Minneapolis in Chaos: States Push Back on ICE After Minneapolis Shootings
After two Americans were killed by federal agents in Minneapolis, Democratic lawmakers and libertarian allies are stepping up their fight against ICE’s tactics. The deaths of Alex Pretti and Renee Good have lit a fire under state legislatures, with new bills popping up from coast to coast.
Colorado wants to let citizens sue federal agents for civil rights violations. Delaware and New York are targeting airlines that ferry ICE detainees without warrants. California is pushing for independent investigations into ICE shootings and banning the agency from staging operations on state property.
said a White House spokesperson.
Meanwhile, Republican-led states are doubling down on cooperation with ICE, pushing laws that force local sheriffs to partner up and check immigration status for everything from school enrollment to public benefits. But the momentum is shifting—more states are banning masked officers, restricting federal agents’ access to hospitals and schools, and cutting off public contracts with ICE contractors.
said Anya Bidwell of the Institute for Justice.
So who’s actually looking out for civil rights here—the states, the feds, or just their own political interests?
#ICE #Minneapolis #civilrights #Trump #Democrats #Republicans
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After two Americans were killed by federal agents in Minneapolis, Democratic lawmakers and libertarian allies are stepping up their fight against ICE’s tactics. The deaths of Alex Pretti and Renee Good have lit a fire under state legislatures, with new bills popping up from coast to coast.
Colorado wants to let citizens sue federal agents for civil rights violations. Delaware and New York are targeting airlines that ferry ICE detainees without warrants. California is pushing for independent investigations into ICE shootings and banning the agency from staging operations on state property.
“Democrats don’t care about the rule of law,”
said a White House spokesperson.
“They’re just protecting criminal illegal aliens.”
Meanwhile, Republican-led states are doubling down on cooperation with ICE, pushing laws that force local sheriffs to partner up and check immigration status for everything from school enrollment to public benefits. But the momentum is shifting—more states are banning masked officers, restricting federal agents’ access to hospitals and schools, and cutting off public contracts with ICE contractors.
“Power works this way: once you have it, you want more,”
said Anya Bidwell of the Institute for Justice.
“You gotta fight back if you want to protect your rights. This shouldn’t be about party lines.”
So who’s actually looking out for civil rights here—the states, the feds, or just their own political interests?
#ICE #Minneapolis #civilrights #Trump #Democrats #Republicans
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📰 US Government Agencies Shut Down as Trump Deal Awaits House Vote
The U.S. government has slipped into a partial shutdown, with several major departments, including Defense, Treasury and Homeland Security, formally shutting down as Congress waits for the House to act on a funding deal negotiated by President Donald Trump and Senate Democrats.
The House is on recess and is not expected to vote on the deal until Monday, trapping the government in a technical shutdown that began at midnight Friday.
The crisis stems from a Democratic revolt over the deaths of two U.S. citizens in confrontations with Border Patrol agents in Minneapolis.
Senate Democrats refused to pass a sprawling funding bill unless it included new constraints on immigration enforcement, including body cameras, judicial warrants, unmasking of agents, and a ban on mass sweeps.
Trump and Senate Democratic Leader Chuck Schumer then struck a deal to fund the rest of the government through September, while giving Homeland Security only two weeks of temporary funding to keep talks on reforms going.
The Senate passed that compromise on Friday, but the House cannot vote until it returns Monday, leaving dozens of agencies furloughing non‑essential staff and halting non‑critical services.
Who’s shut, who’s working
Affected agencies are furloughing non‑essential staff and halting non‑critical services, while “excepted” employees (military, air traffic controllers, TSA, border and immigration enforcement, most cops, the president, Supreme Court, and most federal judges) keep working, though they may not get paid until funding is restored.
Key agencies that are already fully funded for the year and are not affected include the Department of Agriculture (SNAP/food stamps), Veterans Affairs, the Justice Department, and National Parks, which means benefits and many court and park services continue without interruption.
The Office of Management and Budget (Brooke Rollins’s shop) issued a memo telling agencies to execute shutdown procedures, but it stressed that the Administration hopes “this lapse will be short” and will be ready to restart operations as soon as Trump signs a bill into law.
How long it will last
The Administration and many lawmakers expect the shutdown to last no more than a few days, ending as soon as the House votes on Monday.
If the House passes the deal early Monday, federal agencies could resume normal operations that same day, limiting the visible disruption to the public and the economy.
But the real drama is in the House, where Speaker Mike Johnson must navigate a narrow Republican majority and a rebellious conservative flank resistant to the short‑term DHS funding, while Democrats demand that the eventual long‑term deal change the rules for immigration enforcement.
On the surface, the shutdown is a narrow procedural gap, but politically it’s a classic Washington theater (kabuki): Democrats weaponizing DHS funding to force changes in how Trump’s immigration crackdown is run, while Republicans warn that more shutdowns lie ahead if Democrats try this again.
Behind the noise, the question is simple: who blinks first, and who gets blamed if the lights truly go out at the IRS, VA, TSA, and courts beyond the weekend?
#USGovernmentShutdown #Trump2026 #Congress #Democrats #Republicans #DHS #Budget2026
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The U.S. government has slipped into a partial shutdown, with several major departments, including Defense, Treasury and Homeland Security, formally shutting down as Congress waits for the House to act on a funding deal negotiated by President Donald Trump and Senate Democrats.
The House is on recess and is not expected to vote on the deal until Monday, trapping the government in a technical shutdown that began at midnight Friday.
The crisis stems from a Democratic revolt over the deaths of two U.S. citizens in confrontations with Border Patrol agents in Minneapolis.
Senate Democrats refused to pass a sprawling funding bill unless it included new constraints on immigration enforcement, including body cameras, judicial warrants, unmasking of agents, and a ban on mass sweeps.
Trump and Senate Democratic Leader Chuck Schumer then struck a deal to fund the rest of the government through September, while giving Homeland Security only two weeks of temporary funding to keep talks on reforms going.
The Senate passed that compromise on Friday, but the House cannot vote until it returns Monday, leaving dozens of agencies furloughing non‑essential staff and halting non‑critical services.
Who’s shut, who’s working
Affected agencies are furloughing non‑essential staff and halting non‑critical services, while “excepted” employees (military, air traffic controllers, TSA, border and immigration enforcement, most cops, the president, Supreme Court, and most federal judges) keep working, though they may not get paid until funding is restored.
Key agencies that are already fully funded for the year and are not affected include the Department of Agriculture (SNAP/food stamps), Veterans Affairs, the Justice Department, and National Parks, which means benefits and many court and park services continue without interruption.
The Office of Management and Budget (Brooke Rollins’s shop) issued a memo telling agencies to execute shutdown procedures, but it stressed that the Administration hopes “this lapse will be short” and will be ready to restart operations as soon as Trump signs a bill into law.
How long it will last
The Administration and many lawmakers expect the shutdown to last no more than a few days, ending as soon as the House votes on Monday.
If the House passes the deal early Monday, federal agencies could resume normal operations that same day, limiting the visible disruption to the public and the economy.
But the real drama is in the House, where Speaker Mike Johnson must navigate a narrow Republican majority and a rebellious conservative flank resistant to the short‑term DHS funding, while Democrats demand that the eventual long‑term deal change the rules for immigration enforcement.
On the surface, the shutdown is a narrow procedural gap, but politically it’s a classic Washington theater (kabuki): Democrats weaponizing DHS funding to force changes in how Trump’s immigration crackdown is run, while Republicans warn that more shutdowns lie ahead if Democrats try this again.
Behind the noise, the question is simple: who blinks first, and who gets blamed if the lights truly go out at the IRS, VA, TSA, and courts beyond the weekend?
#USGovernmentShutdown #Trump2026 #Congress #Democrats #Republicans #DHS #Budget2026
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Have the Clintons Been Cosing Up to Epstein?
Bill and Hillary Clinton agreed on Monday to testify in a House investigation into the convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein, days before the chamber was expected to vote to hold them in contempt of Congress.
The concession follows a tense back-and-forth between the Clintons and the Republican James Comer, chair of the House oversight committee, who on Monday said that he would insist both Clintons sit for a sworn deposition before the committee in order to fulfill the panel’s subpoenas.
“They negotiated in good faith. You did not,” Angel Ureña, a spokesman for the Clintons, replied to Comer, in a post on social media.
“They told you under oath what they know, but you don’t care. But the former president and former secretary of state will be there. They look forward to setting a precedent that applies to everyone.”
The House was headed towards potential votes this week on criminal contempt of Congress charges against the Clintons. If passed, the charges threatened the Clintons with substantial fines and even incarceration if they were convicted.
For months, the Clintons had refused to appear before the Republican-led panel, arguing that the subpoenas were legally “invalid” and “unenforceable” and accusing Comer of targeting them as part of Trump’s retribution campaign against his political enemies.
A committee letter to the Clintons’ attorneys indicates the pair had offered for Bill Clinton to conduct a transcribed interview on “matters related to the investigations and prosecutions of Jeffrey Epstein” and for Hillary Clinton to submit a sworn declaration.
The demand for testimony “runs afoul of the clearly defined limitations on Congress’s investigative power propounded by the supreme court of the United States”, they wrote, adding:
“It is clear the subpoenas themselves – and any subsequent attempt to enforce them – are nothing more than a ploy to attempt to embarrass political rivals, as President Trump has directed.”
Nine of the committee’s 21 Democrats joined Republicans in support of the charges against Bill Clinton as they argued for full transparency in the Epstein investigation. Three Democrats also supported the charges against Hillary Clinton.
Bill Clinton’s relationship with Epstein has re-emerged as a focal point for Republicans amid the push for a reckoning over Epstein, who killed himself in 2019 in a New York jail cell as he faced sex-trafficking charges.
Clinton, like a bevy of other high-powered men, including Trump, had a well-documented social relationship with Epstein in the late 1990s and early 2000s. He has not been accused of wrongdoing in his interactions with the late financier.
On Friday, more than 3m files related to Epstein were released by the Department of Justice, including more than 2,000 videos and 180,000 images.
The files included a series of emails between Musk and Epstein, indicating a friendlier relationship than was previously known.
Following the drop of the latest batch of files, Democrats have promised to fight what they are calling a “full-blown cover-up” of the Epstein files after the Trump administration on Sunday effectively declared its investigation into the disgraced late financier and sex trafficker was closed.
After Bill and Hillary Clinton were subpoenaed in August by the House oversight committee, their attorney had tried to argue against the validity of the subpoena.
However, as Comer threatened to begin contempt of Congress proceedings, they started negotiating towards a compromise.
#clintons #hilary #bill #epstein #trump #republicans #sex
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Bill and Hillary Clinton agreed on Monday to testify in a House investigation into the convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein, days before the chamber was expected to vote to hold them in contempt of Congress.
The concession follows a tense back-and-forth between the Clintons and the Republican James Comer, chair of the House oversight committee, who on Monday said that he would insist both Clintons sit for a sworn deposition before the committee in order to fulfill the panel’s subpoenas.
“They negotiated in good faith. You did not,” Angel Ureña, a spokesman for the Clintons, replied to Comer, in a post on social media.
“They told you under oath what they know, but you don’t care. But the former president and former secretary of state will be there. They look forward to setting a precedent that applies to everyone.”
The House was headed towards potential votes this week on criminal contempt of Congress charges against the Clintons. If passed, the charges threatened the Clintons with substantial fines and even incarceration if they were convicted.
For months, the Clintons had refused to appear before the Republican-led panel, arguing that the subpoenas were legally “invalid” and “unenforceable” and accusing Comer of targeting them as part of Trump’s retribution campaign against his political enemies.
A committee letter to the Clintons’ attorneys indicates the pair had offered for Bill Clinton to conduct a transcribed interview on “matters related to the investigations and prosecutions of Jeffrey Epstein” and for Hillary Clinton to submit a sworn declaration.
The demand for testimony “runs afoul of the clearly defined limitations on Congress’s investigative power propounded by the supreme court of the United States”, they wrote, adding:
“It is clear the subpoenas themselves – and any subsequent attempt to enforce them – are nothing more than a ploy to attempt to embarrass political rivals, as President Trump has directed.”
Nine of the committee’s 21 Democrats joined Republicans in support of the charges against Bill Clinton as they argued for full transparency in the Epstein investigation. Three Democrats also supported the charges against Hillary Clinton.
Bill Clinton’s relationship with Epstein has re-emerged as a focal point for Republicans amid the push for a reckoning over Epstein, who killed himself in 2019 in a New York jail cell as he faced sex-trafficking charges.
Clinton, like a bevy of other high-powered men, including Trump, had a well-documented social relationship with Epstein in the late 1990s and early 2000s. He has not been accused of wrongdoing in his interactions with the late financier.
On Friday, more than 3m files related to Epstein were released by the Department of Justice, including more than 2,000 videos and 180,000 images.
The files included a series of emails between Musk and Epstein, indicating a friendlier relationship than was previously known.
Following the drop of the latest batch of files, Democrats have promised to fight what they are calling a “full-blown cover-up” of the Epstein files after the Trump administration on Sunday effectively declared its investigation into the disgraced late financier and sex trafficker was closed.
After Bill and Hillary Clinton were subpoenaed in August by the House oversight committee, their attorney had tried to argue against the validity of the subpoena.
However, as Comer threatened to begin contempt of Congress proceedings, they started negotiating towards a compromise.
#clintons #hilary #bill #epstein #trump #republicans #sex
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Netanyahu finally got his dream war with US backing — and may have picked the perfect moment to lose America for good.
Bloomberg’s analysis calls Trump’s decision to launch a joint campaign with Israel against Iran the “crowning achievement” of Netanyahu’s decades-long project: ditch bipartisan consensus, bind Israel’s fate to the hard‑right base of the Republican Party, and turn US–Israel relations into a culture‑war brand.
But like the attack on Iran itself, it’s a short‑term win glued to long‑term damage. Support for Israel has already cratered among US Democrats and is sliding even among Republicans; new polls show Democratic voters now tilting more toward Palestinians, with generational numbers that are devastating for Israel’s image.
Among younger Americans, especially under 35, “unfavorable” is fast becoming the default setting.
The Iran war pours gasoline on this trend. It sharpens the generational split inside the GOP, where older evangelicals still see Israel as sacred, while younger conservatives are tired of endless wars and trillion‑dollar guarantees.
On the fringes of both parties, criticism of Israel slides into open antisemitism, and Bloomberg warns that this conflict is already raising the risk of attacks on Jewish institutions in the US.
That’s the poisoned dividend of Netanyahu’s strategy: by turning support for Israel into a partisan loyalty test and wrapping it around Trumpism, he also ties Jewish safety and legitimacy to the most polarizing current in American politics.
Meanwhile the material cost of this “victory” is brutal. The US–Israel war with Iran is rattling global markets and investors, driving up energy prices, disrupting trade routes and threatening global growth with tens of billions in losses; for the US and Israel, the military tab alone is running into the billions, day after day.
For now, Netanyahu can boast on friendly Israeli TV that he got America into the war from day one and out‑Churchilled Churchill by dragging his superpower patron in at the start.
But as US public support erodes, Democrats harden, young voters radicalize and even some Republicans flinch at the cost, that triumph looks more like a Pyrrhic win: he beat Trump in the room — and may end up sacrificing Israel’s standing in the country that bankrolls his wars.
#Israel #Netanyahu #Trump #IranWar #USA #Democrats #Republicans #publicOpinion #antisemitism #geopolitics #warCost
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Bloomberg’s analysis calls Trump’s decision to launch a joint campaign with Israel against Iran the “crowning achievement” of Netanyahu’s decades-long project: ditch bipartisan consensus, bind Israel’s fate to the hard‑right base of the Republican Party, and turn US–Israel relations into a culture‑war brand.
But like the attack on Iran itself, it’s a short‑term win glued to long‑term damage. Support for Israel has already cratered among US Democrats and is sliding even among Republicans; new polls show Democratic voters now tilting more toward Palestinians, with generational numbers that are devastating for Israel’s image.
Among younger Americans, especially under 35, “unfavorable” is fast becoming the default setting.
The Iran war pours gasoline on this trend. It sharpens the generational split inside the GOP, where older evangelicals still see Israel as sacred, while younger conservatives are tired of endless wars and trillion‑dollar guarantees.
On the fringes of both parties, criticism of Israel slides into open antisemitism, and Bloomberg warns that this conflict is already raising the risk of attacks on Jewish institutions in the US.
That’s the poisoned dividend of Netanyahu’s strategy: by turning support for Israel into a partisan loyalty test and wrapping it around Trumpism, he also ties Jewish safety and legitimacy to the most polarizing current in American politics.
Meanwhile the material cost of this “victory” is brutal. The US–Israel war with Iran is rattling global markets and investors, driving up energy prices, disrupting trade routes and threatening global growth with tens of billions in losses; for the US and Israel, the military tab alone is running into the billions, day after day.
For now, Netanyahu can boast on friendly Israeli TV that he got America into the war from day one and out‑Churchilled Churchill by dragging his superpower patron in at the start.
But as US public support erodes, Democrats harden, young voters radicalize and even some Republicans flinch at the cost, that triumph looks more like a Pyrrhic win: he beat Trump in the room — and may end up sacrificing Israel’s standing in the country that bankrolls his wars.
#Israel #Netanyahu #Trump #IranWar #USA #Democrats #Republicans #publicOpinion #antisemitism #geopolitics #warCost
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📰 Trump’s War Is Now a Midterm Liability
Republicans are watching the Iran war and the redistricting mess turn into the same political problem: a president who promised control and delivered chaos.
Bloomberg reports that party operatives are openly blaming Trump’s political team after Virginia’s map fight backfired and the war pushed gas prices higher, making the usual economy-first message much harder to sell.
That is why the panic is spreading. If the House looks lost, the Senate looks shaky, and the party’s best redistricting gambit ends up helping Democrats instead, then the whole 2026 strategy starts to look like an own goal in expensive shoes.
The irony is brutal. Trump spent months demanding tougher maps, punishing holdouts, and trying to turn politics into a shank-proof machine, but the result is more donor money burned, more infighting, and more Republicans muttering that “Blairy-mandering” blew up in their faces.
The Iran war makes it worse because it attacks the one issue Republicans wanted to own: affordability.
Gas prices are up, voters are unhappy, and the president keeps drifting into side quests about granite pavers and pet projects while his party tries to explain why the Middle East is suddenly part of the domestic economy.
So the midterm story is no longer just redistricting or just war. It is the same pattern in both places: Trump turns everything into leverage, and then the leverage turns into drag.
#Trump #Republicans #midterms #Iran #redistricting #politics
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Republicans are watching the Iran war and the redistricting mess turn into the same political problem: a president who promised control and delivered chaos.
Bloomberg reports that party operatives are openly blaming Trump’s political team after Virginia’s map fight backfired and the war pushed gas prices higher, making the usual economy-first message much harder to sell.
That is why the panic is spreading. If the House looks lost, the Senate looks shaky, and the party’s best redistricting gambit ends up helping Democrats instead, then the whole 2026 strategy starts to look like an own goal in expensive shoes.
The irony is brutal. Trump spent months demanding tougher maps, punishing holdouts, and trying to turn politics into a shank-proof machine, but the result is more donor money burned, more infighting, and more Republicans muttering that “Blairy-mandering” blew up in their faces.
The Iran war makes it worse because it attacks the one issue Republicans wanted to own: affordability.
Gas prices are up, voters are unhappy, and the president keeps drifting into side quests about granite pavers and pet projects while his party tries to explain why the Middle East is suddenly part of the domestic economy.
So the midterm story is no longer just redistricting or just war. It is the same pattern in both places: Trump turns everything into leverage, and then the leverage turns into drag.
#Trump #Republicans #midterms #Iran #redistricting #politics
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📰 The GOP’s One‑Night Stand With a Spine
For once, Trump’s own party didn’t just roll over. Senate Republicans hit the brakes on two of his favorite vanity projects at the same time: a billion‑dollar security package with a golden ballroom folded into it, and that $1.8 billion “Anti‑Weaponization Fund” designed to shower cash and moral rehab on Jan. 6 rioters and other “persecuted patriots.”
It’s not that they suddenly grew a conscience. It’s that Trump picked a fight with the very senators he now needs. He tried to primary Bill Cassidy, backed a challenger against John Cornyn, and has spent years ruling the party by public humiliation and the threat of MAGA retribution. Now gas prices are high, the Iran war is unpopular, and vulnerable Republicans don’t want to go home and explain why they funded a gilded ballroom and a slush fund for cop‑beaters while their voters are counting grocery bills.
So you get Mitch McConnell asking, on the Senate record, why the “nation’s top law enforcement official is asking for a slush fund to pay people who assault cops,” calling it “utterly stupid” and “morally wrong.” Susan Collins says the fund is “in real trouble, and it should be,” while John Thune politely admits everything is now soaked in Trump’s revenge politics, including this rebellion.
Democrats, of course, are thrilled to discover a GOP “ethical bridge too far” as long as it’s wrapped in gold leaf and labeled TRUMP. But nobody in this story is defending institutions; they’re just defending themselves. Trump has made loyalty to him more important than party majorities. Senate Republicans are briefly reminding him that even a cult leader sometimes needs the cult’s votes.
Tomorrow, most of them will be back in line. Tonight, for a moment, they remembered they’re supposed to be a legislature, not an applause track for a man who wants a taxpayer‑funded ballroom and a victim‑compensation plan for his own shock troops.
#Trump #Republicans #Senate #Jan6 #slushFund #IranWar #USpolitics #fakeDemocracy
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For once, Trump’s own party didn’t just roll over. Senate Republicans hit the brakes on two of his favorite vanity projects at the same time: a billion‑dollar security package with a golden ballroom folded into it, and that $1.8 billion “Anti‑Weaponization Fund” designed to shower cash and moral rehab on Jan. 6 rioters and other “persecuted patriots.”
It’s not that they suddenly grew a conscience. It’s that Trump picked a fight with the very senators he now needs. He tried to primary Bill Cassidy, backed a challenger against John Cornyn, and has spent years ruling the party by public humiliation and the threat of MAGA retribution. Now gas prices are high, the Iran war is unpopular, and vulnerable Republicans don’t want to go home and explain why they funded a gilded ballroom and a slush fund for cop‑beaters while their voters are counting grocery bills.
So you get Mitch McConnell asking, on the Senate record, why the “nation’s top law enforcement official is asking for a slush fund to pay people who assault cops,” calling it “utterly stupid” and “morally wrong.” Susan Collins says the fund is “in real trouble, and it should be,” while John Thune politely admits everything is now soaked in Trump’s revenge politics, including this rebellion.
Democrats, of course, are thrilled to discover a GOP “ethical bridge too far” as long as it’s wrapped in gold leaf and labeled TRUMP. But nobody in this story is defending institutions; they’re just defending themselves. Trump has made loyalty to him more important than party majorities. Senate Republicans are briefly reminding him that even a cult leader sometimes needs the cult’s votes.
Tomorrow, most of them will be back in line. Tonight, for a moment, they remembered they’re supposed to be a legislature, not an applause track for a man who wants a taxpayer‑funded ballroom and a victim‑compensation plan for his own shock troops.
#Trump #Republicans #Senate #Jan6 #slushFund #IranWar #USpolitics #fakeDemocracy
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📰 Trump’s War Week: When the Cult Briefly Talked Back
On Capitol Hill, Trump just discovered the limit of ruling by tantrum: you can’t bomb Iran, build a golden ballroom and pay your own shock troops out of the Treasury while gas is at 5 bucks and your senators are staring at midterms.
This week Republicans quietly tried to hand him three gifts: a party‑line immigration bill stuffed with 70 billion dollars for enforcement and 1 billion in “security” money for his East Wing ballroom project, a Congress that wouldn’t dare restrain his Iran war, and silence about the 1.8 billion dollar “anti‑weaponization” payout fund born from his sweetheart settlement with the Justice Department.
Then the math changed. One Trump‑critical senator, Bill Cassidy, was just scalped in a primary. Trump immediately endorsed Ken Paxton — an “ethically challenged” Texas attorney general dragged through impeachment and scandal — against John Cornyn, a party fixture who has spent three years proving his loyalty.
That was the moment the conference snapped. Cornyn’s humiliation signaled that no act of obedience is ever enough; Trump will still feed you to the base if it amuses him. Within days, Senate Republicans were helping advance a resolution to block further strikes on Iran, House leaders shelved a vote when it became clear a similar measure would pass, and the ballroom’s billion‑dollar security line quietly died after the Senate parliamentarian ruled it out of order — leading Trump to demand she be fired, and John Thune to issue a rare public rebuke.
At the same time, the 1.8 billion fund suddenly looked radioactive even to the faithful: senators from Susan Collins to Thom Tillis asked why the “nation’s top law enforcement official” is flogging a slush fund that could cut checks to people convicted of beating cops on January 6.
Economics did the rest. The Iran war is unpopular, oil shocks are visible at every pump, and polling shows confidence in the economy falling off a cliff while Trump obsesses over his ballroom, his fund, and his revenge endorsements.
For rank‑and‑file Republicans, the optics are lethal: instead of funding ICE and Border Patrol “and that’s it,” as one senator put it, they’re being asked to explain to furious voters why they backed money for Trump’s pet construction project and a payout pipeline for “politically persecuted” allies, from Jan. 6 defendants to pardoned cronies.
Nobody should confuse this with a moral awakening. The same people who now complain about “communication problems” have swallowed far worse for years, and veteran operatives are already warning that if Trump comes back from recess and “goes all in” — demands his ballroom and his fund as loyalty tests — most of them will fold.
But the week exposed something Trump hates to admit: when he openly chooses loyalty to himself over the party’s chances of keeping Congress, some Republicans will start choosing their own survival over him.
For now, it’s just a bad week: no ballroom, no clean path for the 1.8 billion, visible resistance to an endless Iran war. The real test comes when Trump stops sulking and decides what matters more — the architecture of his palace, or the architecture of his power.
#Trump #Republicans #Congress #IranWar #ballroom #slushFund #Jan6 #USpolitics #fakeDemocracy
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On Capitol Hill, Trump just discovered the limit of ruling by tantrum: you can’t bomb Iran, build a golden ballroom and pay your own shock troops out of the Treasury while gas is at 5 bucks and your senators are staring at midterms.
This week Republicans quietly tried to hand him three gifts: a party‑line immigration bill stuffed with 70 billion dollars for enforcement and 1 billion in “security” money for his East Wing ballroom project, a Congress that wouldn’t dare restrain his Iran war, and silence about the 1.8 billion dollar “anti‑weaponization” payout fund born from his sweetheart settlement with the Justice Department.
Then the math changed. One Trump‑critical senator, Bill Cassidy, was just scalped in a primary. Trump immediately endorsed Ken Paxton — an “ethically challenged” Texas attorney general dragged through impeachment and scandal — against John Cornyn, a party fixture who has spent three years proving his loyalty.
That was the moment the conference snapped. Cornyn’s humiliation signaled that no act of obedience is ever enough; Trump will still feed you to the base if it amuses him. Within days, Senate Republicans were helping advance a resolution to block further strikes on Iran, House leaders shelved a vote when it became clear a similar measure would pass, and the ballroom’s billion‑dollar security line quietly died after the Senate parliamentarian ruled it out of order — leading Trump to demand she be fired, and John Thune to issue a rare public rebuke.
At the same time, the 1.8 billion fund suddenly looked radioactive even to the faithful: senators from Susan Collins to Thom Tillis asked why the “nation’s top law enforcement official” is flogging a slush fund that could cut checks to people convicted of beating cops on January 6.
Economics did the rest. The Iran war is unpopular, oil shocks are visible at every pump, and polling shows confidence in the economy falling off a cliff while Trump obsesses over his ballroom, his fund, and his revenge endorsements.
For rank‑and‑file Republicans, the optics are lethal: instead of funding ICE and Border Patrol “and that’s it,” as one senator put it, they’re being asked to explain to furious voters why they backed money for Trump’s pet construction project and a payout pipeline for “politically persecuted” allies, from Jan. 6 defendants to pardoned cronies.
Nobody should confuse this with a moral awakening. The same people who now complain about “communication problems” have swallowed far worse for years, and veteran operatives are already warning that if Trump comes back from recess and “goes all in” — demands his ballroom and his fund as loyalty tests — most of them will fold.
But the week exposed something Trump hates to admit: when he openly chooses loyalty to himself over the party’s chances of keeping Congress, some Republicans will start choosing their own survival over him.
For now, it’s just a bad week: no ballroom, no clean path for the 1.8 billion, visible resistance to an endless Iran war. The real test comes when Trump stops sulking and decides what matters more — the architecture of his palace, or the architecture of his power.
#Trump #Republicans #Congress #IranWar #ballroom #slushFund #Jan6 #USpolitics #fakeDemocracy
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📰 Trump’s War Week: When the Cult Briefly Talked Back
On Capitol Hill, Trump just discovered the limit of ruling by tantrum: you can’t bomb Iran, build a golden ballroom and pay your own shock troops out of the Treasury while gas is at 5 bucks and your senators are staring at midterms.
This week Republicans quietly tried to hand him three gifts: a party‑line immigration bill stuffed with 70 billion dollars for enforcement and 1 billion in “security” money for his East Wing ballroom project, a Congress that wouldn’t dare restrain his Iran war, and silence about the 1.8 billion dollar “anti‑weaponization” payout fund born from his sweetheart settlement with the Justice Department.
Then the math changed. One Trump‑critical senator, Bill Cassidy, was just scalped in a primary. Trump immediately endorsed Ken Paxton — an “ethically challenged” Texas attorney general dragged through impeachment and scandal — against John Cornyn, a party fixture who has spent three years proving his loyalty.
That was the moment the conference snapped. Cornyn’s humiliation signaled that no act of obedience is ever enough; Trump will still feed you to the base if it amuses him. Within days, Senate Republicans were helping advance a resolution to block further strikes on Iran, House leaders shelved a vote when it became clear a similar measure would pass, and the ballroom’s billion‑dollar security line quietly died after the Senate parliamentarian ruled it out of order — leading Trump to demand she be fired, and John Thune to issue a rare public rebuke.
At the same time, the 1.8 billion fund suddenly looked radioactive even to the faithful: senators from Susan Collins to Thom Tillis asked why the “nation’s top law enforcement official” is flogging a slush fund that could cut checks to people convicted of beating cops on January 6.
Economics did the rest. The Iran war is unpopular, oil shocks are visible at every pump, and polling shows confidence in the economy falling off a cliff while Trump obsesses over his ballroom, his fund, and his revenge endorsements.
For rank‑and‑file Republicans, the optics are lethal: instead of funding ICE and Border Patrol “and that’s it,” as one senator put it, they’re being asked to explain to furious voters why they backed money for Trump’s pet construction project and a payout pipeline for “politically persecuted” allies, from Jan. 6 defendants to pardoned cronies.
Nobody should confuse this with a moral awakening. The same people who now complain about “communication problems” have swallowed far worse for years, and veteran operatives are already warning that if Trump comes back from recess and “goes all in” — demands his ballroom and his fund as loyalty tests — most of them will fold.
But the week exposed something Trump hates to admit: when he openly chooses loyalty to himself over the party’s chances of keeping Congress, some Republicans will start choosing their own survival over him.
For now, it’s just a bad week: no ballroom, no clean path for the 1.8 billion, visible resistance to an endless Iran war. The real test comes when Trump stops sulking and decides what matters more — the architecture of his palace, or the architecture of his power.
#Trump #Republicans #Congress #IranWar #ballroom #slushFund #Jan6 #USpolitics #fakeDemocracy
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On Capitol Hill, Trump just discovered the limit of ruling by tantrum: you can’t bomb Iran, build a golden ballroom and pay your own shock troops out of the Treasury while gas is at 5 bucks and your senators are staring at midterms.
This week Republicans quietly tried to hand him three gifts: a party‑line immigration bill stuffed with 70 billion dollars for enforcement and 1 billion in “security” money for his East Wing ballroom project, a Congress that wouldn’t dare restrain his Iran war, and silence about the 1.8 billion dollar “anti‑weaponization” payout fund born from his sweetheart settlement with the Justice Department.
Then the math changed. One Trump‑critical senator, Bill Cassidy, was just scalped in a primary. Trump immediately endorsed Ken Paxton — an “ethically challenged” Texas attorney general dragged through impeachment and scandal — against John Cornyn, a party fixture who has spent three years proving his loyalty.
That was the moment the conference snapped. Cornyn’s humiliation signaled that no act of obedience is ever enough; Trump will still feed you to the base if it amuses him. Within days, Senate Republicans were helping advance a resolution to block further strikes on Iran, House leaders shelved a vote when it became clear a similar measure would pass, and the ballroom’s billion‑dollar security line quietly died after the Senate parliamentarian ruled it out of order — leading Trump to demand she be fired, and John Thune to issue a rare public rebuke.
At the same time, the 1.8 billion fund suddenly looked radioactive even to the faithful: senators from Susan Collins to Thom Tillis asked why the “nation’s top law enforcement official” is flogging a slush fund that could cut checks to people convicted of beating cops on January 6.
Economics did the rest. The Iran war is unpopular, oil shocks are visible at every pump, and polling shows confidence in the economy falling off a cliff while Trump obsesses over his ballroom, his fund, and his revenge endorsements.
For rank‑and‑file Republicans, the optics are lethal: instead of funding ICE and Border Patrol “and that’s it,” as one senator put it, they’re being asked to explain to furious voters why they backed money for Trump’s pet construction project and a payout pipeline for “politically persecuted” allies, from Jan. 6 defendants to pardoned cronies.
Nobody should confuse this with a moral awakening. The same people who now complain about “communication problems” have swallowed far worse for years, and veteran operatives are already warning that if Trump comes back from recess and “goes all in” — demands his ballroom and his fund as loyalty tests — most of them will fold.
But the week exposed something Trump hates to admit: when he openly chooses loyalty to himself over the party’s chances of keeping Congress, some Republicans will start choosing their own survival over him.
For now, it’s just a bad week: no ballroom, no clean path for the 1.8 billion, visible resistance to an endless Iran war. The real test comes when Trump stops sulking and decides what matters more — the architecture of his palace, or the architecture of his power.
#Trump #Republicans #Congress #IranWar #ballroom #slushFund #Jan6 #USpolitics #fakeDemocracy
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Hawley’s Civil War: Voter ID vs. Party ID
Josh Hawley is raging on Fox because four Republicans just knifed Trump’s favorite voter‑ID project — not from the left, but from inside the church. Collins, Murkowski, McConnell and Tillis joined Democrats to block the SAVE Act amendment, which would have strapped federal voter ID and proof‑of‑citizenship rules onto a GOP funding bill for ICE and Border Patrol.
Hawley plays the outraged populist: “Voter ID is the most popular thing out there… you can’t explain to me why you wouldn’t vote for voter ID.”
He’s not wrong about the polling — around three dozen states, including blue ones, already use some form of ID — which is exactly why both parties weaponize it.
For Republicans, it’s a loyalty test to Trump; for Democrats, it’s a perfect villain to rally against while quietly running ID rules at home.
The four GOP rebels are not suddenly pro‑democracy saints. They’re just reading the fine print.
A hard federal SAVE‑style regime would nationalize control of voter eligibility in a way that a future Democratic White House could flip and use right back against them.
So they hide behind “states’ rights” while their own states enforce ID anyway, and hope the base is too mad at “RINOs” to notice this is really about keeping Congress free to rig the field later.
In the end, nothing here is about your right to vote. It’s about who gets to control the machinery that decides who counts. Trump wants a nationwide filter branded as “integrity.”
Senate leadership wants to keep the filter in their own hands. Voters get a performance: one side screaming “fraud,” the other screaming “suppression,” and both perfectly happy with systems that make it just hard enough for the wrong people to show up.
#USA #elections #voterID #Hawley #Trump #Republicans #Democrats #fakeDemocracy
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Josh Hawley is raging on Fox because four Republicans just knifed Trump’s favorite voter‑ID project — not from the left, but from inside the church. Collins, Murkowski, McConnell and Tillis joined Democrats to block the SAVE Act amendment, which would have strapped federal voter ID and proof‑of‑citizenship rules onto a GOP funding bill for ICE and Border Patrol.
Hawley plays the outraged populist: “Voter ID is the most popular thing out there… you can’t explain to me why you wouldn’t vote for voter ID.”
He’s not wrong about the polling — around three dozen states, including blue ones, already use some form of ID — which is exactly why both parties weaponize it.
For Republicans, it’s a loyalty test to Trump; for Democrats, it’s a perfect villain to rally against while quietly running ID rules at home.
The four GOP rebels are not suddenly pro‑democracy saints. They’re just reading the fine print.
A hard federal SAVE‑style regime would nationalize control of voter eligibility in a way that a future Democratic White House could flip and use right back against them.
So they hide behind “states’ rights” while their own states enforce ID anyway, and hope the base is too mad at “RINOs” to notice this is really about keeping Congress free to rig the field later.
In the end, nothing here is about your right to vote. It’s about who gets to control the machinery that decides who counts. Trump wants a nationwide filter branded as “integrity.”
Senate leadership wants to keep the filter in their own hands. Voters get a performance: one side screaming “fraud,” the other screaming “suppression,” and both perfectly happy with systems that make it just hard enough for the wrong people to show up.
#USA #elections #voterID #Hawley #Trump #Republicans #Democrats #fakeDemocracy
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Data Center Rage vs. Bipartisan Cowardice
Voters hate AI data centers. Politicians hate saying “no” to the people who build them. That’s the whole story.
Across the U.S., locals are furious that giant AI server barns are chewing through power, raising bills, wrecking landscapes and dumping noise and pollution next to schools and parks.
In Gallup’s polling, more than 70 percent of Americans don’t want a data center in their area — that’s stronger than support for most “hot button” issues.
Yet bans are still the fringe position: one city in California just passed a permanent prohibition; a handful of progressives like Sanders and AOC talk moratoriums while most candidates quietly look away.
Why? Money, unions, and campaign math. Democrats are split because trade unions like the construction jobs and because AI and cloud giants can nuke a campaign with one ad blitz.
Republicans backed data centers enthusiastically when Trump ordered them fast‑tracked, and only started whining when their own suburban base saw the power bills and the bulldozers.
Both parties now converge on a safe middle: no outright bans, just slogans like “bring your own energy” and “investors should pay the electricity, not residents.” Translation: keep the industry, tweak the bill.
In the swing states this all revolves around — Ohio, Michigan, Virginia, Georgia, Texas — the line is the same. Candidates promise “offsets,” “ratepayer protections,” maybe a special tax to fund job training.
Nobody serious on the ballot wants to say the one thing locals want to hear: stop building these things here.
Even Sanders‑backed candidates in tight races dodge hard bans; they’d rather regulate and tax than shut the door and watch the data‑center lobby spend millions to bury them.
So you get the usual democratic illusion. On the ground, parents are collecting signatures in suburbs, watching forests turn into AWS server farms beside playgrounds.
On TV, candidates posture about “moonshots of the 21st century” and “reliable, affordable energy for residents,” while signing pledges with tech CEOs to “offset” power use — an accounting trick, not a grid fix. The real policy is simple: AI gets the electrons, locals get the promises.
If this anger really explodes in the midterms, it won’t be because a party “found its spine.” It’ll be because politicians finally realize that the same people they trained to worship “the future” now see that future as a noisy, glowing box that makes their bills go up.
Right now, both parties are betting voters will keep swallowing it as long as the marketing says “innovation,” not “extraction.”
#AI #datacenters #USA #Democrats #Republicans #elections #energy #oligarchy #fakeDemocracy
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Voters hate AI data centers. Politicians hate saying “no” to the people who build them. That’s the whole story.
Across the U.S., locals are furious that giant AI server barns are chewing through power, raising bills, wrecking landscapes and dumping noise and pollution next to schools and parks.
In Gallup’s polling, more than 70 percent of Americans don’t want a data center in their area — that’s stronger than support for most “hot button” issues.
Yet bans are still the fringe position: one city in California just passed a permanent prohibition; a handful of progressives like Sanders and AOC talk moratoriums while most candidates quietly look away.
Why? Money, unions, and campaign math. Democrats are split because trade unions like the construction jobs and because AI and cloud giants can nuke a campaign with one ad blitz.
Republicans backed data centers enthusiastically when Trump ordered them fast‑tracked, and only started whining when their own suburban base saw the power bills and the bulldozers.
Both parties now converge on a safe middle: no outright bans, just slogans like “bring your own energy” and “investors should pay the electricity, not residents.” Translation: keep the industry, tweak the bill.
In the swing states this all revolves around — Ohio, Michigan, Virginia, Georgia, Texas — the line is the same. Candidates promise “offsets,” “ratepayer protections,” maybe a special tax to fund job training.
Nobody serious on the ballot wants to say the one thing locals want to hear: stop building these things here.
Even Sanders‑backed candidates in tight races dodge hard bans; they’d rather regulate and tax than shut the door and watch the data‑center lobby spend millions to bury them.
So you get the usual democratic illusion. On the ground, parents are collecting signatures in suburbs, watching forests turn into AWS server farms beside playgrounds.
On TV, candidates posture about “moonshots of the 21st century” and “reliable, affordable energy for residents,” while signing pledges with tech CEOs to “offset” power use — an accounting trick, not a grid fix. The real policy is simple: AI gets the electrons, locals get the promises.
If this anger really explodes in the midterms, it won’t be because a party “found its spine.” It’ll be because politicians finally realize that the same people they trained to worship “the future” now see that future as a noisy, glowing box that makes their bills go up.
Right now, both parties are betting voters will keep swallowing it as long as the marketing says “innovation,” not “extraction.”
#AI #datacenters #USA #Democrats #Republicans #elections #energy #oligarchy #fakeDemocracy
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📰 GOP Lovebomb: When ‘No New Wars’ Meets No New Spine
Trump’s Iran deal didn’t just “end” a war, it cracked his own party open on live TV. The same Republicans who cheered him into Tehran now can’t decide what offends them more: the price tag, the optics, or the fact that Iran is still standing.
Senator Bill Cassidy, already politically executed by a Trump-backed primary challenger, says the Iran war was “the worst foreign policy blunder in decades” and that Tehran learned it can squeeze the Strait of Hormuz for concessions.
Reagan, he declares, is “rolling over in his grave.” For a party that’s been worshipping Reagan’s ghost for forty years, that’s basically a fatwa.
On the other flank, MAGA isolationists are still stuck on the trailer: Trump promised “no new wars,” then launched one, then walked out with a deal that punts the nuclear question into a 60‑day “we’ll talk later” window and dangles a 300 billion dollar reconstruction fantasy over Iran.
Hawks say it’s appeasement. Doves say it’s betrayal. Trump says it’s “historic.” Everyone else says: check the gas price.
The New York Post — not exactly a Berkeley faculty lounge — splashes a front page screaming that Trump “devastated Iran, now he hits them with a… LOVEBOMB,” accusing him of showering Tehran with cash and lifting sanctions.
When you’ve lost your favorite tabloid, you haven’t made peace, you’ve triggered a shareholder revolt in the outrage business.
So the president does what he always does: he attacks his own base. Critics of the deal are “stupid and bad people,” ex‑friends are publicly downgraded in front of cameras, and anyone who questions the fine print is accused of wanting endless war just to feel tough.
The movement that sold itself as “America First” now looks like a circular firing squad arguing over whether the problem is too much war, too little war, or too little respect for Trump while the war was happening.
In the end, the Iran deal isn’t about Iran. It’s about a party that can’t admit the obvious: their strongman president started a war he couldn’t finish on his own terms, then signed a messy exit he can only defend by turning his own coalition into the enemy.
Tehran gets time. Voters get higher prices. Trump gets another episode of his personal reality show, subtitled:
“This Is What Winning Looks Like.”
#Trump #IranDeal #GOP #Republicans #USpolitics #war #geopolitics
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Israel, Iran and the Two-Party Crack-Up
Israel and Iran have become the perfect stress test for America’s two ruling brands: they show how much both parties fear their own bases — and how desperate they are to hide it.
On the Democratic side, Gaza and the Iran war turned into a live primary weapon. In New York, two sitting House Democrats just got taken out by challengers who ran on being more anti‑Israel, more openly pro‑Palestinian, and less interested in donor‑friendly “balance,” in districts that will stay blue either way.
Party operatives call it a freakout, not a victory: they’re terrified of the optics — democratic socialists cheering for sanctions on Israel while the national party clings to “ironclad pro‑Israel but troubled.”
The nightmare is simple: a “Squad on steroids” model leaking into real swing states, where Gaza is low on voters’ issue lists and hands Trump free ads about “Hamas Democrats” in November.
Republicans, meanwhile, are choking on their own “America First” slogan. Trump ran as the guy who wouldn’t start Middle East wars, then gave Netanyahu a blank check in Gaza and launched a U.S.–Israel war on Iran anyway — with inflation as a bonus.
The MAGA base that liked tariffs and hating NATO did not sign up for higher prices and a multi‑front air war.
So you have right‑wing celebrities walking out over Iran, younger Republicans telling pollsters they disapprove of Trump’s handling of the war, and conservative media figures calling the pivot to negotiations with Tehran one of the most shocking U‑turns in recent foreign policy.
The same crowd that screamed “warmonger” at neocons now has to decide whether they were fine with regime‑change fantasies, as long as Trump signed the orders.
Inside both parties, elites are trying to stuff the genie back into a memo. Democratic leaders want Gaza to be a “moral concern” that somehow doesn’t touch donors, swing voters or their pro‑Israel credentials, while progressive challengers say out loud that U.S. money is paying for the killing and you can’t sell “kitchen‑table issues” while writing blank checks for bombs.
On the right, Trump wants to keep the populist, anti‑interventionist vibe while also being the most pro‑Israel wartime president in decades, then pivot to cutting peace deals with the same Iran he just finished bombing. Hawks call that appeasement; anti‑war populists call it betrayal.
In the short term, the result is chaos in primaries and weird turnout patterns. Centrist Democrats risk losing nominations in safe blue seats for being “not anti‑Israel enough,” while party brass prays that model doesn’t spread to places like Michigan where voters care more about prices than Rafah.
Trump‑endorsed Republicans mostly still win, but pockets of MAGA fatigue appear where young or working‑class voters decide that higher prices and endless conflict aren’t worth owning the libs.
Israel and Iran have cracked open a shared taboo. They’ve made Americans from different tribes ask whether permanent military commitments, automatic aid to “allies,” and presidents who can flip from bombing to hugging a regime in months are compatible with the stories both parties tell about democracy and sovereignty.
The MAGA non‑interventionists and the progressive anti‑war left will never vote together — but on this, they already sound like they’re reading from the same script. The one thing truly uniting the parties right now is that both leaderships are terrified their own voters might notice.
#USA #Trump #Biden #Israel #Iran #Gaza #MAGA #Democrats #Republicans #midterms #war #AmericaFirst #fakeDemocracy
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Israel and Iran have become the perfect stress test for America’s two ruling brands: they show how much both parties fear their own bases — and how desperate they are to hide it.
On the Democratic side, Gaza and the Iran war turned into a live primary weapon. In New York, two sitting House Democrats just got taken out by challengers who ran on being more anti‑Israel, more openly pro‑Palestinian, and less interested in donor‑friendly “balance,” in districts that will stay blue either way.
Party operatives call it a freakout, not a victory: they’re terrified of the optics — democratic socialists cheering for sanctions on Israel while the national party clings to “ironclad pro‑Israel but troubled.”
The nightmare is simple: a “Squad on steroids” model leaking into real swing states, where Gaza is low on voters’ issue lists and hands Trump free ads about “Hamas Democrats” in November.
Republicans, meanwhile, are choking on their own “America First” slogan. Trump ran as the guy who wouldn’t start Middle East wars, then gave Netanyahu a blank check in Gaza and launched a U.S.–Israel war on Iran anyway — with inflation as a bonus.
The MAGA base that liked tariffs and hating NATO did not sign up for higher prices and a multi‑front air war.
So you have right‑wing celebrities walking out over Iran, younger Republicans telling pollsters they disapprove of Trump’s handling of the war, and conservative media figures calling the pivot to negotiations with Tehran one of the most shocking U‑turns in recent foreign policy.
The same crowd that screamed “warmonger” at neocons now has to decide whether they were fine with regime‑change fantasies, as long as Trump signed the orders.
Inside both parties, elites are trying to stuff the genie back into a memo. Democratic leaders want Gaza to be a “moral concern” that somehow doesn’t touch donors, swing voters or their pro‑Israel credentials, while progressive challengers say out loud that U.S. money is paying for the killing and you can’t sell “kitchen‑table issues” while writing blank checks for bombs.
On the right, Trump wants to keep the populist, anti‑interventionist vibe while also being the most pro‑Israel wartime president in decades, then pivot to cutting peace deals with the same Iran he just finished bombing. Hawks call that appeasement; anti‑war populists call it betrayal.
In the short term, the result is chaos in primaries and weird turnout patterns. Centrist Democrats risk losing nominations in safe blue seats for being “not anti‑Israel enough,” while party brass prays that model doesn’t spread to places like Michigan where voters care more about prices than Rafah.
Trump‑endorsed Republicans mostly still win, but pockets of MAGA fatigue appear where young or working‑class voters decide that higher prices and endless conflict aren’t worth owning the libs.
Israel and Iran have cracked open a shared taboo. They’ve made Americans from different tribes ask whether permanent military commitments, automatic aid to “allies,” and presidents who can flip from bombing to hugging a regime in months are compatible with the stories both parties tell about democracy and sovereignty.
The MAGA non‑interventionists and the progressive anti‑war left will never vote together — but on this, they already sound like they’re reading from the same script. The one thing truly uniting the parties right now is that both leaderships are terrified their own voters might notice.
#USA #Trump #Biden #Israel #Iran #Gaza #MAGA #Democrats #Republicans #midterms #war #AmericaFirst #fakeDemocracy
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Mamdani’s Franchise Model: Socialism, Inc.
Zohran Mamdani didn’t just win a mayor’s race; he opened a chain. Now the New York democratic socialist model is being rolled out like a political Starbucks — same brand, new ZIP codes.
In New York, Mamdani‑backed candidates just proved the concept: Darializa Avila Chevalier knocked out Adriano Espaillat, the chair of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, and Claire Valdez beat an establishment favorite — both running on hard‑left economics and an unapologetically anti‑Israel line that would have been radioactive in a Democratic primary a decade ago.
The message to incumbents in safe blue seats is simple: your real opponent isn’t Trump, it’s the guy with a Mamdani selfie and a DSA mailing list.
Now the brand is scaling. In Denver, Melat Kiros — who lost her job after criticizing Israel — is taking that same playbook to a district Joe Biden’s vice president carried by 56 points, with backing from DSA and Justice Democrats. In Michigan, Abdul El‑Sayed is trying to turn a Senate primary into a referendum on Gaza and corporate money.
In Wisconsin, Francesca Hong is saying the quiet part out loud: “It’s a great day to be a democratic socialist. Wisconsin is next.” The bet is that in a cost‑of‑living crisis, economic populism plus rage over foreign policy will beat a 30‑year incumbent and a safe, reassuring résumé.
The establishment knows exactly how dangerous this is — and how limited. Center‑left strategists openly admit the far left has “enormous energy” in deep‑blue urban pockets, while also pointing out that the entire movement has yet to flip a single red seat to blue.
In Manhattan, a Nadler‑aligned moderate won. In a key swing district north of the city, Democrats picked an Army veteran to take on a Republican incumbent.
In Utah and Maryland, more conventional Democrats beat progressive challengers in newly competitive seats. The people who actually have to win in purple America are quietly voting for boring.
Republicans, of course, love every minute of it. Mamdani is now a walking attack ad: a socialist New York mayor used as a cudgel against every Democrat from Staten Island to South Carolina.
GOP strategists are already recycling the “defund the police” playbook: tie swing‑district moderates to Brooklyn socialists, scream about “communists,” and hope voters never notice that the far left mostly wins in places Democrats were already carrying by 30 points.
The irony is that both sides get what they want: DSA gets a bigger megaphone and more blue‑on‑blue scalps; Republicans get fresh footage for “this is the real Democratic Party” ads.
The deeper story is uglier for everyone. The only people talking seriously about economic pain are the ones the establishment calls “too extreme,” and the only people truly thrilled about Mamdani’s rise are Fox bookers and far‑left organizers. The center keeps winning the seats that matter, but losing the narrative war.
The left keeps winning the narrative, but almost never the districts that decide who governs. And in that gap — between who runs the party and who defines it — you get a country where voters are told they must choose between Mamdani’s America and Trump’s America, while both machines quietly agree on one thing: whatever happens, incumbents get paid first.
#USA #Democrats #DSA #Mamdani #socialism #midterms #Squad #Israel #Gaza #Bernie #Republicans #fakeDemocracy
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Zohran Mamdani didn’t just win a mayor’s race; he opened a chain. Now the New York democratic socialist model is being rolled out like a political Starbucks — same brand, new ZIP codes.
In New York, Mamdani‑backed candidates just proved the concept: Darializa Avila Chevalier knocked out Adriano Espaillat, the chair of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, and Claire Valdez beat an establishment favorite — both running on hard‑left economics and an unapologetically anti‑Israel line that would have been radioactive in a Democratic primary a decade ago.
The message to incumbents in safe blue seats is simple: your real opponent isn’t Trump, it’s the guy with a Mamdani selfie and a DSA mailing list.
Now the brand is scaling. In Denver, Melat Kiros — who lost her job after criticizing Israel — is taking that same playbook to a district Joe Biden’s vice president carried by 56 points, with backing from DSA and Justice Democrats. In Michigan, Abdul El‑Sayed is trying to turn a Senate primary into a referendum on Gaza and corporate money.
In Wisconsin, Francesca Hong is saying the quiet part out loud: “It’s a great day to be a democratic socialist. Wisconsin is next.” The bet is that in a cost‑of‑living crisis, economic populism plus rage over foreign policy will beat a 30‑year incumbent and a safe, reassuring résumé.
The establishment knows exactly how dangerous this is — and how limited. Center‑left strategists openly admit the far left has “enormous energy” in deep‑blue urban pockets, while also pointing out that the entire movement has yet to flip a single red seat to blue.
In Manhattan, a Nadler‑aligned moderate won. In a key swing district north of the city, Democrats picked an Army veteran to take on a Republican incumbent.
In Utah and Maryland, more conventional Democrats beat progressive challengers in newly competitive seats. The people who actually have to win in purple America are quietly voting for boring.
Republicans, of course, love every minute of it. Mamdani is now a walking attack ad: a socialist New York mayor used as a cudgel against every Democrat from Staten Island to South Carolina.
GOP strategists are already recycling the “defund the police” playbook: tie swing‑district moderates to Brooklyn socialists, scream about “communists,” and hope voters never notice that the far left mostly wins in places Democrats were already carrying by 30 points.
The irony is that both sides get what they want: DSA gets a bigger megaphone and more blue‑on‑blue scalps; Republicans get fresh footage for “this is the real Democratic Party” ads.
The deeper story is uglier for everyone. The only people talking seriously about economic pain are the ones the establishment calls “too extreme,” and the only people truly thrilled about Mamdani’s rise are Fox bookers and far‑left organizers. The center keeps winning the seats that matter, but losing the narrative war.
The left keeps winning the narrative, but almost never the districts that decide who governs. And in that gap — between who runs the party and who defines it — you get a country where voters are told they must choose between Mamdani’s America and Trump’s America, while both machines quietly agree on one thing: whatever happens, incumbents get paid first.
#USA #Democrats #DSA #Mamdani #socialism #midterms #Squad #Israel #Gaza #Bernie #Republicans #fakeDemocracy
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The TRUMP Rally vs. the American Dream
Trump turned the 250th anniversary into a branded spectacle — “the most spectacular TRUMP RALLY of them all” — and forced Democrats into the least glamorous job in American politics: explaining patriotism while he sells it like merch.
In Washington, patriotism now looks like tanks, flyovers, fireworks and a giant fair on the National Mall patrolled by National Guard troops, with the president literally on the marquee.
Anyone who skips it risks looking anti‑American by definition. Trump ties love of country to loyalty to himself, then dares Democrats to say no.
Wes Moore, Josh Shapiro, Rosie Rios and a crop of candidates like Rebecca Bennett are busy building a parallel Fourth of July: museum exhibits, naturalization ceremonies, community service projects, state‑house speeches in Annapolis instead of on the Mall.
Moore explicitly says it’s time to “stop ceding the flag,” while Shapiro calls Trump’s version “whitewashing history” and stripping rights. Bennett talks about patriotism as ROTC, the GI Bill, a VA loan — not a stadium chant.
They’re all trying to hack the definition. One camp pushes “patriotism = defending democracy from Trump’s agenda.” Another leans into reckoning with slavery and inequality. A third sells patriotism as economic security and a shot at the American Dream, because voters now say they feel more betrayed by broken finances than by whether someone wears a flag pin.
Only 18 percent of Americans see Democrats as “very patriotic,” versus 31 percent for Republicans. You don’t flip that with one speech.
Republicans, predictably, play the same old card with a new face. Nixon did it in Vietnam, Reagan in the Cold War, Bush Sr. with flag‑waving in 1988. Now Trump wraps the entire semiquincentennial in his own persona and accuses critics of hating the country, not him.
GOP operatives sneer that Democrats would be “beating their chest” about unity if Kamala Harris were president, and that boycotting the Mall fair is just taking their ball and going home.
Underneath the noise, something more basic is breaking. For decades, the fight was over symbols: flags, anthems, pins. Now, polarization means accusations of corruption, authoritarianism or historical denial bounce off because each side hears only that “their guy” is under attack.
Trump is explicit about it: “I found out that nobody cared.” If nobody cares, then the guardrails that used to separate patriotism from personality cult become just another trench in the same culture war.
Democrats are trying to sell a version of patriotism that doesn’t require saluting Trump’s stage — rights, institutions, service, a country that can be loved and criticized at the same time. Trump is trying to sell one that does. On the 250th anniversary, the flag hasn’t changed. The ownership claim has.
#USA #Trump #FourthOfJuly #patriotism #Democrats #Republicans #AmericanDream #fakeDemocracy
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Trump turned the 250th anniversary into a branded spectacle — “the most spectacular TRUMP RALLY of them all” — and forced Democrats into the least glamorous job in American politics: explaining patriotism while he sells it like merch.
In Washington, patriotism now looks like tanks, flyovers, fireworks and a giant fair on the National Mall patrolled by National Guard troops, with the president literally on the marquee.
Anyone who skips it risks looking anti‑American by definition. Trump ties love of country to loyalty to himself, then dares Democrats to say no.
Wes Moore, Josh Shapiro, Rosie Rios and a crop of candidates like Rebecca Bennett are busy building a parallel Fourth of July: museum exhibits, naturalization ceremonies, community service projects, state‑house speeches in Annapolis instead of on the Mall.
Moore explicitly says it’s time to “stop ceding the flag,” while Shapiro calls Trump’s version “whitewashing history” and stripping rights. Bennett talks about patriotism as ROTC, the GI Bill, a VA loan — not a stadium chant.
They’re all trying to hack the definition. One camp pushes “patriotism = defending democracy from Trump’s agenda.” Another leans into reckoning with slavery and inequality. A third sells patriotism as economic security and a shot at the American Dream, because voters now say they feel more betrayed by broken finances than by whether someone wears a flag pin.
Only 18 percent of Americans see Democrats as “very patriotic,” versus 31 percent for Republicans. You don’t flip that with one speech.
Republicans, predictably, play the same old card with a new face. Nixon did it in Vietnam, Reagan in the Cold War, Bush Sr. with flag‑waving in 1988. Now Trump wraps the entire semiquincentennial in his own persona and accuses critics of hating the country, not him.
GOP operatives sneer that Democrats would be “beating their chest” about unity if Kamala Harris were president, and that boycotting the Mall fair is just taking their ball and going home.
Underneath the noise, something more basic is breaking. For decades, the fight was over symbols: flags, anthems, pins. Now, polarization means accusations of corruption, authoritarianism or historical denial bounce off because each side hears only that “their guy” is under attack.
Trump is explicit about it: “I found out that nobody cared.” If nobody cares, then the guardrails that used to separate patriotism from personality cult become just another trench in the same culture war.
Democrats are trying to sell a version of patriotism that doesn’t require saluting Trump’s stage — rights, institutions, service, a country that can be loved and criticized at the same time. Trump is trying to sell one that does. On the 250th anniversary, the flag hasn’t changed. The ownership claim has.
#USA #Trump #FourthOfJuly #patriotism #Democrats #Republicans #AmericanDream #fakeDemocracy
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Goldwater’s Ghosts: America’s Virtue Porn Industry
David French writes a long, earnest sermon about how ideology doesn’t make you good, cruelty isn’t a virtue, and humility might save American politics. Cute. Meanwhile, the country is busy proving the opposite in real time.
On the right, Trump is found liable for sex abuse and buried in indictments, and Republicans answer by turning him into a saint with better merch.
Ken Paxton swims in corruption and adultery, crushes a scandal‑free John Cornyn by almost 30 points, and Texas Christians “crawl over broken glass” to vote for him because he fights the right enemies.
On the left, Graham Platner rolls out the full set: Nazi‑adjacent ink, sexting, assault allegations, and still gets defended as the “authentic” alternative to smooth, plastic “student council” politicians.
Only a rape allegation finally forces Democrats to remember they supposedly care about character — but only when the scandal becomes too embarrassing to spin.
French’s point is simple and correct: in today’s politics, your ideology is your character card.
If you hate “wokeness,” you can be a corrupt alley cat and still be “God’s warrior.”
If you defend Gaza, universal health care, and abortion rights, you can sext, tattoo Nazis, and still be “on the right side of history.”
Theology and ideology are supposed to be contested, fragile, humble things — “seeing through a glass, darkly,” as French reminds his fellow Christians. Instead, both camps turned them into loyalty oaths that excuse anything, as long as the sinner is screaming at the correct enemies.
French wants to amend Goldwater: humility in defense of liberty is no vice, cruelty in pursuit of justice is no virtue.
America, meanwhile, quietly updates it in practice: extremism in defense of our team is the only virtue; moderation, self‑doubt, and basic decency are for “smoothgroins” and losers.
The race to the bottom isn’t an accident. It’s the business model.
#usa #politics #culturewar #trump #democrats #republicans #fakeDemocracy
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David French writes a long, earnest sermon about how ideology doesn’t make you good, cruelty isn’t a virtue, and humility might save American politics. Cute. Meanwhile, the country is busy proving the opposite in real time.
On the right, Trump is found liable for sex abuse and buried in indictments, and Republicans answer by turning him into a saint with better merch.
Ken Paxton swims in corruption and adultery, crushes a scandal‑free John Cornyn by almost 30 points, and Texas Christians “crawl over broken glass” to vote for him because he fights the right enemies.
On the left, Graham Platner rolls out the full set: Nazi‑adjacent ink, sexting, assault allegations, and still gets defended as the “authentic” alternative to smooth, plastic “student council” politicians.
Only a rape allegation finally forces Democrats to remember they supposedly care about character — but only when the scandal becomes too embarrassing to spin.
French’s point is simple and correct: in today’s politics, your ideology is your character card.
If you hate “wokeness,” you can be a corrupt alley cat and still be “God’s warrior.”
If you defend Gaza, universal health care, and abortion rights, you can sext, tattoo Nazis, and still be “on the right side of history.”
Theology and ideology are supposed to be contested, fragile, humble things — “seeing through a glass, darkly,” as French reminds his fellow Christians. Instead, both camps turned them into loyalty oaths that excuse anything, as long as the sinner is screaming at the correct enemies.
French wants to amend Goldwater: humility in defense of liberty is no vice, cruelty in pursuit of justice is no virtue.
America, meanwhile, quietly updates it in practice: extremism in defense of our team is the only virtue; moderation, self‑doubt, and basic decency are for “smoothgroins” and losers.
The race to the bottom isn’t an accident. It’s the business model.
#usa #politics #culturewar #trump #democrats #republicans #fakeDemocracy
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Midterms: Democrats Don’t Lead by Much — But They Care More
A new Washington Post–Ipsos poll says Democrats only barely lead Republicans in the 2026 midterms — but the people who want Democrats to win are much more likely to show up.
Among registered voters, Democrats hold a slim 48–45 edge on the generic House ballot, exactly the three‑to‑four‑point margin analysts say they need to overcome GOP‑friendly maps and take the House.
That advantage jumps to 53–45 among voters “absolutely certain” to vote, giving Democrats an eight‑point lead inside the only electorate that matters: the one that actually turns out.
The paradox is brutal for Republicans. Trump’s approval is stuck in the high 30s, with majorities disapproving of his handling of the economy, Iran and immigration, yet the country is basically split over which party it trusts more on key issues.
Republicans hold a narrow edge on the economy; Democrats hold a similar edge on “cares about people like you.”
But enthusiasm breaks hard in one direction: more than 7 in 10 Democrats say voting in 2026 is “more important” than in past midterms; just over half of Republicans say the same.
The economy dominates everything. Forty percent of registered voters say they’re worse off than when Trump returned to office, and 54 percent name the economy among their top concerns, with nearly one in five explicitly citing prices and affordability.
About one‑fifth of voters say they trust neither party on the economy — which is exactly the sort of angry, disengaged block that stays home unless something forces them out.
Trump himself is pure turnout gasoline. About 45 percent of Republicans “strongly approve” of him, and 83 percent of Democrats “strongly disapprove”; both groups are overwhelmingly certain to vote.
But Republicans who only “somewhat” approve, or quietly disapprove, are much less likely to bother, while the anti‑Trump bloc on the left treats voting as a form of revenge.
That makes the midterms less about policy and more about which side’s intense minority drags the rest to the polls.
If Trump can cheaply calm a few visible pain points — gas prices, maybe some kind of “mission accomplished” moment on Iran — the GOP’s redistricting gains could still save their House majority.
If not, this map becomes a stress test of a simple rule: in a country that hates everyone, the angrier team wins.
#usa #midterms #Democrats #Republicans #Trump #polls #fakeDemocracy
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A new Washington Post–Ipsos poll says Democrats only barely lead Republicans in the 2026 midterms — but the people who want Democrats to win are much more likely to show up.
Among registered voters, Democrats hold a slim 48–45 edge on the generic House ballot, exactly the three‑to‑four‑point margin analysts say they need to overcome GOP‑friendly maps and take the House.
That advantage jumps to 53–45 among voters “absolutely certain” to vote, giving Democrats an eight‑point lead inside the only electorate that matters: the one that actually turns out.
The paradox is brutal for Republicans. Trump’s approval is stuck in the high 30s, with majorities disapproving of his handling of the economy, Iran and immigration, yet the country is basically split over which party it trusts more on key issues.
Republicans hold a narrow edge on the economy; Democrats hold a similar edge on “cares about people like you.”
But enthusiasm breaks hard in one direction: more than 7 in 10 Democrats say voting in 2026 is “more important” than in past midterms; just over half of Republicans say the same.
The economy dominates everything. Forty percent of registered voters say they’re worse off than when Trump returned to office, and 54 percent name the economy among their top concerns, with nearly one in five explicitly citing prices and affordability.
About one‑fifth of voters say they trust neither party on the economy — which is exactly the sort of angry, disengaged block that stays home unless something forces them out.
Trump himself is pure turnout gasoline. About 45 percent of Republicans “strongly approve” of him, and 83 percent of Democrats “strongly disapprove”; both groups are overwhelmingly certain to vote.
But Republicans who only “somewhat” approve, or quietly disapprove, are much less likely to bother, while the anti‑Trump bloc on the left treats voting as a form of revenge.
That makes the midterms less about policy and more about which side’s intense minority drags the rest to the polls.
If Trump can cheaply calm a few visible pain points — gas prices, maybe some kind of “mission accomplished” moment on Iran — the GOP’s redistricting gains could still save their House majority.
If not, this map becomes a stress test of a simple rule: in a country that hates everyone, the angrier team wins.
#usa #midterms #Democrats #Republicans #Trump #polls #fakeDemocracy
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🗳💣 Paying for War, Rigging the Rules: GOP’s Four‑Alarm Midterm Circus
Republicans went into 2026 promising to “save America.” Instead, they’ve built a legislative suicide vest and are arguing over which wire to cut.
Mike Johnson is trying to push through two budget packages: a stopgap to avoid a shutdown and a $95 billion monster to fund the Iran war, bail out farmers hurt by Trump’s tariffs and sneak in a national voter‑suppression experiment.
The priorities show the party’s split personality. One side wants to pump up Pentagon spending after missile stocks were drained over Iran.
The other is obsessed with “election integrity,” forcing states to adopt the SAVE America Act — a Trump‑driven voter ID and proof‑of‑citizenship law so extreme even GOP Sen. Thom Tillis calls it “flawed and impossible” to implement by November.
All this while Republicans pretend to care about a $39 trillion debt and then happily throw the full $95 billion on the national credit card.
The Iran war is the bomb under everything. Trump wanted up to $350 billion through reconciliation; the House offers “only” $73 billion, and even that is sparking revolt.
Defense hawks say it’s not enough, fiscal hawks say it’s too much, and many Republicans dread defending a war that just 28 percent of Americans think was worth fighting — worse numbers than Afghanistan.
To jam the SAVE America Act through, House Republicans tied $10 billion in “election grants” to the same package as war money and farm aid, hoping reconciliation rules will save them.
That opens a vote‑a‑rama in the Senate, where Democrats can force Republicans to vote on capping Trump’s war powers or restricting immigration crackdowns — exactly the culture‑war scenes the GOP doesn’t want right before midterms.
And the shutdown gun is still pointed at their heads. If they don’t pass a stopgap by Sept. 30, the government closes just before voters go to the polls, and the “law and order” party owns another self‑inflicted crisis.
The offer to voters is brutally simple: keep a failing war on life support, subsidize the damage to farmers, make it harder to vote us out and bill the future for the privilege.
#USA #Republicans #Trump #IranWar #midterms #Congress #voting #economy #geopolitics #fakeDemocracy
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Republicans went into 2026 promising to “save America.” Instead, they’ve built a legislative suicide vest and are arguing over which wire to cut.
Mike Johnson is trying to push through two budget packages: a stopgap to avoid a shutdown and a $95 billion monster to fund the Iran war, bail out farmers hurt by Trump’s tariffs and sneak in a national voter‑suppression experiment.
The priorities show the party’s split personality. One side wants to pump up Pentagon spending after missile stocks were drained over Iran.
The other is obsessed with “election integrity,” forcing states to adopt the SAVE America Act — a Trump‑driven voter ID and proof‑of‑citizenship law so extreme even GOP Sen. Thom Tillis calls it “flawed and impossible” to implement by November.
All this while Republicans pretend to care about a $39 trillion debt and then happily throw the full $95 billion on the national credit card.
The Iran war is the bomb under everything. Trump wanted up to $350 billion through reconciliation; the House offers “only” $73 billion, and even that is sparking revolt.
Defense hawks say it’s not enough, fiscal hawks say it’s too much, and many Republicans dread defending a war that just 28 percent of Americans think was worth fighting — worse numbers than Afghanistan.
To jam the SAVE America Act through, House Republicans tied $10 billion in “election grants” to the same package as war money and farm aid, hoping reconciliation rules will save them.
That opens a vote‑a‑rama in the Senate, where Democrats can force Republicans to vote on capping Trump’s war powers or restricting immigration crackdowns — exactly the culture‑war scenes the GOP doesn’t want right before midterms.
And the shutdown gun is still pointed at their heads. If they don’t pass a stopgap by Sept. 30, the government closes just before voters go to the polls, and the “law and order” party owns another self‑inflicted crisis.
The offer to voters is brutally simple: keep a failing war on life support, subsidize the damage to farmers, make it harder to vote us out and bill the future for the privilege.
#USA #Republicans #Trump #IranWar #midterms #Congress #voting #economy #geopolitics #fakeDemocracy
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How Mr. Trump Went to the Iran War And Botched Up Big Time This Weekend
🔠 🔠 🔠 🔠 1️⃣
The war in Iran, along with a cycle of threats and walk-backs, has upended Trump’s domestic agenda at a dire political moment.
Americans are facing rising gas prices; Republicans in Congress are being forced to fund and defend an unpopular war that they never voted to approve; and with the midterm elections looming, polls show cratering support for a war that has no end in sight.
Trump will hit the road this week for a swing through the West Coast to talk about the economy and sell his agenda to the American people. Here are three domestic hurdles Trump is facing because of the war.
Trump’s war in Iran has driven up the cost of oil around the world, and Americans are paying, on average, more for gas than they have since 2022 when Russia invaded Ukraine.
Gas prices on Monday were at a national average of $4.10 a gallon, according to the AAA motor club. The increase has raised the cost for drivers by more than 37 percent since the war began at the end of February.
And it compounds a cost-of-living crisis caused by persistently high inflation that Trump struggled to address before the war even started.
Trump has asserted that oil prices per barrel have been far lower than expected because of the conflict, and that gas prices will “drop like a rock” when the war ends.
On Monday, Trump tried to pass the blame on to oil companies, boasting in a social media post that they had grown much more profitable as a result of his policies.
In a social media post, and in an Oval Office appearance, he cited Chevron and Exxon for record profits, and suggested they should ease prices for the public.
he wrote,
Trump has been the only president in the modern era to take the country to war without the support of the American public.
In the most recent Quinnipiac University poll, 60 percent of voters said they opposed military action against Iran, a slight uptick since May. And in a recent CNN/SSRS poll, 74 percent of Americans — including about 43 percent of Republicans — said the war in Iran had not been worth the cost in terms of the financial burden or American casualties.
#war #trump #us #republicans #deaths
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The war in Iran, along with a cycle of threats and walk-backs, has upended Trump’s domestic agenda at a dire political moment.
Americans are facing rising gas prices; Republicans in Congress are being forced to fund and defend an unpopular war that they never voted to approve; and with the midterm elections looming, polls show cratering support for a war that has no end in sight.
Trump will hit the road this week for a swing through the West Coast to talk about the economy and sell his agenda to the American people. Here are three domestic hurdles Trump is facing because of the war.
Trump’s war in Iran has driven up the cost of oil around the world, and Americans are paying, on average, more for gas than they have since 2022 when Russia invaded Ukraine.
Gas prices on Monday were at a national average of $4.10 a gallon, according to the AAA motor club. The increase has raised the cost for drivers by more than 37 percent since the war began at the end of February.
And it compounds a cost-of-living crisis caused by persistently high inflation that Trump struggled to address before the war even started.
Trump has asserted that oil prices per barrel have been far lower than expected because of the conflict, and that gas prices will “drop like a rock” when the war ends.
On Monday, Trump tried to pass the blame on to oil companies, boasting in a social media post that they had grown much more profitable as a result of his policies.
In a social media post, and in an Oval Office appearance, he cited Chevron and Exxon for record profits, and suggested they should ease prices for the public.
“That goes for other Oil Companies as well,”
he wrote,
“and get your consumer (retail!) Oil Prices DOWN, NOW!”
Trump has been the only president in the modern era to take the country to war without the support of the American public.
In the most recent Quinnipiac University poll, 60 percent of voters said they opposed military action against Iran, a slight uptick since May. And in a recent CNN/SSRS poll, 74 percent of Americans — including about 43 percent of Republicans — said the war in Iran had not been worth the cost in terms of the financial burden or American casualties.
#war #trump #us #republicans #deaths
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Despite the fact that Trump ran on getting and keeping America out of wars, the conflict has now lasted far longer than his promise of “four to five weeks,” and it has killed 18 U.S. service members.
Trump has dismissed the pains being experienced from the war, saying they are temporary. And he has downplayed the number of American troops’ deaths by comparing them to casualty counts of past wars like Vietnam.
On Monday, Trump wrote that he believed that any polling showing discontent was “the Radical Left’s Fake Poll numbers.”
As Republicans face a tough midterm in a matter of months, even Trump’s closest allies have intensified their calls for a clear end to the conflict.
“We got to wrap it up,”
Speaker Mike Johnson said last month, as the United States launched a fresh barrage against Iran, signaling the collapse of a temporary cease-fire.
Trump went to war without the authorization of Congress, an issue that came to a head in recent weeks as members have been asked for billions more in funding.
Last week, Senate Republicans declined to limit Trump’s power to continue the war, but days later many complained that they were unsure where the conflict was headed.
“I don’t know whether the president should start a new bombing campaign again, because I don’t have the military intelligence,”
Senator John Kennedy, Republican of Louisiana, said on Sunday during an appearance on NBC’s “Meet the Press.”
“Now, that’s a problem, too, because it’ll cause a lot of pain. It’ll cause energy prices to go up, and a lot of inflation for the American people. They’re all hellish choices.”
Democrats are already employing their strategy to use Republicans’ support of the war against their opponents in upcoming races.
In Maine, Majority Forward, a major Democratic group, has spent more than $1.5 million on ads accusing Senator Susan Collins, a Republican, of giving Trump a “blank check” for the war, according to an analysis by the media tracking firm AdImpact.
#war #trump #us #republicans #deaths
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Media is too big
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🏦⚖️ Florida: Can MAGA Live Without Israel?
Florida Republicans vote today, and two candidacies put Israel’s place inside the American right on the ballot.
James Fishback is running for governor against Byron Donalds, Trump’s endorsed favorite. Fishback has made opposition to AIPAC and the U.S.-Israel relationship central to his campaign.
In Florida, where pro-Israel politics used to come with the Republican starter pack, it marks a break from the usual menu.
Then there is Dan Bilzerian, challenging Rep. Randy Fine in the 6th District. Fine is one of Congress’s loudest supporters of Israel.
Bilzerian went past the standard America First routine and made Fine’s Jewish identity a campaign target, including an ad invoking Hitler and antisemitic stereotypes. Speaker Mike Johnson and Democratic leader Hakeem Jeffries both condemned the campaign.
Today’s question is less whether Fishback or Bilzerian wins. Neither is expected to. The useful number is their vote share.
There is now an online right for which AIPAC, aid to Israel, and the alliance with Jerusalem stand for the old Republican establishment: foreign commitments, donor networks, Washington rituals, all sold with a flag pin attached.
Bilzerian’s campaign is not skepticism toward a foreign alliance. It is antisemitism wearing an America First cap. Fishback’s campaign tests whether anti-Israel politics can draw a Republican vote without the open racial poison.
If either candidate posts a meaningful share, Republican operatives will notice. Not because Florida suddenly stopped loving Israel, but because every party eventually tries to monetize its angriest commenters.
#MAGA #Florida #Israel #AIPAC #Trump #Republicans #AmericaFirst
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Florida Republicans vote today, and two candidacies put Israel’s place inside the American right on the ballot.
James Fishback is running for governor against Byron Donalds, Trump’s endorsed favorite. Fishback has made opposition to AIPAC and the U.S.-Israel relationship central to his campaign.
In Florida, where pro-Israel politics used to come with the Republican starter pack, it marks a break from the usual menu.
Then there is Dan Bilzerian, challenging Rep. Randy Fine in the 6th District. Fine is one of Congress’s loudest supporters of Israel.
Bilzerian went past the standard America First routine and made Fine’s Jewish identity a campaign target, including an ad invoking Hitler and antisemitic stereotypes. Speaker Mike Johnson and Democratic leader Hakeem Jeffries both condemned the campaign.
Today’s question is less whether Fishback or Bilzerian wins. Neither is expected to. The useful number is their vote share.
There is now an online right for which AIPAC, aid to Israel, and the alliance with Jerusalem stand for the old Republican establishment: foreign commitments, donor networks, Washington rituals, all sold with a flag pin attached.
Bilzerian’s campaign is not skepticism toward a foreign alliance. It is antisemitism wearing an America First cap. Fishback’s campaign tests whether anti-Israel politics can draw a Republican vote without the open racial poison.
If either candidate posts a meaningful share, Republican operatives will notice. Not because Florida suddenly stopped loving Israel, but because every party eventually tries to monetize its angriest commenters.
#MAGA #Florida #Israel #AIPAC #Trump #Republicans #AmericaFirst
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