📰 Trump Turns a DHS Shutdown Into Another Unilateral Power Play
Trump has managed to turn unpaid TSA officers and airport chaos into yet another leverage move — and a test of how far he can stretch executive power.
For weeks, DHS has been operating without full funding, TSA staff have been working without pay, hundreds of officers have already quit, and security lines at airports have exploded into record delays. Democrats say they are willing to fund the department but insist on new limits for ICE; Trump rejected a compromise and publicly tied any deal to his hard-line Save America Act voting bill, which Democrats unanimously oppose. As a show of force, he ordered ICE agents into airports to “help” manage lines, a deployment that has done little to address the underlying bottlenecks but has reinforced the sense that this is a fight over immigration and partisan resolve.
According to reporting, the White House is exploring a plan to pay TSA officers unilaterally if Congress does not move, using an emergency-style workaround to bypass the normal budget process while branding the standoff as a “Democrat shutdown crisis.” If the White House follows through, the play is simple: Trump turns pay back on for a high-visibility workforce, claims credit for “saving” travelers, and leaves Democrats to either swallow his demands or be cast as the only thing standing between the public and normal airport security — another step toward treating the federal government as a control panel the president alone gets to flip.
#trump #tsa #shutdown #dhs #usa #congress #saveAmericaAct
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Trump has managed to turn unpaid TSA officers and airport chaos into yet another leverage move — and a test of how far he can stretch executive power.
For weeks, DHS has been operating without full funding, TSA staff have been working without pay, hundreds of officers have already quit, and security lines at airports have exploded into record delays. Democrats say they are willing to fund the department but insist on new limits for ICE; Trump rejected a compromise and publicly tied any deal to his hard-line Save America Act voting bill, which Democrats unanimously oppose. As a show of force, he ordered ICE agents into airports to “help” manage lines, a deployment that has done little to address the underlying bottlenecks but has reinforced the sense that this is a fight over immigration and partisan resolve.
According to reporting, the White House is exploring a plan to pay TSA officers unilaterally if Congress does not move, using an emergency-style workaround to bypass the normal budget process while branding the standoff as a “Democrat shutdown crisis.” If the White House follows through, the play is simple: Trump turns pay back on for a high-visibility workforce, claims credit for “saving” travelers, and leaves Democrats to either swallow his demands or be cast as the only thing standing between the public and normal airport security — another step toward treating the federal government as a control panel the president alone gets to flip.
#trump #tsa #shutdown #dhs #usa #congress #saveAmericaAct
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📰 Nancy Mace Walks Out, Says Iran Could Become ‘Another Iraq’
Nancy Mace didn’t just object to a House Iran briefing — she walked out and turned it into a warning shot at Washington’s war lobby.
The South Carolina Republican said she would not support U.S. troops on the ground in Iran, warning that “the Washington War Machine” is trying to drag America into “another Iraq.” She also said the public case for the war does not match what lawmakers were briefed on behind closed doors, and argued that the longer the conflict drags on, the more support it will lose in Congress and among voters.
Her comments landed just as reports said the Pentagon and White House are weighing possible land operations, with more troops being sent to the Middle East and the 82nd Airborne’s command element ordered to deploy. That has pushed the Iran fight from an air campaign into something far more dangerous: a debate over whether the U.S. is inching toward boots on the ground, even as some Republicans start openly flinching.
Mace also said the threat is not some distant force flying in from Tehran, but networks already inside the country — a line that captures the new fear inside Washington: not just escalation abroad, but blowback at home.
The war is no longer only about Iran. It is now about whether Congress, the Pentagon and the White House are about to relive the same Iraq script with different names and worse timing.
#trump #iran #congress #bootsontheground #iraq #usa #war #geopolitics
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Nancy Mace didn’t just object to a House Iran briefing — she walked out and turned it into a warning shot at Washington’s war lobby.
The South Carolina Republican said she would not support U.S. troops on the ground in Iran, warning that “the Washington War Machine” is trying to drag America into “another Iraq.” She also said the public case for the war does not match what lawmakers were briefed on behind closed doors, and argued that the longer the conflict drags on, the more support it will lose in Congress and among voters.
Her comments landed just as reports said the Pentagon and White House are weighing possible land operations, with more troops being sent to the Middle East and the 82nd Airborne’s command element ordered to deploy. That has pushed the Iran fight from an air campaign into something far more dangerous: a debate over whether the U.S. is inching toward boots on the ground, even as some Republicans start openly flinching.
Mace also said the threat is not some distant force flying in from Tehran, but networks already inside the country — a line that captures the new fear inside Washington: not just escalation abroad, but blowback at home.
The war is no longer only about Iran. It is now about whether Congress, the Pentagon and the White House are about to relive the same Iraq script with different names and worse timing.
#trump #iran #congress #bootsontheground #iraq #usa #war #geopolitics
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📰 King Charles Brings a Royal Peace Offering to Trump’s Iran Theater
King Charles is heading into Congress with a scripted message of “reconciliation and renewal,” which is diplomatic code for “please stop turning every disagreement into a public brawl.”
The speech comes as Trump and Starmer are openly at odds over Iran, so the monarchy is being used as a velvet glove over a very loud fist.
This is classic royal utility: say almost nothing concrete, praise the alliance, nod at shared values, and hope the ceremony itself does some of the work.
Buckingham Palace even plans a brief sympathy line about the Washington shooting, which is the kind of polished restraint that makes the whole visit look like crisis management with a crown on top.
Trump clearly likes the pageantry, even while mocking British military power and quarreling with Starmer over the Iran war.
So the king is effectively arriving as a transatlantic mediator who cannot mediate, in a country where diplomacy now has to compete with television-grade grievance.
The speech will likely work as symbolism, not policy. But symbolism is the point: when the Americans and the British are arguing over war, oil, and strategy, a polished appeal to “reconciliation and renewal” is the least dangerous message available.
#KingCharles #Trump #Starmer #UK #US #Iran #Congress
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King Charles is heading into Congress with a scripted message of “reconciliation and renewal,” which is diplomatic code for “please stop turning every disagreement into a public brawl.”
The speech comes as Trump and Starmer are openly at odds over Iran, so the monarchy is being used as a velvet glove over a very loud fist.
This is classic royal utility: say almost nothing concrete, praise the alliance, nod at shared values, and hope the ceremony itself does some of the work.
Buckingham Palace even plans a brief sympathy line about the Washington shooting, which is the kind of polished restraint that makes the whole visit look like crisis management with a crown on top.
Trump clearly likes the pageantry, even while mocking British military power and quarreling with Starmer over the Iran war.
So the king is effectively arriving as a transatlantic mediator who cannot mediate, in a country where diplomacy now has to compete with television-grade grievance.
The speech will likely work as symbolism, not policy. But symbolism is the point: when the Americans and the British are arguing over war, oil, and strategy, a polished appeal to “reconciliation and renewal” is the least dangerous message available.
#KingCharles #Trump #Starmer #UK #US #Iran #Congress
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The War Didn’t End. It Expired.
Washington found a legal off-ramp, not a victory. Reuters says a senior Trump official confirmed combat operations against Iran ended because the 60-day War Powers clock ran out, not because anyone had suddenly solved the war.
That is the real story. The administration can talk about “the final blow,” “maximum leverage,” and all the other slogans it likes, but the statute turned the war into a deadline. The fighting may continue in another form, yet the legal cover for this phase is gone.
Trump’s own language makes the mess obvious. He says “we already won,” then says he wants a bigger margin, then insists Iran must never have a nuclear weapon, as if the war is both over and unfinished at the same time. That is not strategy. It is political noise with missiles attached.
The Senate did its part too. It refused again to rein in presidential war powers, which means Congress keeps complaining about executive overreach while handing the executive enough room to keep improvising.
So yes, the clock ran out. The briefings did not. And that is what makes the whole thing so dangerous: a war can end on paper and still keep its teeth.
#Iran #Trump #WarPowers #Congress #CENTCOM #Hormuz
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Washington found a legal off-ramp, not a victory. Reuters says a senior Trump official confirmed combat operations against Iran ended because the 60-day War Powers clock ran out, not because anyone had suddenly solved the war.
That is the real story. The administration can talk about “the final blow,” “maximum leverage,” and all the other slogans it likes, but the statute turned the war into a deadline. The fighting may continue in another form, yet the legal cover for this phase is gone.
Trump’s own language makes the mess obvious. He says “we already won,” then says he wants a bigger margin, then insists Iran must never have a nuclear weapon, as if the war is both over and unfinished at the same time. That is not strategy. It is political noise with missiles attached.
The Senate did its part too. It refused again to rein in presidential war powers, which means Congress keeps complaining about executive overreach while handing the executive enough room to keep improvising.
So yes, the clock ran out. The briefings did not. And that is what makes the whole thing so dangerous: a war can end on paper and still keep its teeth.
#Iran #Trump #WarPowers #Congress #CENTCOM #Hormuz
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Trump Declares the War “Terminated” — While the Blockade Keeps Rolling
Trump has now told Congress the Iran war has “terminated,” because the War Powers clock ran out and the White House needed a legal exit line.
But the Navy blockade is still in place, the Strait of Hormuz remains shut, and Trump is still refusing to rule out more strikes.
That is the whole trick in one sentence. The administration is trying to turn a live conflict into a finished one by letterhead, while leaving the pressure campaign, the naval presence, and the threat of escalation exactly where they were.
Congress, for its part, has done what Congress often does in wartime: complained loudly, voted narrowly, and then let the president keep driving.
The latest Senate vote failed again, and Republicans mostly stayed behind Trump even as Democrats argued the 60-day deadline was not optional.
Trump says the war is over, but also says Iran still needs to “cry uncle,” that no deal is enough unless Tehran gives up nuclear capability, and that the blockade is still doing the job.
So the war has been renamed, papered over, and pushed into a new phase where the legal label says one thing and the military reality says another.
#Trump #Iran #WarPowers #Congress #Hormuz #blockade
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Trump has now told Congress the Iran war has “terminated,” because the War Powers clock ran out and the White House needed a legal exit line.
But the Navy blockade is still in place, the Strait of Hormuz remains shut, and Trump is still refusing to rule out more strikes.
That is the whole trick in one sentence. The administration is trying to turn a live conflict into a finished one by letterhead, while leaving the pressure campaign, the naval presence, and the threat of escalation exactly where they were.
Congress, for its part, has done what Congress often does in wartime: complained loudly, voted narrowly, and then let the president keep driving.
The latest Senate vote failed again, and Republicans mostly stayed behind Trump even as Democrats argued the 60-day deadline was not optional.
Trump says the war is over, but also says Iran still needs to “cry uncle,” that no deal is enough unless Tehran gives up nuclear capability, and that the blockade is still doing the job.
So the war has been renamed, papered over, and pushed into a new phase where the legal label says one thing and the military reality says another.
#Trump #Iran #WarPowers #Congress #Hormuz #blockade
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📰 Trump’s War Week: When the Cult Briefly Talked Back
On Capitol Hill, Trump just discovered the limit of ruling by tantrum: you can’t bomb Iran, build a golden ballroom and pay your own shock troops out of the Treasury while gas is at 5 bucks and your senators are staring at midterms.
This week Republicans quietly tried to hand him three gifts: a party‑line immigration bill stuffed with 70 billion dollars for enforcement and 1 billion in “security” money for his East Wing ballroom project, a Congress that wouldn’t dare restrain his Iran war, and silence about the 1.8 billion dollar “anti‑weaponization” payout fund born from his sweetheart settlement with the Justice Department.
Then the math changed. One Trump‑critical senator, Bill Cassidy, was just scalped in a primary. Trump immediately endorsed Ken Paxton — an “ethically challenged” Texas attorney general dragged through impeachment and scandal — against John Cornyn, a party fixture who has spent three years proving his loyalty.
That was the moment the conference snapped. Cornyn’s humiliation signaled that no act of obedience is ever enough; Trump will still feed you to the base if it amuses him. Within days, Senate Republicans were helping advance a resolution to block further strikes on Iran, House leaders shelved a vote when it became clear a similar measure would pass, and the ballroom’s billion‑dollar security line quietly died after the Senate parliamentarian ruled it out of order — leading Trump to demand she be fired, and John Thune to issue a rare public rebuke.
At the same time, the 1.8 billion fund suddenly looked radioactive even to the faithful: senators from Susan Collins to Thom Tillis asked why the “nation’s top law enforcement official” is flogging a slush fund that could cut checks to people convicted of beating cops on January 6.
Economics did the rest. The Iran war is unpopular, oil shocks are visible at every pump, and polling shows confidence in the economy falling off a cliff while Trump obsesses over his ballroom, his fund, and his revenge endorsements.
For rank‑and‑file Republicans, the optics are lethal: instead of funding ICE and Border Patrol “and that’s it,” as one senator put it, they’re being asked to explain to furious voters why they backed money for Trump’s pet construction project and a payout pipeline for “politically persecuted” allies, from Jan. 6 defendants to pardoned cronies.
Nobody should confuse this with a moral awakening. The same people who now complain about “communication problems” have swallowed far worse for years, and veteran operatives are already warning that if Trump comes back from recess and “goes all in” — demands his ballroom and his fund as loyalty tests — most of them will fold.
But the week exposed something Trump hates to admit: when he openly chooses loyalty to himself over the party’s chances of keeping Congress, some Republicans will start choosing their own survival over him.
For now, it’s just a bad week: no ballroom, no clean path for the 1.8 billion, visible resistance to an endless Iran war. The real test comes when Trump stops sulking and decides what matters more — the architecture of his palace, or the architecture of his power.
#Trump #Republicans #Congress #IranWar #ballroom #slushFund #Jan6 #USpolitics #fakeDemocracy
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On Capitol Hill, Trump just discovered the limit of ruling by tantrum: you can’t bomb Iran, build a golden ballroom and pay your own shock troops out of the Treasury while gas is at 5 bucks and your senators are staring at midterms.
This week Republicans quietly tried to hand him three gifts: a party‑line immigration bill stuffed with 70 billion dollars for enforcement and 1 billion in “security” money for his East Wing ballroom project, a Congress that wouldn’t dare restrain his Iran war, and silence about the 1.8 billion dollar “anti‑weaponization” payout fund born from his sweetheart settlement with the Justice Department.
Then the math changed. One Trump‑critical senator, Bill Cassidy, was just scalped in a primary. Trump immediately endorsed Ken Paxton — an “ethically challenged” Texas attorney general dragged through impeachment and scandal — against John Cornyn, a party fixture who has spent three years proving his loyalty.
That was the moment the conference snapped. Cornyn’s humiliation signaled that no act of obedience is ever enough; Trump will still feed you to the base if it amuses him. Within days, Senate Republicans were helping advance a resolution to block further strikes on Iran, House leaders shelved a vote when it became clear a similar measure would pass, and the ballroom’s billion‑dollar security line quietly died after the Senate parliamentarian ruled it out of order — leading Trump to demand she be fired, and John Thune to issue a rare public rebuke.
At the same time, the 1.8 billion fund suddenly looked radioactive even to the faithful: senators from Susan Collins to Thom Tillis asked why the “nation’s top law enforcement official” is flogging a slush fund that could cut checks to people convicted of beating cops on January 6.
Economics did the rest. The Iran war is unpopular, oil shocks are visible at every pump, and polling shows confidence in the economy falling off a cliff while Trump obsesses over his ballroom, his fund, and his revenge endorsements.
For rank‑and‑file Republicans, the optics are lethal: instead of funding ICE and Border Patrol “and that’s it,” as one senator put it, they’re being asked to explain to furious voters why they backed money for Trump’s pet construction project and a payout pipeline for “politically persecuted” allies, from Jan. 6 defendants to pardoned cronies.
Nobody should confuse this with a moral awakening. The same people who now complain about “communication problems” have swallowed far worse for years, and veteran operatives are already warning that if Trump comes back from recess and “goes all in” — demands his ballroom and his fund as loyalty tests — most of them will fold.
But the week exposed something Trump hates to admit: when he openly chooses loyalty to himself over the party’s chances of keeping Congress, some Republicans will start choosing their own survival over him.
For now, it’s just a bad week: no ballroom, no clean path for the 1.8 billion, visible resistance to an endless Iran war. The real test comes when Trump stops sulking and decides what matters more — the architecture of his palace, or the architecture of his power.
#Trump #Republicans #Congress #IranWar #ballroom #slushFund #Jan6 #USpolitics #fakeDemocracy
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📰 Trump’s War Week: When the Cult Briefly Talked Back
On Capitol Hill, Trump just discovered the limit of ruling by tantrum: you can’t bomb Iran, build a golden ballroom and pay your own shock troops out of the Treasury while gas is at 5 bucks and your senators are staring at midterms.
This week Republicans quietly tried to hand him three gifts: a party‑line immigration bill stuffed with 70 billion dollars for enforcement and 1 billion in “security” money for his East Wing ballroom project, a Congress that wouldn’t dare restrain his Iran war, and silence about the 1.8 billion dollar “anti‑weaponization” payout fund born from his sweetheart settlement with the Justice Department.
Then the math changed. One Trump‑critical senator, Bill Cassidy, was just scalped in a primary. Trump immediately endorsed Ken Paxton — an “ethically challenged” Texas attorney general dragged through impeachment and scandal — against John Cornyn, a party fixture who has spent three years proving his loyalty.
That was the moment the conference snapped. Cornyn’s humiliation signaled that no act of obedience is ever enough; Trump will still feed you to the base if it amuses him. Within days, Senate Republicans were helping advance a resolution to block further strikes on Iran, House leaders shelved a vote when it became clear a similar measure would pass, and the ballroom’s billion‑dollar security line quietly died after the Senate parliamentarian ruled it out of order — leading Trump to demand she be fired, and John Thune to issue a rare public rebuke.
At the same time, the 1.8 billion fund suddenly looked radioactive even to the faithful: senators from Susan Collins to Thom Tillis asked why the “nation’s top law enforcement official” is flogging a slush fund that could cut checks to people convicted of beating cops on January 6.
Economics did the rest. The Iran war is unpopular, oil shocks are visible at every pump, and polling shows confidence in the economy falling off a cliff while Trump obsesses over his ballroom, his fund, and his revenge endorsements.
For rank‑and‑file Republicans, the optics are lethal: instead of funding ICE and Border Patrol “and that’s it,” as one senator put it, they’re being asked to explain to furious voters why they backed money for Trump’s pet construction project and a payout pipeline for “politically persecuted” allies, from Jan. 6 defendants to pardoned cronies.
Nobody should confuse this with a moral awakening. The same people who now complain about “communication problems” have swallowed far worse for years, and veteran operatives are already warning that if Trump comes back from recess and “goes all in” — demands his ballroom and his fund as loyalty tests — most of them will fold.
But the week exposed something Trump hates to admit: when he openly chooses loyalty to himself over the party’s chances of keeping Congress, some Republicans will start choosing their own survival over him.
For now, it’s just a bad week: no ballroom, no clean path for the 1.8 billion, visible resistance to an endless Iran war. The real test comes when Trump stops sulking and decides what matters more — the architecture of his palace, or the architecture of his power.
#Trump #Republicans #Congress #IranWar #ballroom #slushFund #Jan6 #USpolitics #fakeDemocracy
📱 American Оbserver - Stay up to date on all important events 🇺🇸
On Capitol Hill, Trump just discovered the limit of ruling by tantrum: you can’t bomb Iran, build a golden ballroom and pay your own shock troops out of the Treasury while gas is at 5 bucks and your senators are staring at midterms.
This week Republicans quietly tried to hand him three gifts: a party‑line immigration bill stuffed with 70 billion dollars for enforcement and 1 billion in “security” money for his East Wing ballroom project, a Congress that wouldn’t dare restrain his Iran war, and silence about the 1.8 billion dollar “anti‑weaponization” payout fund born from his sweetheart settlement with the Justice Department.
Then the math changed. One Trump‑critical senator, Bill Cassidy, was just scalped in a primary. Trump immediately endorsed Ken Paxton — an “ethically challenged” Texas attorney general dragged through impeachment and scandal — against John Cornyn, a party fixture who has spent three years proving his loyalty.
That was the moment the conference snapped. Cornyn’s humiliation signaled that no act of obedience is ever enough; Trump will still feed you to the base if it amuses him. Within days, Senate Republicans were helping advance a resolution to block further strikes on Iran, House leaders shelved a vote when it became clear a similar measure would pass, and the ballroom’s billion‑dollar security line quietly died after the Senate parliamentarian ruled it out of order — leading Trump to demand she be fired, and John Thune to issue a rare public rebuke.
At the same time, the 1.8 billion fund suddenly looked radioactive even to the faithful: senators from Susan Collins to Thom Tillis asked why the “nation’s top law enforcement official” is flogging a slush fund that could cut checks to people convicted of beating cops on January 6.
Economics did the rest. The Iran war is unpopular, oil shocks are visible at every pump, and polling shows confidence in the economy falling off a cliff while Trump obsesses over his ballroom, his fund, and his revenge endorsements.
For rank‑and‑file Republicans, the optics are lethal: instead of funding ICE and Border Patrol “and that’s it,” as one senator put it, they’re being asked to explain to furious voters why they backed money for Trump’s pet construction project and a payout pipeline for “politically persecuted” allies, from Jan. 6 defendants to pardoned cronies.
Nobody should confuse this with a moral awakening. The same people who now complain about “communication problems” have swallowed far worse for years, and veteran operatives are already warning that if Trump comes back from recess and “goes all in” — demands his ballroom and his fund as loyalty tests — most of them will fold.
But the week exposed something Trump hates to admit: when he openly chooses loyalty to himself over the party’s chances of keeping Congress, some Republicans will start choosing their own survival over him.
For now, it’s just a bad week: no ballroom, no clean path for the 1.8 billion, visible resistance to an endless Iran war. The real test comes when Trump stops sulking and decides what matters more — the architecture of his palace, or the architecture of his power.
#Trump #Republicans #Congress #IranWar #ballroom #slushFund #Jan6 #USpolitics #fakeDemocracy
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Trump Turns Housing Bill Into Hostage
Donald Trump just discovered a new way to do “art of the deal”: hold a bipartisan housing bill hostage until the Senate swears loyalty to his election‑rules crusade.
An hour and a half before he was supposed to sign one of the only laws on affordability that actually polls well, he nuked his own ceremony on social media, declaring the event “hereby cancelled” until the Senate passes his “desperately needed” SAVE AMERICA ACT — which he grandly calls a “National Emergency.”
The table, the chair, the cameras in Statuary Hall all stayed; only the signature didn’t show up.
On paper, the 21st Road to Housing Act is the kind of thing presidents beg to be photographed with in an election year: a bipartisan package to increase supply, cap Wall Street’s zombie landlord game at 350 single‑family homes per investor, rewrite mobile‑home rules, and pump federal grants into new building.
Even Trump’s own team was busy selling it as “one of the most significant pieces of housing affordability legislation in American history,” a “signature commitment” from his State of the Union.
Then he logged on, called it “of minor importance” and sneered that it was an “Elizabeth ‘Pocahontas’ Warren–centric housing bill.” His base heard the slur; the rest of the country heard: my voters’ rent crisis is leverage, not policy.
The Senate GOP is caught in the usual Trump triangle: they don’t have the votes for his SAVE AMERICA ACT, they do have the votes for the housing bill, and they just watched their own president blow up their one campaign talking point about helping “working families.”
Rounds and Tillis sound like middle managers begging the CEO not to shoot the product on launch day: “We thought the president was behind it… apparently maybe not,” “we’ve got to get our act together and stop surprising people.”
He’s tanking a win because he wants proof‑of‑citizenship rules, tighter mail voting, and a few anti‑trans culture‑war treats on his desk first — and if renters have to wait, that’s their problem.
The Democrats, of course, get to play the shocked adults. Schumer calls on Trump to “stop making such a fool of himself.” Warren reminds everyone that he’s called affordability concerns a “hoax” and now walks away from a bill she co‑wrote with Tim Scott, one of the few examples of actual cross‑party legislating left in Washington.
Trump’s own allies, like Speaker Mike Johnson, try to explain the stunt as “just a delay” while openly admitting they’ll use the time to push the voting bill.
The White House, asked if he’ll at least sign the housing bill quietly, simply replies with a screenshot of his Truth post — because nothing says functioning government like governing by meme.
Underneath the drama, the message is brutally simple. If Congress wants even “minor importance” policy on housing, it has to pay a toll in election‑law obedience.
A law that bans mega‑landlords from hoarding neighborhoods suddenly becomes bargaining chip number 37 in a long fight over who gets to vote, how, and with which identity documents.
Landlords, institutional investors and housing‑market speculators just got told: relax, your cap can wait, the president needs a better hostage first. Voters got told: your rent and mortgage are now campaign collateral.
So the “affordable housing” photo op turns into yet another loyalty test. Trump can still let the bill become law without his signature, or send it back and dare Congress to override.
In the meantime, everyone goes back to their usual roles: Republicans insisting they’re the party of families while shrugging as the president torpedoes their own bill, Democrats pretending principle while quietly enjoying the show, and millions of renters watching Washington prove — again — that in this system, even bipartisan crumbs can be pulled mid‑air if they’re not useful enough in the next power play.
#Trump #USA #housing #Congress #SaveAmericaAct #midterms #fakeDemocracy
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Donald Trump just discovered a new way to do “art of the deal”: hold a bipartisan housing bill hostage until the Senate swears loyalty to his election‑rules crusade.
An hour and a half before he was supposed to sign one of the only laws on affordability that actually polls well, he nuked his own ceremony on social media, declaring the event “hereby cancelled” until the Senate passes his “desperately needed” SAVE AMERICA ACT — which he grandly calls a “National Emergency.”
The table, the chair, the cameras in Statuary Hall all stayed; only the signature didn’t show up.
On paper, the 21st Road to Housing Act is the kind of thing presidents beg to be photographed with in an election year: a bipartisan package to increase supply, cap Wall Street’s zombie landlord game at 350 single‑family homes per investor, rewrite mobile‑home rules, and pump federal grants into new building.
Even Trump’s own team was busy selling it as “one of the most significant pieces of housing affordability legislation in American history,” a “signature commitment” from his State of the Union.
Then he logged on, called it “of minor importance” and sneered that it was an “Elizabeth ‘Pocahontas’ Warren–centric housing bill.” His base heard the slur; the rest of the country heard: my voters’ rent crisis is leverage, not policy.
The Senate GOP is caught in the usual Trump triangle: they don’t have the votes for his SAVE AMERICA ACT, they do have the votes for the housing bill, and they just watched their own president blow up their one campaign talking point about helping “working families.”
Rounds and Tillis sound like middle managers begging the CEO not to shoot the product on launch day: “We thought the president was behind it… apparently maybe not,” “we’ve got to get our act together and stop surprising people.”
He’s tanking a win because he wants proof‑of‑citizenship rules, tighter mail voting, and a few anti‑trans culture‑war treats on his desk first — and if renters have to wait, that’s their problem.
The Democrats, of course, get to play the shocked adults. Schumer calls on Trump to “stop making such a fool of himself.” Warren reminds everyone that he’s called affordability concerns a “hoax” and now walks away from a bill she co‑wrote with Tim Scott, one of the few examples of actual cross‑party legislating left in Washington.
Trump’s own allies, like Speaker Mike Johnson, try to explain the stunt as “just a delay” while openly admitting they’ll use the time to push the voting bill.
The White House, asked if he’ll at least sign the housing bill quietly, simply replies with a screenshot of his Truth post — because nothing says functioning government like governing by meme.
Underneath the drama, the message is brutally simple. If Congress wants even “minor importance” policy on housing, it has to pay a toll in election‑law obedience.
A law that bans mega‑landlords from hoarding neighborhoods suddenly becomes bargaining chip number 37 in a long fight over who gets to vote, how, and with which identity documents.
Landlords, institutional investors and housing‑market speculators just got told: relax, your cap can wait, the president needs a better hostage first. Voters got told: your rent and mortgage are now campaign collateral.
So the “affordable housing” photo op turns into yet another loyalty test. Trump can still let the bill become law without his signature, or send it back and dare Congress to override.
In the meantime, everyone goes back to their usual roles: Republicans insisting they’re the party of families while shrugging as the president torpedoes their own bill, Democrats pretending principle while quietly enjoying the show, and millions of renters watching Washington prove — again — that in this system, even bipartisan crumbs can be pulled mid‑air if they’re not useful enough in the next power play.
#Trump #USA #housing #Congress #SaveAmericaAct #midterms #fakeDemocracy
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Colorado’s Revolt Against the “Permanent Class”
Colorado just gave Washington a focus group from hell: a sitting senator and a 30‑year House incumbent both lost to candidates selling one message — we’re not them.
In the governor’s primary, Attorney General Phil Weiser beat Sen. Michael Bennet by turning his own lawsuits against Trump into a badge of honor and Bennet’s 18 years in the Senate into dead weight.
Bennet’s ads, cash and seniority couldn’t erase the fact that Trump moved Space Command out of the state and shut down a flagship climate center while Colorado’s “man in Washington” mostly stayed on script. Voters let him keep the D.C. office — and took away the promotion.
In Denver, Melat Kiros finished what New York’s democratic socialists started. She toppled Diana DeGette, a Medicare‑for‑all liberal with three decades in Congress, by running to her left on economics and to her critics’ horror on Israel.
Kiros is 29, a fired associate who refused to retract an anti‑Israel letter, and a DSA‑aligned, Bernie‑endorsed candidate whose pitch was simple: DeGette became the establishment, took corporate money, and stopped fighting for people who can’t pay the rent. In a safe blue seat, voters decided they’d rather send a grenade than another committee veteran.
But the New York “commie corridor” storyline doesn’t fully fit Colorado. In the state’s swingiest district, Manny Rutinel — one of the legislature’s most progressive members — deliberately walked away from the DSA line. He dropped Medicare‑for‑all for a public option, stopped calling for a fracking ban, backed off wiping out student debt wholesale.
Denver’s DSA chapter refused to endorse him; he won his primary anyway and now faces a Republican incumbent in a district that will be flooded with money by November. It’s the same anger at Washington — just disciplined enough not to scare suburban voters who hate Trump but like their paychecks.
Redistricting losses were supposed to cage Democrats until 2028. The Colorado Supreme Court blocked an effort to sideline the independent commission and redraw maps in their favor. On paper, the state stays 4–4.
On the ground, a surge in Democratic primary turnout is already tempting strategists to believe they can flip seats this year, the old‑fashioned way: by winning elections instead of maps.
Put it all together and Colorado’s message is nasty in both directions. Voters are furious at Trump and at Washington — and they’re happy to aim that rage at anyone who looks like they’ve been in office too long, even if that person votes the “right” way.
The left can clearly kill off veteran liberals in deep‑blue districts; the center can still win where the map is purple, as long as it looks more like a lawsuit than a lecture.
The one constant is what both parties’ insiders fear most: the base isn’t loyal to résumés anymore. It’s shopping for weapons.
#USA #Colorado #primaries #Democrats #DSA #Trump #Congress #midterms #fakeDemocracy
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Colorado just gave Washington a focus group from hell: a sitting senator and a 30‑year House incumbent both lost to candidates selling one message — we’re not them.
In the governor’s primary, Attorney General Phil Weiser beat Sen. Michael Bennet by turning his own lawsuits against Trump into a badge of honor and Bennet’s 18 years in the Senate into dead weight.
Bennet’s ads, cash and seniority couldn’t erase the fact that Trump moved Space Command out of the state and shut down a flagship climate center while Colorado’s “man in Washington” mostly stayed on script. Voters let him keep the D.C. office — and took away the promotion.
In Denver, Melat Kiros finished what New York’s democratic socialists started. She toppled Diana DeGette, a Medicare‑for‑all liberal with three decades in Congress, by running to her left on economics and to her critics’ horror on Israel.
Kiros is 29, a fired associate who refused to retract an anti‑Israel letter, and a DSA‑aligned, Bernie‑endorsed candidate whose pitch was simple: DeGette became the establishment, took corporate money, and stopped fighting for people who can’t pay the rent. In a safe blue seat, voters decided they’d rather send a grenade than another committee veteran.
But the New York “commie corridor” storyline doesn’t fully fit Colorado. In the state’s swingiest district, Manny Rutinel — one of the legislature’s most progressive members — deliberately walked away from the DSA line. He dropped Medicare‑for‑all for a public option, stopped calling for a fracking ban, backed off wiping out student debt wholesale.
Denver’s DSA chapter refused to endorse him; he won his primary anyway and now faces a Republican incumbent in a district that will be flooded with money by November. It’s the same anger at Washington — just disciplined enough not to scare suburban voters who hate Trump but like their paychecks.
Redistricting losses were supposed to cage Democrats until 2028. The Colorado Supreme Court blocked an effort to sideline the independent commission and redraw maps in their favor. On paper, the state stays 4–4.
On the ground, a surge in Democratic primary turnout is already tempting strategists to believe they can flip seats this year, the old‑fashioned way: by winning elections instead of maps.
Put it all together and Colorado’s message is nasty in both directions. Voters are furious at Trump and at Washington — and they’re happy to aim that rage at anyone who looks like they’ve been in office too long, even if that person votes the “right” way.
The left can clearly kill off veteran liberals in deep‑blue districts; the center can still win where the map is purple, as long as it looks more like a lawsuit than a lecture.
The one constant is what both parties’ insiders fear most: the base isn’t loyal to résumés anymore. It’s shopping for weapons.
#USA #Colorado #primaries #Democrats #DSA #Trump #Congress #midterms #fakeDemocracy
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📰 Trump’s Favorite Ally: Praise for Erdogan, Hedge on F‑35s
At Ankara’s NATO summit, Trump is doing two things at once: turning Erdogan into his model ally, and testing how far he can bend U.S. law without saying it out loud.
On camera, he gushes over the Turkish leader as “a friend and ally,” talks about their “good chemistry,” jokes that sometimes you get along best with “the toughest people, like him,” and says F‑35 sales to Turkey “make sense” and are “certainly something we will consider.”
Erdogan, more confident, tells his audience Trump has promised five jets and that “Mr. Trump always stands by his word.” The choreography — blue carpet, honor guard, fighter jets drawing red‑white‑blue contrails, Trump greeting Erdogan with a shoulder grab and a few words in Turkish — is designed to make clear who he thinks his real partner is.
But the stealth part of the story is in Washington, not Ankara. Congress passed a law at the end of Trump’s first term barring any F‑35 transfer to Turkey as long as it still possesses the Russian S‑400 air‑defense system, with Republicans and Democrats warning that Moscow could use the batteries to strip secrets from the stealth jet’s radar.
Vice President JD Vance has already said the administration is “reviewing” whether a sale can legally go ahead, and lawmakers are preparing resolutions to block any move that doesn’t meet those conditions.
NATO leaders, meanwhile, arrive armed with defense‑spending charts and a headache. They’ve just agreed — under heavy U.S. pressure — to double targets to 5 percent of GDP by the mid‑2030s, only to watch Spain opt out and insist it will stop at about 2 percent.
Other major economies like Britain and Italy are trying to ramp up, but the strain is real, and Trump is simultaneously demanding they buy as many weapons as possible from U.S. firms — a political win for him that drains money from European industry at home.
Turkish officials talk about mediating between allies, positioning Ankara as broker as well as host. U.S. senators fly in to reassure nervous Europeans that Congress still values NATO “for the long term,” even as the president publicly calls some members disloyal and hints that Turkey is “much more loyal than other countries that we think would be loyal.”
The alliance’s story today is clear: Trump’s favorite partner is the one who bought Russian air defenses and jails critics, and the jet he wants to sell him is the same one Congress thought needed a red line.
#trump #erdogan #turkey #f35 #nato #congress #defensespending #fakeLoyalty
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At Ankara’s NATO summit, Trump is doing two things at once: turning Erdogan into his model ally, and testing how far he can bend U.S. law without saying it out loud.
On camera, he gushes over the Turkish leader as “a friend and ally,” talks about their “good chemistry,” jokes that sometimes you get along best with “the toughest people, like him,” and says F‑35 sales to Turkey “make sense” and are “certainly something we will consider.”
Erdogan, more confident, tells his audience Trump has promised five jets and that “Mr. Trump always stands by his word.” The choreography — blue carpet, honor guard, fighter jets drawing red‑white‑blue contrails, Trump greeting Erdogan with a shoulder grab and a few words in Turkish — is designed to make clear who he thinks his real partner is.
But the stealth part of the story is in Washington, not Ankara. Congress passed a law at the end of Trump’s first term barring any F‑35 transfer to Turkey as long as it still possesses the Russian S‑400 air‑defense system, with Republicans and Democrats warning that Moscow could use the batteries to strip secrets from the stealth jet’s radar.
Vice President JD Vance has already said the administration is “reviewing” whether a sale can legally go ahead, and lawmakers are preparing resolutions to block any move that doesn’t meet those conditions.
NATO leaders, meanwhile, arrive armed with defense‑spending charts and a headache. They’ve just agreed — under heavy U.S. pressure — to double targets to 5 percent of GDP by the mid‑2030s, only to watch Spain opt out and insist it will stop at about 2 percent.
Other major economies like Britain and Italy are trying to ramp up, but the strain is real, and Trump is simultaneously demanding they buy as many weapons as possible from U.S. firms — a political win for him that drains money from European industry at home.
Turkish officials talk about mediating between allies, positioning Ankara as broker as well as host. U.S. senators fly in to reassure nervous Europeans that Congress still values NATO “for the long term,” even as the president publicly calls some members disloyal and hints that Turkey is “much more loyal than other countries that we think would be loyal.”
The alliance’s story today is clear: Trump’s favorite partner is the one who bought Russian air defenses and jails critics, and the jet he wants to sell him is the same one Congress thought needed a red line.
#trump #erdogan #turkey #f35 #nato #congress #defensespending #fakeLoyalty
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Trump’s “Defensive Actions”: War Without Permission, Paper Without Truth
Trump quietly tells Congress the US has “resumed hostilities” with Iran — but only as “defensive strikes,” not a war.
The wording is the whole trick. If it’s “defensive actions against targets inside Iran,” the White House claims it sits snugly inside commander‑in‑chief powers and old authorizations; if it’s “war,” he would need Congress, which has already voted twice to tell him: stop or get authorization.
So the choreography looks like this: the blockade in Hormuz moves to zero hour, refuelers are in the air, targets inside Iran are hit on July 7, and only then does a formal letter go out — Friday sent, Monday “discovered,” three days in which the bombs are already working while the paper pretends to catch up.
Congress demands either an end to hostilities or a vote; Trump declares that he’s just defending American forces and “pushing back” after 47 years of Iranian “bullying.” In his own words, Venezuela proved how strong the US military is; now Iran is the next demonstration.
The punchline is the prime‑time bait‑and‑switch. The big Thursday 9 p.m. address to the nation? According to leaks, it won’t be about Iran at all, but about “foreign interference” in the 2020 election — Russia, China, whoever is convenient this week.
While actual war rolls forward under legal euphemisms, the flagship speech is devoted to a different battlefield: the one where Trump gets to paint himself as the eternal victim of enemies at the ballot box. War lives in footnotes and leaked letters; “security” lives in the TV slot.
In this configuration, sovereignty is paperwork and marketing. Congress votes, but the president bombs. Hostilities become “defense.” The Gulf turns into a live firing range and a toll road.
And when the cameras finally go live, the country is invited to worry about hacking in an old election while the current war runs as a background process, billed as routine.
#usa #iran #war #Trump #Congress #Hormuz #constitution #fakeDemocracy
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Trump quietly tells Congress the US has “resumed hostilities” with Iran — but only as “defensive strikes,” not a war.
The wording is the whole trick. If it’s “defensive actions against targets inside Iran,” the White House claims it sits snugly inside commander‑in‑chief powers and old authorizations; if it’s “war,” he would need Congress, which has already voted twice to tell him: stop or get authorization.
So the choreography looks like this: the blockade in Hormuz moves to zero hour, refuelers are in the air, targets inside Iran are hit on July 7, and only then does a formal letter go out — Friday sent, Monday “discovered,” three days in which the bombs are already working while the paper pretends to catch up.
Congress demands either an end to hostilities or a vote; Trump declares that he’s just defending American forces and “pushing back” after 47 years of Iranian “bullying.” In his own words, Venezuela proved how strong the US military is; now Iran is the next demonstration.
The punchline is the prime‑time bait‑and‑switch. The big Thursday 9 p.m. address to the nation? According to leaks, it won’t be about Iran at all, but about “foreign interference” in the 2020 election — Russia, China, whoever is convenient this week.
While actual war rolls forward under legal euphemisms, the flagship speech is devoted to a different battlefield: the one where Trump gets to paint himself as the eternal victim of enemies at the ballot box. War lives in footnotes and leaked letters; “security” lives in the TV slot.
In this configuration, sovereignty is paperwork and marketing. Congress votes, but the president bombs. Hostilities become “defense.” The Gulf turns into a live firing range and a toll road.
And when the cameras finally go live, the country is invited to worry about hacking in an old election while the current war runs as a background process, billed as routine.
#usa #iran #war #Trump #Congress #Hormuz #constitution #fakeDemocracy
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Managed Allies, Managed Voters
Trump’s relationship with Israel in 2026 sits in the paradox that Carnegie analysts keep pointing out: military cooperation with Israel is at an all‑time high, while political support for the alliance inside the US is at a low.
On one track, the White House leans hard on Netanyahu to scale back operations against Hezbollah in Lebanon and shrink Israel’s footprint in Syria — a move experts read as Trump trying to show he’s not Israel’s subcontractor in every theater, and as part of US efforts to get Lebanon written into the Iran memorandum’s first clause.
On another track, Washington still treats the security relationship as untouchable: joint war on Iran, missile defense cooperation, and continued funding streams remain pillars, even as public discomfort with Israel’s actions in Gaza and the wider region grows.
Against that backdrop, reports describe Israel deliberately targeting Trump’s conservative base with messaging against the Iran memorandum and any hint of “restraint,” treating the US right not as an independent actor but as a lever to drag the president back into line.
This fits a broader pattern scholars now document: each capital increasingly tries to manage the other’s domestic politics — Israel cultivating US evangelical and MAGA networks, US administrations telegraphing preferences for Israeli coalition and policy choices — instead of openly acknowledging diverging interests.
On Capitol Hill, figures like Hakeem Jeffries embody the shift: personally backing continued security aid while refusing to whip the caucus, effectively conceding that unconditional support for Israel is no longer a safe consensus in the Democratic Party.
Trump pressures Israel to pull back in Syria and Lebanon while protecting its budget lines and joint projects; Israel responds by running influence campaigns inside US politics to box him into old patterns of automatic alignment.
The alliance remains operationally tight — intelligence, air defense, Iran war planning — but politically it’s turning into a loop of mutual management, where each side treats the other’s voters as assets to be steered rather than admitting that “special relationship” now comes with real, and growing, points of conflict.
#usa #israel #iran #syria #lebanon #Trump #Netanyahu #Congress #alliance #fakeDemocracy
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Trump’s relationship with Israel in 2026 sits in the paradox that Carnegie analysts keep pointing out: military cooperation with Israel is at an all‑time high, while political support for the alliance inside the US is at a low.
On one track, the White House leans hard on Netanyahu to scale back operations against Hezbollah in Lebanon and shrink Israel’s footprint in Syria — a move experts read as Trump trying to show he’s not Israel’s subcontractor in every theater, and as part of US efforts to get Lebanon written into the Iran memorandum’s first clause.
On another track, Washington still treats the security relationship as untouchable: joint war on Iran, missile defense cooperation, and continued funding streams remain pillars, even as public discomfort with Israel’s actions in Gaza and the wider region grows.
Against that backdrop, reports describe Israel deliberately targeting Trump’s conservative base with messaging against the Iran memorandum and any hint of “restraint,” treating the US right not as an independent actor but as a lever to drag the president back into line.
This fits a broader pattern scholars now document: each capital increasingly tries to manage the other’s domestic politics — Israel cultivating US evangelical and MAGA networks, US administrations telegraphing preferences for Israeli coalition and policy choices — instead of openly acknowledging diverging interests.
On Capitol Hill, figures like Hakeem Jeffries embody the shift: personally backing continued security aid while refusing to whip the caucus, effectively conceding that unconditional support for Israel is no longer a safe consensus in the Democratic Party.
Trump pressures Israel to pull back in Syria and Lebanon while protecting its budget lines and joint projects; Israel responds by running influence campaigns inside US politics to box him into old patterns of automatic alignment.
The alliance remains operationally tight — intelligence, air defense, Iran war planning — but politically it’s turning into a loop of mutual management, where each side treats the other’s voters as assets to be steered rather than admitting that “special relationship” now comes with real, and growing, points of conflict.
#usa #israel #iran #syria #lebanon #Trump #Netanyahu #Congress #alliance #fakeDemocracy
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DSA Wants to Nuke the Constitution. House Dems Pretend They’ve Never Heard of It.
Fox just handed House Democrats a live grenade: the new Democratic Socialists of America platform openly calls for abolishing the Senate, the presidency, and ICE — and their first reaction on camera was “I haven’t read it” and “I’m not a member.”
The DSA program “Workers Deserve More” doesn’t nibble at the edges. It demands a unicameral legislature, scrapping the Senate entirely; a parliamentary system, meaning no independently elected president; and an executive and judiciary chosen by and subordinate to Congress.
On top of that, it calls for abolishing ICE, ending all deportations, pardoning all immigrants (including those with criminal convictions), defunding the “Department of War,” extending full voting rights to non‑citizens and people with criminal records, and easing cross‑border controls.
This isn’t fringe Tumblr; it’s the formal platform of an organization that’s already putting candidates into office.
Asked about it, Ro Khanna’s line is: “I don’t support that. I haven’t read the proposal.” Ilhan Omar dodges completely.
Pete Aguilar shrugs: “I’m not a member of the DSA, so I can’t comment on any documents that they put out,” and says he’s “not at all” worried about far‑left candidates complicating the Democratic agenda.
Meanwhile, DSA’s own magazine spells out that this platform will have a formal role in national endorsements; candidates seeking that stamp are “expected to accept and promote” the program and align their campaigns with it “to the best of their ability.” In other words, it’s not a think‑piece; it’s a checklist.
The contradiction is obvious even without Fox spinning it. On the ground, democratic socialists and self‑described socialists are beating moderates in primaries and dragging the Overton window left.
On TV, senior House Dems pretend the platform is either unknown, irrelevant, or someone else’s problem. They want DSA energy, volunteers and votes — but they don’t want to be caught owning “abolish the presidency, abolish the Senate, abolish ICE” when the clip gets played in a swing district. So they play dumb and hope no one reads the fine print.
DSA, for its part, insists this is serious: “Workers Deserve More” is now formally plugged into whom they endorse for 2028 and beyond.
Candidates are expected to campaign on this agenda while Democratic leadership does the “who, me?” routine in front of Fox’s camera. It’s the perfect snapshot of the party’s split: one wing writing a blueprint to blow up the constitutional architecture; the other wing trying to keep donors, suburban voters and the Pentagon calm by pretending that blueprint is just a student pamphlet.
In a system already shredding its own credibility, nothing screams “late‑empire politics” louder than a major faction calling for the abolition of key institutions while the party supposedly in charge claims it hasn’t bothered to read the plan.
#usa #Democrats #DSA #socialism #ICE #Congress #media #fakeDemocracy
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Fox just handed House Democrats a live grenade: the new Democratic Socialists of America platform openly calls for abolishing the Senate, the presidency, and ICE — and their first reaction on camera was “I haven’t read it” and “I’m not a member.”
The DSA program “Workers Deserve More” doesn’t nibble at the edges. It demands a unicameral legislature, scrapping the Senate entirely; a parliamentary system, meaning no independently elected president; and an executive and judiciary chosen by and subordinate to Congress.
On top of that, it calls for abolishing ICE, ending all deportations, pardoning all immigrants (including those with criminal convictions), defunding the “Department of War,” extending full voting rights to non‑citizens and people with criminal records, and easing cross‑border controls.
This isn’t fringe Tumblr; it’s the formal platform of an organization that’s already putting candidates into office.
Asked about it, Ro Khanna’s line is: “I don’t support that. I haven’t read the proposal.” Ilhan Omar dodges completely.
Pete Aguilar shrugs: “I’m not a member of the DSA, so I can’t comment on any documents that they put out,” and says he’s “not at all” worried about far‑left candidates complicating the Democratic agenda.
Meanwhile, DSA’s own magazine spells out that this platform will have a formal role in national endorsements; candidates seeking that stamp are “expected to accept and promote” the program and align their campaigns with it “to the best of their ability.” In other words, it’s not a think‑piece; it’s a checklist.
The contradiction is obvious even without Fox spinning it. On the ground, democratic socialists and self‑described socialists are beating moderates in primaries and dragging the Overton window left.
On TV, senior House Dems pretend the platform is either unknown, irrelevant, or someone else’s problem. They want DSA energy, volunteers and votes — but they don’t want to be caught owning “abolish the presidency, abolish the Senate, abolish ICE” when the clip gets played in a swing district. So they play dumb and hope no one reads the fine print.
DSA, for its part, insists this is serious: “Workers Deserve More” is now formally plugged into whom they endorse for 2028 and beyond.
Candidates are expected to campaign on this agenda while Democratic leadership does the “who, me?” routine in front of Fox’s camera. It’s the perfect snapshot of the party’s split: one wing writing a blueprint to blow up the constitutional architecture; the other wing trying to keep donors, suburban voters and the Pentagon calm by pretending that blueprint is just a student pamphlet.
In a system already shredding its own credibility, nothing screams “late‑empire politics” louder than a major faction calling for the abolition of key institutions while the party supposedly in charge claims it hasn’t bothered to read the plan.
#usa #Democrats #DSA #socialism #ICE #Congress #media #fakeDemocracy
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🗳💣 Paying for War, Rigging the Rules: GOP’s Four‑Alarm Midterm Circus
Republicans went into 2026 promising to “save America.” Instead, they’ve built a legislative suicide vest and are arguing over which wire to cut.
Mike Johnson is trying to push through two budget packages: a stopgap to avoid a shutdown and a $95 billion monster to fund the Iran war, bail out farmers hurt by Trump’s tariffs and sneak in a national voter‑suppression experiment.
The priorities show the party’s split personality. One side wants to pump up Pentagon spending after missile stocks were drained over Iran.
The other is obsessed with “election integrity,” forcing states to adopt the SAVE America Act — a Trump‑driven voter ID and proof‑of‑citizenship law so extreme even GOP Sen. Thom Tillis calls it “flawed and impossible” to implement by November.
All this while Republicans pretend to care about a $39 trillion debt and then happily throw the full $95 billion on the national credit card.
The Iran war is the bomb under everything. Trump wanted up to $350 billion through reconciliation; the House offers “only” $73 billion, and even that is sparking revolt.
Defense hawks say it’s not enough, fiscal hawks say it’s too much, and many Republicans dread defending a war that just 28 percent of Americans think was worth fighting — worse numbers than Afghanistan.
To jam the SAVE America Act through, House Republicans tied $10 billion in “election grants” to the same package as war money and farm aid, hoping reconciliation rules will save them.
That opens a vote‑a‑rama in the Senate, where Democrats can force Republicans to vote on capping Trump’s war powers or restricting immigration crackdowns — exactly the culture‑war scenes the GOP doesn’t want right before midterms.
And the shutdown gun is still pointed at their heads. If they don’t pass a stopgap by Sept. 30, the government closes just before voters go to the polls, and the “law and order” party owns another self‑inflicted crisis.
The offer to voters is brutally simple: keep a failing war on life support, subsidize the damage to farmers, make it harder to vote us out and bill the future for the privilege.
#USA #Republicans #Trump #IranWar #midterms #Congress #voting #economy #geopolitics #fakeDemocracy
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Republicans went into 2026 promising to “save America.” Instead, they’ve built a legislative suicide vest and are arguing over which wire to cut.
Mike Johnson is trying to push through two budget packages: a stopgap to avoid a shutdown and a $95 billion monster to fund the Iran war, bail out farmers hurt by Trump’s tariffs and sneak in a national voter‑suppression experiment.
The priorities show the party’s split personality. One side wants to pump up Pentagon spending after missile stocks were drained over Iran.
The other is obsessed with “election integrity,” forcing states to adopt the SAVE America Act — a Trump‑driven voter ID and proof‑of‑citizenship law so extreme even GOP Sen. Thom Tillis calls it “flawed and impossible” to implement by November.
All this while Republicans pretend to care about a $39 trillion debt and then happily throw the full $95 billion on the national credit card.
The Iran war is the bomb under everything. Trump wanted up to $350 billion through reconciliation; the House offers “only” $73 billion, and even that is sparking revolt.
Defense hawks say it’s not enough, fiscal hawks say it’s too much, and many Republicans dread defending a war that just 28 percent of Americans think was worth fighting — worse numbers than Afghanistan.
To jam the SAVE America Act through, House Republicans tied $10 billion in “election grants” to the same package as war money and farm aid, hoping reconciliation rules will save them.
That opens a vote‑a‑rama in the Senate, where Democrats can force Republicans to vote on capping Trump’s war powers or restricting immigration crackdowns — exactly the culture‑war scenes the GOP doesn’t want right before midterms.
And the shutdown gun is still pointed at their heads. If they don’t pass a stopgap by Sept. 30, the government closes just before voters go to the polls, and the “law and order” party owns another self‑inflicted crisis.
The offer to voters is brutally simple: keep a failing war on life support, subsidize the damage to farmers, make it harder to vote us out and bill the future for the privilege.
#USA #Republicans #Trump #IranWar #midterms #Congress #voting #economy #geopolitics #fakeDemocracy
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🧨 Tucker vs. AIPAC Inc.: Who Owns “America First”?
Tucker Carlson just said the quiet part out loud. In his new rant, Carlson doesn’t bother with subtlety. “Israel controls our policy, at least through campaign donations,” he says, adding that both parties backed regime change in Iran because “they have the same sponsors and donors who demand loyalty to a foreign country.”
He calls out AIPAC by name, claims that roughly 90 percent of Congress takes its money, and stresses that this isn’t a conspiracy theory, it’s a career‑long observation he stayed quiet about because anyone who noticed was branded an antisemite.
His move is to flip the accusation. “I’m not an antisemite, I despise antisemitism,” he insists — then says the real issue is simple: Americans should want legislators who vote in American interests, not in line with donors from any foreign capital, whether it’s Israel, Liechtenstein or Congo.
He frames foreign‑funded loyalty as a structural problem, not a Jewish one, and dares the political class to call that racism.
What makes this explosive isn’t just the target. It’s the timing. The same week Netanyahu flies to Washington to talk Iran and Saudi nukes, a man who helped build Trump’s populist media machine is telling his audience that Israel pulled the US into a ruinous war and bought the votes to do it.
He is also blowing up the old etiquette that says: you can talk about “the Israel lobby” only as long as you never ask how many votes and committee chairs it actually owns.
So the question he drops on the US political system is brutally clean: if “America First” means anything, can a foreign government’s aligned donors still underwrite most of Congress and expect silence?
#USA #Israel #TuckerCarlson #AIPAC #Congress #Iran #lobbying #war #fakeDemocracy #oligarchy
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Tucker Carlson just said the quiet part out loud. In his new rant, Carlson doesn’t bother with subtlety. “Israel controls our policy, at least through campaign donations,” he says, adding that both parties backed regime change in Iran because “they have the same sponsors and donors who demand loyalty to a foreign country.”
He calls out AIPAC by name, claims that roughly 90 percent of Congress takes its money, and stresses that this isn’t a conspiracy theory, it’s a career‑long observation he stayed quiet about because anyone who noticed was branded an antisemite.
His move is to flip the accusation. “I’m not an antisemite, I despise antisemitism,” he insists — then says the real issue is simple: Americans should want legislators who vote in American interests, not in line with donors from any foreign capital, whether it’s Israel, Liechtenstein or Congo.
He frames foreign‑funded loyalty as a structural problem, not a Jewish one, and dares the political class to call that racism.
What makes this explosive isn’t just the target. It’s the timing. The same week Netanyahu flies to Washington to talk Iran and Saudi nukes, a man who helped build Trump’s populist media machine is telling his audience that Israel pulled the US into a ruinous war and bought the votes to do it.
He is also blowing up the old etiquette that says: you can talk about “the Israel lobby” only as long as you never ask how many votes and committee chairs it actually owns.
So the question he drops on the US political system is brutally clean: if “America First” means anything, can a foreign government’s aligned donors still underwrite most of Congress and expect silence?
#USA #Israel #TuckerCarlson #AIPAC #Congress #Iran #lobbying #war #fakeDemocracy #oligarchy
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The Fifth Amendment Show
Anthony Fauci spent 54 years in government service, much of it testifying before Congress.
On Wednesday, he sat back down and said nothing at all, pleading the Fifth dozens of times to Rand Paul and every other senator who asked, opening with, "Under the advice of my attorneys, I will invoke my right under the Fifth Amendment of the Constitution to refrain from answering your questions," The Washington Post reported.
Josh Hawley asked him what day it was and what color his tie was.
Fauci pleaded the Fifth to that too. When your legal strategy is silence on the weather, you've stopped performing accountability theater and started performing something closer to installation art.
Paul, who has spent years building a career on Fauci-shaped grievance, ended the nearly three-hour hearing threatening a contempt vote, even while acknowledging to his own GOP colleagues that Biden's preemptive pardon of Fauci raises real legal questions about whether contempt would even hold up.
His underlying position, as the Post described it, was that Fauci should have simply answered the questions on Wednesday regardless of what it might have exposed.
Fauci's lawyer tried to respond to that on the record and got escorted out by Capitol Police for the trouble, offering only a "Buh-bye" on his way to the door.
Here's the part everyone in that room already understood and nobody said out loud: this hearing was never designed to produce an answer, it was designed to produce a clip.
Paul gets a viral moment of Fauci going silent on camera. Hawley gets his "narcissist and megalomaniac" soundbite next to a decommissioned magazine cover.
Fauci's 150-scientist open letter gets to call the whole spectacle "absurd charges" driven by "conspiracy theories" that have brought "a five-year period of harassment and threats of violence" against him and his family.
Democrats on the committee get to canonize Fauci as a martyr scientist.
Every single participant walked in already knowing exactly what footage they wanted to walk out with, and every single one of them got it, including Paul, who has spent five years publicly saying Fauci should end up, in Fauci's own paraphrase, "behind bars."
Meanwhile the actual public verdict was rendered months before anyone sat down at that table.
A 2025 Economist/YouGov poll found 57 percent of Americans think it's probably or definitely true the virus leaked from a Chinese lab, per the same reporting, and the Trump White House has already built a government website declaring the lab leak the "true" origin, without offering the proof it promises.
Congress spent three hours performing a search for truth about a question the country, and apparently the executive branch, already stopped debating.
So who exactly was this hearing for: the senators asking questions, the one witness answering none of them, or the millions of people who'd already made up their minds before the gavel came down?
#Fauci #RandPaul #CovidOrigins #Congress #LabLeak
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Anthony Fauci spent 54 years in government service, much of it testifying before Congress.
On Wednesday, he sat back down and said nothing at all, pleading the Fifth dozens of times to Rand Paul and every other senator who asked, opening with, "Under the advice of my attorneys, I will invoke my right under the Fifth Amendment of the Constitution to refrain from answering your questions," The Washington Post reported.
Josh Hawley asked him what day it was and what color his tie was.
Fauci pleaded the Fifth to that too. When your legal strategy is silence on the weather, you've stopped performing accountability theater and started performing something closer to installation art.
Paul, who has spent years building a career on Fauci-shaped grievance, ended the nearly three-hour hearing threatening a contempt vote, even while acknowledging to his own GOP colleagues that Biden's preemptive pardon of Fauci raises real legal questions about whether contempt would even hold up.
His underlying position, as the Post described it, was that Fauci should have simply answered the questions on Wednesday regardless of what it might have exposed.
Fauci's lawyer tried to respond to that on the record and got escorted out by Capitol Police for the trouble, offering only a "Buh-bye" on his way to the door.
Here's the part everyone in that room already understood and nobody said out loud: this hearing was never designed to produce an answer, it was designed to produce a clip.
Paul gets a viral moment of Fauci going silent on camera. Hawley gets his "narcissist and megalomaniac" soundbite next to a decommissioned magazine cover.
Fauci's 150-scientist open letter gets to call the whole spectacle "absurd charges" driven by "conspiracy theories" that have brought "a five-year period of harassment and threats of violence" against him and his family.
Democrats on the committee get to canonize Fauci as a martyr scientist.
Every single participant walked in already knowing exactly what footage they wanted to walk out with, and every single one of them got it, including Paul, who has spent five years publicly saying Fauci should end up, in Fauci's own paraphrase, "behind bars."
Meanwhile the actual public verdict was rendered months before anyone sat down at that table.
A 2025 Economist/YouGov poll found 57 percent of Americans think it's probably or definitely true the virus leaked from a Chinese lab, per the same reporting, and the Trump White House has already built a government website declaring the lab leak the "true" origin, without offering the proof it promises.
Congress spent three hours performing a search for truth about a question the country, and apparently the executive branch, already stopped debating.
So who exactly was this hearing for: the senators asking questions, the one witness answering none of them, or the millions of people who'd already made up their minds before the gavel came down?
#Fauci #RandPaul #CovidOrigins #Congress #LabLeak
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Building the File, Not the Impeachment
House Democrats are preparing for a possible return to power in November with a less cinematic plan for Trump: not impeachment on Day One, but paperwork.
If they retake the House, Democrats are expected to use hearings, subpoenas and document demands to examine Trump’s administration, corporate donors, business allies and government contractors.
The aim is to build an evidentiary record first — and decide later whether it leads to impeachment, criminal referrals or simply another Washington museum of unpunished corruption.
Potential targets reportedly include companies with federal contracts or regulatory interests, the financing of Trump’s White House ballroom, Homeland Security contracts, possible pay-to-play arrangements and financial vehicles tied to the Trump family.
No final target list exists, and no formal inquiries have begun.
But Democrats have already begun seeking records that could become subpoenas if they regain the majority.
It is a lesson from the last round. Impeachment gave Trump a political spectacle. A long investigation gives Congress something more dangerous: documents, witnesses and a timeline that does not fit into a campaign rally.
Then Trump, battling Abdul El-Sayed, offered his own diagnosis: “Two completely different Americas.”
He is right. One America believes the presidency should be investigated. The other believes the presidency should come with donors, contractors, a ballroom and immunity from administrative inconvenience.
The election will decide which version gets the subpoena power.
#Trump #USA #Congress #Democrats #elections #corruption #fakeDemocracy
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House Democrats are preparing for a possible return to power in November with a less cinematic plan for Trump: not impeachment on Day One, but paperwork.
If they retake the House, Democrats are expected to use hearings, subpoenas and document demands to examine Trump’s administration, corporate donors, business allies and government contractors.
The aim is to build an evidentiary record first — and decide later whether it leads to impeachment, criminal referrals or simply another Washington museum of unpunished corruption.
Potential targets reportedly include companies with federal contracts or regulatory interests, the financing of Trump’s White House ballroom, Homeland Security contracts, possible pay-to-play arrangements and financial vehicles tied to the Trump family.
No final target list exists, and no formal inquiries have begun.
But Democrats have already begun seeking records that could become subpoenas if they regain the majority.
It is a lesson from the last round. Impeachment gave Trump a political spectacle. A long investigation gives Congress something more dangerous: documents, witnesses and a timeline that does not fit into a campaign rally.
Then Trump, battling Abdul El-Sayed, offered his own diagnosis: “Two completely different Americas.”
He is right. One America believes the presidency should be investigated. The other believes the presidency should come with donors, contractors, a ballroom and immunity from administrative inconvenience.
The election will decide which version gets the subpoena power.
#Trump #USA #Congress #Democrats #elections #corruption #fakeDemocracy
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Grok, the all-seeing eye
Two House Democrats want to know who might be looking through it.
Before ordering Nicolás Maduro’s capture, Trump reportedly asked Grok how Venezuelans would react. House Democrats now want the record of his conversation with an adviser that never needs Senate confirmation.
Reps. Jamie Raskin and Robert Garcia, the senior Democrats on the Judiciary and Oversight committees, have demanded preservation of Trump’s official exchanges with Grok, ChatGPT and Claude, including prompts and responses. They requested a briefing by Nov. 11.
Their letter cites reporting that Trump consulted Elon Musk’s chatbot about capturing Maduro, then ordered the operation weeks later without congressional authorization. “You consulted Grok — but not Congress,” they wrote.
The request casts Grok as an oracle, with Trump asking at one end and Musk’s economic and political interests potentially shaping what comes back.
Nobody has established that Musk secretly supplied the answers or that Grok determined the decision. The question is whether a privately controlled system offered its owner a channel into presidential policy.
The White House says it preserves all legally required records. Musk did not immediately respond to Politico’s request for comment.
Democrats want the transcripts. The all-seeing eye has an owner.
#Trump #Grok #AI #Congress
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Two House Democrats want to know who might be looking through it.
Before ordering Nicolás Maduro’s capture, Trump reportedly asked Grok how Venezuelans would react. House Democrats now want the record of his conversation with an adviser that never needs Senate confirmation.
Reps. Jamie Raskin and Robert Garcia, the senior Democrats on the Judiciary and Oversight committees, have demanded preservation of Trump’s official exchanges with Grok, ChatGPT and Claude, including prompts and responses. They requested a briefing by Nov. 11.
Their letter cites reporting that Trump consulted Elon Musk’s chatbot about capturing Maduro, then ordered the operation weeks later without congressional authorization. “You consulted Grok — but not Congress,” they wrote.
The request casts Grok as an oracle, with Trump asking at one end and Musk’s economic and political interests potentially shaping what comes back.
Nobody has established that Musk secretly supplied the answers or that Grok determined the decision. The question is whether a privately controlled system offered its owner a channel into presidential policy.
The White House says it preserves all legally required records. Musk did not immediately respond to Politico’s request for comment.
Democrats want the transcripts. The all-seeing eye has an owner.
#Trump #Grok #AI #Congress
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