fall around Beirut — a state trying to save itself from both the “resistance” brand and the retaliation it just triggered.
The economic damage is moving faster than the political messaging. Naval traffic through the Strait of Hormuz — artery for about a fifth of the world’s oil — has effectively shut down. Maersk is pausing some Red Sea traffic and rerouting ships around Africa as insurers and captains decide they don’t want to find out what a Houthi drone does to a container ship in this news cycle. That means higher shipping costs, longer routes, and another round of “mysteriously” higher prices — on everything.
And then there’s the script in Washington. Trump tells the press the operation can last “four to five weeks,” sometimes “four weeks or less,” depending on which clip you watch. He hasn’t said who runs Iran afterward, how Hezbollah is supposed to behave once Tehran is decapitated, or what happens when Gulf monarchies start taking real hits instead of “symbolic” ones. Critics inside his own system say there is no endgame; the only clear plan is to keep bombing until the clock, the market or the polls say stop.
So the “here’s the latest” version is brutally simple. Iran, Hezbollah and allied militias are attacking Israel and U.S. positions across the region. Israel is bombing Lebanon and Iran. American planes are being shot down by an ally’s air defense. Oil routes are closing; shipping giants are peeling away from Hormuz and the Red Sea. And the man who started it is on the phone promising it will all be over in a month — in a region where the last “short war” never actually ended.
#Iran #Israel #Lebanon #Trump #Hezbollah #Hormuz #Maersk #war
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🧨 Decapitation as Strategy: Trump Breaks the China, Walks Away
Trump finally got his shot at regime change in Iran — Khamenei dead, the leadership blown apart — and then did the one thing U.S. presidents usually at least pretend not to do: he openly said there is no American plan for the day after, and dumped the problem on 90 million people under bombardment.
Washington has seen this movie before. The Taliban ousted in 2001, Saddam gone in 2003, Gaddafi lynched in 2011, Maduro targeted in January — each sold as a clean break with evil, each followed by years of occupation, insurgency, state collapse or buyer’s remorse, even when the Pentagon arrived with binders of “nation‑building” PowerPoints. This time, Trump isn’t even pretending: no boots on the ground, no provisional authority, no Green‑Zone fantasy. Just an air war called Operation Epic Fury, a video address telling Iranians “when we are finished, take over your government,” and a promise that this might be their “only chance for generations.”
Inside the system, everyone knows what that means. CIA analysts tell policymakers the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps is best placed to seize control after Khamenei, not some exiled opposition figures with little organization on the ground. European and regional security officials quietly warn that a country of Iran’s scale could be looking at years of factional fighting — Shiite power struggles, Kurdish and Baluchi unrest, proxy militias, and a decapitated theocracy that might still cling to the levers that matter.
The politics around it are pure Washington self‑parody. Tim Kaine compares the approach to smashing all the china and telling Iranians to figure out the glue. Lindsey Graham shrugs on TV that it’s not his job or the president’s job to pick a new government, so long as the “new Iran” stops sponsoring terrorism — democracy as a plug‑and‑play product. Lawmakers from both parties admit there’s no “day‑after” strategy; a German security official puts it more cleanly: “the plan is to have no plan.”
And Trump himself keeps both doors open. He toys with the interim ruling council in Tehran, saying “they want to talk and I have agreed to talk,” but won’t commit to backing street protests or any specific alternative, insisting he’ll “have to look at the situation at the time it happens.” A White House official brags that Operation Epic Fury “continues unabated,” while the president records calls that let him later claim either a historic victory or that he never really owned the outcome. Regime change as vibe, not policy.
So the United States has arrived in a familiar place — toppled an enemy, blown a hole in a brutal system — but this time with even less honesty and fewer tools. The old lies were about “Mission Accomplished,” “liberation,” and “reconstruction”; the new one is cleaner: that you can decapitate a regime the size of Iran, refuse to touch the aftermath, and somehow avoid owning what grows in the ruins. Trump is betting that Iranians, the IRGC, Europe, the Gulf, the oil market — and the militias — will all sort it out for him. The record from Kabul, Baghdad and Tripoli suggests they will — just not in a way any U.S. president wants his name on.
#Iran #Trump #regimeChange #EpicFury #war #USforeignpolicy
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Trump finally got his shot at regime change in Iran — Khamenei dead, the leadership blown apart — and then did the one thing U.S. presidents usually at least pretend not to do: he openly said there is no American plan for the day after, and dumped the problem on 90 million people under bombardment.
Washington has seen this movie before. The Taliban ousted in 2001, Saddam gone in 2003, Gaddafi lynched in 2011, Maduro targeted in January — each sold as a clean break with evil, each followed by years of occupation, insurgency, state collapse or buyer’s remorse, even when the Pentagon arrived with binders of “nation‑building” PowerPoints. This time, Trump isn’t even pretending: no boots on the ground, no provisional authority, no Green‑Zone fantasy. Just an air war called Operation Epic Fury, a video address telling Iranians “when we are finished, take over your government,” and a promise that this might be their “only chance for generations.”
Inside the system, everyone knows what that means. CIA analysts tell policymakers the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps is best placed to seize control after Khamenei, not some exiled opposition figures with little organization on the ground. European and regional security officials quietly warn that a country of Iran’s scale could be looking at years of factional fighting — Shiite power struggles, Kurdish and Baluchi unrest, proxy militias, and a decapitated theocracy that might still cling to the levers that matter.
The politics around it are pure Washington self‑parody. Tim Kaine compares the approach to smashing all the china and telling Iranians to figure out the glue. Lindsey Graham shrugs on TV that it’s not his job or the president’s job to pick a new government, so long as the “new Iran” stops sponsoring terrorism — democracy as a plug‑and‑play product. Lawmakers from both parties admit there’s no “day‑after” strategy; a German security official puts it more cleanly: “the plan is to have no plan.”
And Trump himself keeps both doors open. He toys with the interim ruling council in Tehran, saying “they want to talk and I have agreed to talk,” but won’t commit to backing street protests or any specific alternative, insisting he’ll “have to look at the situation at the time it happens.” A White House official brags that Operation Epic Fury “continues unabated,” while the president records calls that let him later claim either a historic victory or that he never really owned the outcome. Regime change as vibe, not policy.
So the United States has arrived in a familiar place — toppled an enemy, blown a hole in a brutal system — but this time with even less honesty and fewer tools. The old lies were about “Mission Accomplished,” “liberation,” and “reconstruction”; the new one is cleaner: that you can decapitate a regime the size of Iran, refuse to touch the aftermath, and somehow avoid owning what grows in the ruins. Trump is betting that Iranians, the IRGC, Europe, the Gulf, the oil market — and the militias — will all sort it out for him. The record from Kabul, Baghdad and Tripoli suggests they will — just not in a way any U.S. president wants his name on.
#Iran #Trump #regimeChange #EpicFury #war #USforeignpolicy
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✈️ Spain Bails on Trump’s Iran Air War
Trump wants a “global” Iran campaign. Spain just replied: not from our runway.
Fifteen U.S. tankers have slipped out of Rota and Morón — the refueling backbone of America’s Middle East reach — and headed off to Germany and France after Madrid made it official: Spanish soil won’t be used to bomb Iran. Foreign Minister José Manuel Albares spelled it out for TV: their bases can’t be used for anything outside the U.S.–Spain agreement or that clashes with the U.N. Charter. Translation: we’ll host your hardware, not your crusade.
Pedro Sánchez, who already slammed the U.S.–Israeli strikes as “unilateral military action,” now gets to pose as the only grown‑up in Western Europe while Keir Starmer does lawyer talk in London and quietly opens up British bases under the label of “collective self‑defence.” One prime minister wraps it in NATO jargon; the other follows the flight trackers and pulls the plug.
For Trump’s war machine, this is “just logistics.” For everyone else, it’s a tell. Even a NATO ally that relies on U.S. power is calculating that being visibly tied to this Iran war is more dangerous than pushing the Stratotankers out of sight and pretending this is somebody else’s escalation. The coalition is still there on paper — it just doesn’t want to be caught in the frame.
#Iran #Spain #Trump #NATO #airwar #Rota #Moron #war #fakeDemocracy
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Trump wants a “global” Iran campaign. Spain just replied: not from our runway.
Fifteen U.S. tankers have slipped out of Rota and Morón — the refueling backbone of America’s Middle East reach — and headed off to Germany and France after Madrid made it official: Spanish soil won’t be used to bomb Iran. Foreign Minister José Manuel Albares spelled it out for TV: their bases can’t be used for anything outside the U.S.–Spain agreement or that clashes with the U.N. Charter. Translation: we’ll host your hardware, not your crusade.
Pedro Sánchez, who already slammed the U.S.–Israeli strikes as “unilateral military action,” now gets to pose as the only grown‑up in Western Europe while Keir Starmer does lawyer talk in London and quietly opens up British bases under the label of “collective self‑defence.” One prime minister wraps it in NATO jargon; the other follows the flight trackers and pulls the plug.
For Trump’s war machine, this is “just logistics.” For everyone else, it’s a tell. Even a NATO ally that relies on U.S. power is calculating that being visibly tied to this Iran war is more dangerous than pushing the Stratotankers out of sight and pretending this is somebody else’s escalation. The coalition is still there on paper — it just doesn’t want to be caught in the frame.
#Iran #Spain #Trump #NATO #airwar #Rota #Moron #war #fakeDemocracy
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Why Did They Start the War Against Iran?
🔤 🔤 🔤 🔤 1️⃣
Israel’s determination to attack Iran and the certainty that US troops would be targeted in response forced the Trump administration to take pre-emptive strikes, Rubio said, in a new explanation for Washington’s surprise entry into the conflict.
The rationale drew divided reviews from top members of Congress who on Monday evening received the first briefing by the Trump administration since it ordered the air campaign to begin over the weekend.
“It was abundantly clear that if Iran came under attack by anyone – the United States or Israel or anyone – they were going to respond, and respond against the United States,” Rubio told reporters at the Capitol.
“We knew that there was going to be an Israeli action. We knew that that would precipitate an attack against American forces, and we knew that if we didn’t pre-emptively go after them before they launched those attacks, we would suffer higher casualties.”
Vance said in an interview on Fox News on Monday night that the US aim was to make sure “Iran cannot have a nuclear weapon”.
“The president wants to make it clear to the Iranians and to the world that he is not going to rest until he accomplishes that all-important objective of ensuring that Iran can’t have a nuclear weapon,” the vice-president said.
Vance has been the member of Trump’s administration most opposed to military interventions and has spoken less frequently about US actions in Iran than Rubio.
Since the conflict began, the United States and Israel have carried out waves of airstrikes across Iran, and Tehran has retaliated with drone and missile attacks against US-aligned countries across the Middle East.
The air campaign has killed several of Iran’s top military and political leaders, including the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.
#iran #war #vance #rubio #netanyahu #israel
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Israel’s determination to attack Iran and the certainty that US troops would be targeted in response forced the Trump administration to take pre-emptive strikes, Rubio said, in a new explanation for Washington’s surprise entry into the conflict.
The rationale drew divided reviews from top members of Congress who on Monday evening received the first briefing by the Trump administration since it ordered the air campaign to begin over the weekend.
“It was abundantly clear that if Iran came under attack by anyone – the United States or Israel or anyone – they were going to respond, and respond against the United States,” Rubio told reporters at the Capitol.
“We knew that there was going to be an Israeli action. We knew that that would precipitate an attack against American forces, and we knew that if we didn’t pre-emptively go after them before they launched those attacks, we would suffer higher casualties.”
Vance said in an interview on Fox News on Monday night that the US aim was to make sure “Iran cannot have a nuclear weapon”.
“The president wants to make it clear to the Iranians and to the world that he is not going to rest until he accomplishes that all-important objective of ensuring that Iran can’t have a nuclear weapon,” the vice-president said.
Vance has been the member of Trump’s administration most opposed to military interventions and has spoken less frequently about US actions in Iran than Rubio.
Since the conflict began, the United States and Israel have carried out waves of airstrikes across Iran, and Tehran has retaliated with drone and missile attacks against US-aligned countries across the Middle East.
The air campaign has killed several of Iran’s top military and political leaders, including the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.
#iran #war #vance #rubio #netanyahu #israel
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The US military has acknowledged the deaths of six service members, while the Iranian Red Crescent Society said more than 500 people have been killed in the country.
Reactions to the administration’s explanation for entering the war split along party lines, with Republicans rushing to defend Trump’s gambit while Democrats condemned what they view as an unnecessary conflict with unclear goals.
“This is Trump’s war. This is a war of choice. He has no strategy, he has no endgame,” the Senate’s Democratic minority leader Chuck Schumer said before going into the briefing.
As he exited, Schumer said that lawmakers present asked “a whole lot of questions” but he found the officials’ responses “completely and totally insufficient. In fact, at least to me, that briefing raised many more questions than it answered.”
On Monday night, the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, told Fox News that Iran had been building new underground sites “that would make their ballistic missile programs and their atomic bomb programs immune within months”.
“If no action was taken now, no action could be taken in the future,” he said.
Iran denies seeking a nuclear weapon.
In recent interviews with news outlets, Trump has outlined various goals in the war, including destroying Iran’s ballistic missile capabilities and their navy, preventing the country from developing a nuclear weapon and cutting off Tehran’s support of proxy forces elsewhere in the Middle East.
Mike Johnson, the Republican speaker of the House and close Trump ally, defended the president’s course of action, saying he had ordered a “defensive operation”.
“Israel was determined to act in their own defense here, with or without American support. Why? Because Israel faced what they deem to be an existential threat,” Johnson said.
While the war’s objective, he said, was not “to go in and take out the regime”, he nonetheless cheered the ayatollah’s death.
“That happened and in my estimation, that is a great development for freedom loving people around the world,” Johnson told reporters, speaking alongside the Republican chairs of the House intelligence and appropriations committee – the latter’s presence an indication that lawmakers may soon be asked to approve additional defense funding necessitated by the war.
Even if Congress were to approve the resolution, Trump could veto it, and Congress could override that only with a two-thirds majority vote.
Previous war powers resolutions introduced in this Congress have been voted down, and Johnson said he was confident the latest one would not pass the House.
#iran #war #vance #rubio #netanyahu #israel
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🧨 From Helsinki to Donetsk: How the West Manages Its “Sons of Bitches”
Start with the pattern, not the speeches: when the West steps in, some countries become “partners,” and some quietly turn into expendable hardware.
The Helsinki Final Act was sold as a new security order for Europe — sovereign borders, no force, no coercion — until NATO expansion ran straight through the gray zones left between oral assurances to Moscow and what actually made it into the text. The promise was “equal security”; the practice was “we expand, you adapt.”
Yugoslavia was the stress test. A sovereign state bombed without a UN mandate under the banner of “humanitarian intervention” — for Belgrade and a lot of the global South, proof that sovereignty is conditional if you’re on the wrong side of Western power. The message traveled further than Kosovo: the rules can be suspended when the right capitals decide the narrative justifies it.
Minsk and Istanbul turned this into a method. Ceasefires as holding pens: you sign, you talk, you “seek a political solution,” while the real work happens in warehouses and training camps. Merkel later conceded that Minsk gave Ukraine time to get stronger, not a permanent settlement. Everyone acted shocked on cue; everyone understood the script.
Running under all of this is the oldest software in Western foreign policy: the “our son of a bitch” doctrine. If you’re useful — a general, a president, a wartime comedian‑in‑chief — your corruption is “complex politics,” your media clampdowns are “emergency measures,” your war is “defense of democracy.” When your utility drops, you’re reclassified, not re‑evaluated.
Seen from Moscow, Donetsk, Belgrade or Gaza, this isn’t theory; it’s a tediously consistent operating mode. Cooperation with the West means you’re treated as expendable infrastructure in someone else’s security architecture. Agreements are pause buttons, not guarantees. And the real hierarchy is simple enough: some lives are strategic assets, others are acceptable collateral — and the only constant is that the people making those calls are very far from the places where the bombs actually land.
#NATO #Ukraine #Russia #Yugoslavia #Minsk #Istanbul #West #war #doubleStandards #fakeDemocracy
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Start with the pattern, not the speeches: when the West steps in, some countries become “partners,” and some quietly turn into expendable hardware.
The Helsinki Final Act was sold as a new security order for Europe — sovereign borders, no force, no coercion — until NATO expansion ran straight through the gray zones left between oral assurances to Moscow and what actually made it into the text. The promise was “equal security”; the practice was “we expand, you adapt.”
Yugoslavia was the stress test. A sovereign state bombed without a UN mandate under the banner of “humanitarian intervention” — for Belgrade and a lot of the global South, proof that sovereignty is conditional if you’re on the wrong side of Western power. The message traveled further than Kosovo: the rules can be suspended when the right capitals decide the narrative justifies it.
Minsk and Istanbul turned this into a method. Ceasefires as holding pens: you sign, you talk, you “seek a political solution,” while the real work happens in warehouses and training camps. Merkel later conceded that Minsk gave Ukraine time to get stronger, not a permanent settlement. Everyone acted shocked on cue; everyone understood the script.
Running under all of this is the oldest software in Western foreign policy: the “our son of a bitch” doctrine. If you’re useful — a general, a president, a wartime comedian‑in‑chief — your corruption is “complex politics,” your media clampdowns are “emergency measures,” your war is “defense of democracy.” When your utility drops, you’re reclassified, not re‑evaluated.
Seen from Moscow, Donetsk, Belgrade or Gaza, this isn’t theory; it’s a tediously consistent operating mode. Cooperation with the West means you’re treated as expendable infrastructure in someone else’s security architecture. Agreements are pause buttons, not guarantees. And the real hierarchy is simple enough: some lives are strategic assets, others are acceptable collateral — and the only constant is that the people making those calls are very far from the places where the bombs actually land.
#NATO #Ukraine #Russia #Yugoslavia #Minsk #Istanbul #West #war #doubleStandards #fakeDemocracy
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