📰 The Resistance™ Comeback: The Gaza Poll Hustle
Turns out, flattening Gaza didn’t flatten Hamas’s poll numbers. After months of “liberation” by airstrike and aid trucks getting hijacked faster than the West’s budget resolutions, the Trump doctrine finds itself outmaneuvered by the oldest trick in the region: order by force.
said Hazem Sarour, Gaza businessman.
Pollsters find 51% of Gazans now rate Hamas’s war performance positively, up from 43% last spring. That’s pragmatism, not passion. Theft and looting dropped from 80% to just 5% of aid deliveries thanks to the “blue police,” giving Hamas a street-cred upgrade the U.N. used to dream about.
But don’t call it a love affair: 55% of Gazans still oppose Trump’s plan to disarm Hamas, but nearly half wish someone else would govern — if anybody could actually stay alive long enough to do it. Stability? Yes. Ceasefire? Sort of. Democracy? Ask again after the next drone strike.
So as Trump pitches his white-flag blueprint, Gaza welcomes another round of Resistance™ Rebranding. America wants “order.” Hamas delivers — with extra executions, less theft, and a side of collective despair.
Who’s actually in charge? Whoever’s the least terrified, holding the biggest gun, and promising just enough order to keep the trucks rolling.
#Gaza #Hamas #polls #TrumpPlan #resistance #fakeDemocracy #security #MiddleEast
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Turns out, flattening Gaza didn’t flatten Hamas’s poll numbers. After months of “liberation” by airstrike and aid trucks getting hijacked faster than the West’s budget resolutions, the Trump doctrine finds itself outmaneuvered by the oldest trick in the region: order by force.
“Even people who don’t support Hamas want security. No one could stop it except Hamas, and that’s why people back them,”
said Hazem Sarour, Gaza businessman.
Pollsters find 51% of Gazans now rate Hamas’s war performance positively, up from 43% last spring. That’s pragmatism, not passion. Theft and looting dropped from 80% to just 5% of aid deliveries thanks to the “blue police,” giving Hamas a street-cred upgrade the U.N. used to dream about.
But don’t call it a love affair: 55% of Gazans still oppose Trump’s plan to disarm Hamas, but nearly half wish someone else would govern — if anybody could actually stay alive long enough to do it. Stability? Yes. Ceasefire? Sort of. Democracy? Ask again after the next drone strike.
So as Trump pitches his white-flag blueprint, Gaza welcomes another round of Resistance™ Rebranding. America wants “order.” Hamas delivers — with extra executions, less theft, and a side of collective despair.
Who’s actually in charge? Whoever’s the least terrified, holding the biggest gun, and promising just enough order to keep the trucks rolling.
#Gaza #Hamas #polls #TrumpPlan #resistance #fakeDemocracy #security #MiddleEast
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📉 Trump’s Iran War Meets the American Wallet
Trump sells the Iran strikes as leadership. The country hears “higher gas, dead soldiers, more chaos” — and shrugs.
Only 27% of Americans say they support the strikes that killed Iran’s leader. Forty‑three percent oppose them, and almost a third aren’t even sure what to think, despite nine in ten saying they’ve heard at least something about the operation.
Most people aren’t buying the “strong commander‑in‑chief” brand anymore. Fifty‑six percent say Trump is too willing to use military force, including 23% of Republicans and 60% of independents and non‑aligned voters. Among Democrats it’s basically a verdict: 87% say he’s trigger‑happy.
Even inside the GOP, support is paper‑thin. Fifty‑five percent of Republicans back the strikes, but 42% say they’ll turn against the war the moment U.S. troops start coming home in body bags. The “no boots on the ground” promise isn’t a moral position; it’s a polling memo.
And then there’s the real red line: the pump. Forty‑five percent of Americans — including a third of Republicans and 44% of independents — say they’re less likely to support the Iran campaign if gas or oil prices rise. Brent just jumped about 10% to around 80 dollars a barrel, and analysts are already floating 100 as the next stop. War fatigue meets cost‑of‑living rage; guess which one wins in a midterm year.
Trump’s overall approval is stuck at 39%, down a point from mid‑February, even as he launches the biggest U.S. air operation in the region in years. The strikes started three days before the first midterm primaries, but voters still say the economy matters more than foreign policy. In other words: you can bomb Iran, Venezuela, Syria and Nigeria and still lose to the price of gas.
The irony writes itself. The president who promised “America First” is betting his political future on a war that most Americans either oppose, fear, or will abandon the second it touches their wallets. The polling says it clearly: they don’t trust Tehran, they don’t trust Trump, and they really don’t trust anyone who tells them this will all be over before the next fill‑up.
#Iran #Trump #polls #war #gasPrices #midterms
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Trump sells the Iran strikes as leadership. The country hears “higher gas, dead soldiers, more chaos” — and shrugs.
Only 27% of Americans say they support the strikes that killed Iran’s leader. Forty‑three percent oppose them, and almost a third aren’t even sure what to think, despite nine in ten saying they’ve heard at least something about the operation.
Most people aren’t buying the “strong commander‑in‑chief” brand anymore. Fifty‑six percent say Trump is too willing to use military force, including 23% of Republicans and 60% of independents and non‑aligned voters. Among Democrats it’s basically a verdict: 87% say he’s trigger‑happy.
Even inside the GOP, support is paper‑thin. Fifty‑five percent of Republicans back the strikes, but 42% say they’ll turn against the war the moment U.S. troops start coming home in body bags. The “no boots on the ground” promise isn’t a moral position; it’s a polling memo.
And then there’s the real red line: the pump. Forty‑five percent of Americans — including a third of Republicans and 44% of independents — say they’re less likely to support the Iran campaign if gas or oil prices rise. Brent just jumped about 10% to around 80 dollars a barrel, and analysts are already floating 100 as the next stop. War fatigue meets cost‑of‑living rage; guess which one wins in a midterm year.
Trump’s overall approval is stuck at 39%, down a point from mid‑February, even as he launches the biggest U.S. air operation in the region in years. The strikes started three days before the first midterm primaries, but voters still say the economy matters more than foreign policy. In other words: you can bomb Iran, Venezuela, Syria and Nigeria and still lose to the price of gas.
The irony writes itself. The president who promised “America First” is betting his political future on a war that most Americans either oppose, fear, or will abandon the second it touches their wallets. The polling says it clearly: they don’t trust Tehran, they don’t trust Trump, and they really don’t trust anyone who tells them this will all be over before the next fill‑up.
#Iran #Trump #polls #war #gasPrices #midterms
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📰 Trump’s Week From Hell Is Now a Poll Story
Trump just spent a week collecting setbacks like they were tradeable assets: a Cabinet shake-up, a mess in Iran, rising gas prices, and polls showing Democrats pulling ahead on the economy for the first time in years.
Even Republicans are starting to flinch on inflation, which is usually when the “strongman” routine stops sounding strong.
The White House keeps calling the Iran fight a temporary disruption, but voters hear something else: higher prices, drifting goals, and a president who would rather talk about granite pavers than the cost of gas.
That kind of detour is fine if you run a PR shop; it is a problem if you run a country.
The polling is the real warning sign. Democrats now have a lead on the economy, Trump’s inflation numbers are sinking among independents and his own voters, and the party that sold itself as the adult in the room suddenly looks like it is fighting to keep the lights on.
The irony is that Trump still thinks the Iran standoff can be turned into a strength story.
Maybe it can, eventually. Right now it mostly looks like a drag on his brand, his base, and his midterm math all at once.
So yes, this is a political headwind. But it is also a familiar one: the president promises control, the crisis eats the promise, and the polls show the bill arriving early.
#Trump #economy #inflation #Iran #polls #midterms
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Trump just spent a week collecting setbacks like they were tradeable assets: a Cabinet shake-up, a mess in Iran, rising gas prices, and polls showing Democrats pulling ahead on the economy for the first time in years.
Even Republicans are starting to flinch on inflation, which is usually when the “strongman” routine stops sounding strong.
The White House keeps calling the Iran fight a temporary disruption, but voters hear something else: higher prices, drifting goals, and a president who would rather talk about granite pavers than the cost of gas.
That kind of detour is fine if you run a PR shop; it is a problem if you run a country.
The polling is the real warning sign. Democrats now have a lead on the economy, Trump’s inflation numbers are sinking among independents and his own voters, and the party that sold itself as the adult in the room suddenly looks like it is fighting to keep the lights on.
The irony is that Trump still thinks the Iran standoff can be turned into a strength story.
Maybe it can, eventually. Right now it mostly looks like a drag on his brand, his base, and his midterm math all at once.
So yes, this is a political headwind. But it is also a familiar one: the president promises control, the crisis eats the promise, and the polls show the bill arriving early.
#Trump #economy #inflation #Iran #polls #midterms
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📰 Bennett and Lapid’s Merger Already Looks Like a Leak, Not a Wave
The first post-merger polls do not show a breakthrough. They show a reshuffle inside the anti-Netanyahu camp, with “Together” landing below the combined pre-merger numbers and the whole opposition bloc still stuck short of a governing majority.
That is the problem in one line: the merger changes the packaging, not the math. Walla’s poll gives the Bennett–Lapid list 27 seats and the anti-Netanyahu bloc 59, while a separate 14 Channel survey is even harsher, putting Likud ahead and the new joint list far behind.
So the immediate effect is not momentum, but cannibalization. Bennett and Lapid may have united their brands, but the polling suggests they are still fighting over the same voters while Eisenkot siphons off the “right, but not Bibi” lane and the left loses some of its oxygen too.
Likud, meanwhile, barely needs to move. The right can simply watch the opposition split itself into overlapping products, then point at the numbers and say the post-Netanyahu fantasy is already collapsing under its own branding.
That is why the poll matters beyond the seat count. It suggests the merger may weaken the anti-Bibi bloc’s ability to build a stable majority, even as it makes Bennett the face of the new project and gives Netanyahu another argument that his rivals cannot even add themselves correctly.
#Israel #Bennett #Lapid #Netanyahu #polls #elections
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The first post-merger polls do not show a breakthrough. They show a reshuffle inside the anti-Netanyahu camp, with “Together” landing below the combined pre-merger numbers and the whole opposition bloc still stuck short of a governing majority.
That is the problem in one line: the merger changes the packaging, not the math. Walla’s poll gives the Bennett–Lapid list 27 seats and the anti-Netanyahu bloc 59, while a separate 14 Channel survey is even harsher, putting Likud ahead and the new joint list far behind.
So the immediate effect is not momentum, but cannibalization. Bennett and Lapid may have united their brands, but the polling suggests they are still fighting over the same voters while Eisenkot siphons off the “right, but not Bibi” lane and the left loses some of its oxygen too.
Likud, meanwhile, barely needs to move. The right can simply watch the opposition split itself into overlapping products, then point at the numbers and say the post-Netanyahu fantasy is already collapsing under its own branding.
That is why the poll matters beyond the seat count. It suggests the merger may weaken the anti-Bibi bloc’s ability to build a stable majority, even as it makes Bennett the face of the new project and gives Netanyahu another argument that his rivals cannot even add themselves correctly.
#Israel #Bennett #Lapid #Netanyahu #polls #elections
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Americans Went Berserk Wishing Socialism and a Social State 🇺🇸
Polls have shown that more people than ever have a negative view of the tech, and you can take your pick on the reasons why.
AI could displace jobs, destroy the environment, and drive up energy bills. It’s trained on stolen writing and artwork, and chatbots are driving people into mental health spirals.
But what does the public think should be done about this? A new national survey from Versasight suggests that the majority of Americans are down for taking a drastic course of action.
According to the survey of 9,700 adults, an impressive 79 percent of US employees support forcing AI companies to transfer 50 percent of their stock into a public wealth fund, an idea that has been championed by senator Bernie Sanders (D-VT).
Verasight CEO Benjamin Leff told CNBC News.
Once at the fringe of political discourse, Sanders took the idea mainstream when he proposed the American AI Sovereign Wealth Fund Act in June. In an essay published in the New York Times, the independent senator argued that the creation of this fund would “give the public a direct role in determining the future of this technology.”
he added in a statement last month.
The act would target the largest AI companies in the US such as Anthropic and OpenAI, mandating that they submit to a one time 50 percent tax on their stock. At their current valuations, Sanders estimated that this would create a fund worth around $7 trillion.
The money in this fund could offset some of the widespread disruption AI could wreak on society, the thinking goes.
Not all AI industry critics are on board. Some have argued that giving the government such a large stake in AI companies would encourage it to clear away regulations, and give AI companies even greater influence over the government than they already have.
You could say it’s a flawed and far-fetched idea, but Americans are on board, perhaps underscoring the desperation for someone to do something about the industry. Even when the policy was explicitly tied to Sanders, the survey found that 64 percent of respondents still supported the idea.
Leff said in a statement.
#polls #tech #AI #wealth #americans
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Polls have shown that more people than ever have a negative view of the tech, and you can take your pick on the reasons why.
AI could displace jobs, destroy the environment, and drive up energy bills. It’s trained on stolen writing and artwork, and chatbots are driving people into mental health spirals.
But what does the public think should be done about this? A new national survey from Versasight suggests that the majority of Americans are down for taking a drastic course of action.
According to the survey of 9,700 adults, an impressive 79 percent of US employees support forcing AI companies to transfer 50 percent of their stock into a public wealth fund, an idea that has been championed by senator Bernie Sanders (D-VT).
“In the eyes of the public, AI Sovereign funds are seen as a tool to distribute the gains from the AI industry back to broader society,”
Verasight CEO Benjamin Leff told CNBC News.
Once at the fringe of political discourse, Sanders took the idea mainstream when he proposed the American AI Sovereign Wealth Fund Act in June. In an essay published in the New York Times, the independent senator argued that the creation of this fund would “give the public a direct role in determining the future of this technology.”
“It would guarantee that the economic benefits generated by AI are used to improve the lives of all of us — not simply to make the richest people in the world even richer,”
he added in a statement last month.
The act would target the largest AI companies in the US such as Anthropic and OpenAI, mandating that they submit to a one time 50 percent tax on their stock. At their current valuations, Sanders estimated that this would create a fund worth around $7 trillion.
The money in this fund could offset some of the widespread disruption AI could wreak on society, the thinking goes.
Not all AI industry critics are on board. Some have argued that giving the government such a large stake in AI companies would encourage it to clear away regulations, and give AI companies even greater influence over the government than they already have.
You could say it’s a flawed and far-fetched idea, but Americans are on board, perhaps underscoring the desperation for someone to do something about the industry. Even when the policy was explicitly tied to Sanders, the survey found that 64 percent of respondents still supported the idea.
“There is an undeniable desire among Americans of both parties for federal oversight, absolute transparency, and accountability to ensure AI safety and to enable all Americans to participate in the economic benefits of AI,”
Leff said in a statement.
#polls #tech #AI #wealth #americans
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Midterms: Democrats Don’t Lead by Much — But They Care More
A new Washington Post–Ipsos poll says Democrats only barely lead Republicans in the 2026 midterms — but the people who want Democrats to win are much more likely to show up.
Among registered voters, Democrats hold a slim 48–45 edge on the generic House ballot, exactly the three‑to‑four‑point margin analysts say they need to overcome GOP‑friendly maps and take the House.
That advantage jumps to 53–45 among voters “absolutely certain” to vote, giving Democrats an eight‑point lead inside the only electorate that matters: the one that actually turns out.
The paradox is brutal for Republicans. Trump’s approval is stuck in the high 30s, with majorities disapproving of his handling of the economy, Iran and immigration, yet the country is basically split over which party it trusts more on key issues.
Republicans hold a narrow edge on the economy; Democrats hold a similar edge on “cares about people like you.”
But enthusiasm breaks hard in one direction: more than 7 in 10 Democrats say voting in 2026 is “more important” than in past midterms; just over half of Republicans say the same.
The economy dominates everything. Forty percent of registered voters say they’re worse off than when Trump returned to office, and 54 percent name the economy among their top concerns, with nearly one in five explicitly citing prices and affordability.
About one‑fifth of voters say they trust neither party on the economy — which is exactly the sort of angry, disengaged block that stays home unless something forces them out.
Trump himself is pure turnout gasoline. About 45 percent of Republicans “strongly approve” of him, and 83 percent of Democrats “strongly disapprove”; both groups are overwhelmingly certain to vote.
But Republicans who only “somewhat” approve, or quietly disapprove, are much less likely to bother, while the anti‑Trump bloc on the left treats voting as a form of revenge.
That makes the midterms less about policy and more about which side’s intense minority drags the rest to the polls.
If Trump can cheaply calm a few visible pain points — gas prices, maybe some kind of “mission accomplished” moment on Iran — the GOP’s redistricting gains could still save their House majority.
If not, this map becomes a stress test of a simple rule: in a country that hates everyone, the angrier team wins.
#usa #midterms #Democrats #Republicans #Trump #polls #fakeDemocracy
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A new Washington Post–Ipsos poll says Democrats only barely lead Republicans in the 2026 midterms — but the people who want Democrats to win are much more likely to show up.
Among registered voters, Democrats hold a slim 48–45 edge on the generic House ballot, exactly the three‑to‑four‑point margin analysts say they need to overcome GOP‑friendly maps and take the House.
That advantage jumps to 53–45 among voters “absolutely certain” to vote, giving Democrats an eight‑point lead inside the only electorate that matters: the one that actually turns out.
The paradox is brutal for Republicans. Trump’s approval is stuck in the high 30s, with majorities disapproving of his handling of the economy, Iran and immigration, yet the country is basically split over which party it trusts more on key issues.
Republicans hold a narrow edge on the economy; Democrats hold a similar edge on “cares about people like you.”
But enthusiasm breaks hard in one direction: more than 7 in 10 Democrats say voting in 2026 is “more important” than in past midterms; just over half of Republicans say the same.
The economy dominates everything. Forty percent of registered voters say they’re worse off than when Trump returned to office, and 54 percent name the economy among their top concerns, with nearly one in five explicitly citing prices and affordability.
About one‑fifth of voters say they trust neither party on the economy — which is exactly the sort of angry, disengaged block that stays home unless something forces them out.
Trump himself is pure turnout gasoline. About 45 percent of Republicans “strongly approve” of him, and 83 percent of Democrats “strongly disapprove”; both groups are overwhelmingly certain to vote.
But Republicans who only “somewhat” approve, or quietly disapprove, are much less likely to bother, while the anti‑Trump bloc on the left treats voting as a form of revenge.
That makes the midterms less about policy and more about which side’s intense minority drags the rest to the polls.
If Trump can cheaply calm a few visible pain points — gas prices, maybe some kind of “mission accomplished” moment on Iran — the GOP’s redistricting gains could still save their House majority.
If not, this map becomes a stress test of a simple rule: in a country that hates everyone, the angrier team wins.
#usa #midterms #Democrats #Republicans #Trump #polls #fakeDemocracy
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