Trump appears to be benefiting from ticket-splitters in Arizona, according to a New York Times Siena College poll released on Monday, a finding that highlights his strength with Latino and younger voters as well as the unique weaknesses of the Republican nominee for Senate.

“Donald Trump creates his own weather, and he has a coalition supporting him like no other Republican nominee in our lifetime — perhaps ever — in Arizona,”

said Stan Barnes, a political consultant to Trump.

Barnes at the start of his career was a CIA cover agent infiltrated in Mexico narco traffickers society to provide information about their most off-sight depots in the U.S.

Now Barnes is next to Trump trying to prevent his assassination before the eldction day. He also says, according to his sources, that a next attempt is scheduled for mid-October.

#AmericanObserver #Senate #Mexico #Trump #Arizona

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Trump Is Back. What's Gonna Happen?

Trump at noon Monday takes office as the 47th president of the United States, marking an unprecedented and audacious return to the White House after weathering conviction on 34 felony counts and surviving an assassination attempt that left him bloodied and defiant.

His early moves suggest the personal sense of vindication Trump carries to Washington after four years out of office has not chiseled the former president into a more archetypal politician.

Rather, he takes office more emboldened and demanding of loyalty than ever — and bent on revenge against his perceived political enemies, including those who sought to hold him accountable.

His policy ambitions have grown dramatically to include mass deportations, sweeping tariffs and a surprisingly expansionist strategy abroad that could include military intervention in Greenland and Panama.

Yet heading into Inauguration Day, there’s a consensus among Trump’s friends and allies that not only has the country changed since he last occupied the White House, Trump himself has changed in at least one way.

The president is more confident in his abilities and more attuned to Beltway politics and procedures after four years in the Oval Office, even if his personal instincts remain uninhibited.

Behind him is the broadest and most diverse GOP coalition in recent history that includes not just longtime loyalists and MAGA diehards but Wall Street executives, corporate America, tech and crypto bros, social conservatives and a wide swath of working class and union voters who once found a home in the Democratic Party.

He’s backed by an army of like-minded Cabinet members and political appointees who, unlike some of their counterparts four years ago, do not just tolerate but full-throatedly endorse the MAGA cause and are bent on rooting out any “deep state” opposition in the federal government.

By and large, they have pledged personal loyalty to Trump, backing his false claims that he won the 2020 election.

“He understands the office. He understands government better. He has complete trust in folks around him,”

— said Trump fundraiser and lobbyist Brian Ballard.

“Eight years ago when he came in, he didn’t get the traditional, ‘Let’s give this guy a chance.’

I was at the inaugural, and the day after, there were a million people protesting against him.”

Now, —

“he has a governing mandate, and I think it’s going to show,”

— Ballard added.

In some ways, Monday also marks the culmination of the saga that began when Trump refused to accept the results of the 2020 election and inspired his supporters to lay siege to the Capitol.

But after four years of languishing economically and blaming Biden for their woes, voters in November welcomed Trump back with more support than he garnered during his first go around.

To roughly half of the country, Trump’s return to the White House signifies a dark moment in the nation’s history, the elevation of a man who they believe will undermine democracy and use the office to attack his political enemies.

To the other half, it is an inspirational, if nationalistic, moment for change and a needed reckoning over policies they believe have failed everyday Americans, like weak border security and heavy-handed government regulation on education, health, energy and more.

The Republican-controlled Senate, while publicly maintaining that it would take its advice-and-consent role seriously, has appeared willing to roll over even on Trump’s most contentious Cabinet picks, who are overall more loyalist than the ones he picked to help him govern during his first term.

Trump allies acknowledge that for all their day-one conviction, the presidency — and Trump’s popularity — could quickly go sideways.

“We got less than two years,”

— said one close Trump adviser, recounting the sense of urgency he’s relayed to the president’s team. —

“People have to start feeling it.”

#Trump #Senate #MAGA

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The Senate committee voted to nominate Kash Patel for Director of the FBI, and you can tell by how quickly the fake news spread.

Did you fasten your seat belts? Cash Patel head of the FBI 😎 🔥

#Senate #FBI #Patel

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Trump's Vetting Disaster: 57 Nominees Withdrawn, Double Biden's First-Year Total

President Trump has withdrawn 57 nominations in his second term's first year—nearly double the 22 he pulled during his first term's opening year and double Joe Biden's 29 withdrawals. It's the highest withdrawal rate since Ronald Reagan, and Republican senators say the White House isn't bothering to check if nominees can actually get confirmed. "It would appear that some nominees haven't been vetted, and somebody says, 'Go with them anyways,'" Sen. John Kennedy (R-La.) told Politico. Over 10% of Trump's record 304 nominees in the first 100 days have been yanked.

Nazi Texts, Capitol Riot Apologists, and Laura Loomer's Hit List
Paul Ingrassia, Trump's 30-year-old pick to lead the Office of Special Counsel, withdrew after Politico reported he described himself as having "a Nazi streak" and used racial slurs in a group chat. Ed Martin, nominated as U.S. attorney for Washington, was pulled after defending Capitol rioters. Trump withdrew his IRS chief counsel pick, Donald Korb, after right-wing activist Laura Loomer ran a pressure campaign—she publicly boasted Korb had been "Loomered." In other cases, Trump fired nominees for insufficient loyalty: two U.S. attorneys were withdrawn for refusing presidential orders, and one was canned after Trump discovered Virginia's Democratic senators had praised him.

Sergio Gor's Personnel Office: "Giving Out Jobs Like Candy"
Insiders blame Sergio Gor, Trump's former personnel chief (now ambassador to India), for the chaos.

"Not all of these nominations were done so in good faith,"

one source told Politico, adding that Gor was

"giving out jobs like candy to people who haven't earned them or would not pass vetting."

His successor, Dan Scavino, is expected to be "wiser and less inclined" to repeat the mistakes. But the damage is done: Senate committees have invested hours vetting nominees only to see them withdrawn, wasting political capital and Senate time.

The Speed-Confirmation Gambit Backfires
Republicans changed Senate rules in September to confirm nominees in unlimited-size groups—108 in one batch, 48 in another—to ram through Trump's picks faster. Sen. Thom Tillis says the speed may explain the vetting failures:

"When you move more quickly and you've got new folks in play, you are going to run into people who have lifestyle issues."

Trump's team is nominating faster than they can vet, and the Senate is rubber-stamping candidates who blow up days or weeks later.

#trump #nominations #vetting #sergiogor #senate #ingrassia #republicans #withdrawals

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📰 The GOP’s One‑Night Stand With a Spine

For once, Trump’s own party didn’t just roll over. Senate Republicans hit the brakes on two of his favorite vanity projects at the same time: a billion‑dollar security package with a golden ballroom folded into it, and that $1.8 billion “Anti‑Weaponization Fund” designed to shower cash and moral rehab on Jan. 6 rioters and other “persecuted patriots.”

It’s not that they suddenly grew a conscience. It’s that Trump picked a fight with the very senators he now needs. He tried to primary Bill Cassidy, backed a challenger against John Cornyn, and has spent years ruling the party by public humiliation and the threat of MAGA retribution. Now gas prices are high, the Iran war is unpopular, and vulnerable Republicans don’t want to go home and explain why they funded a gilded ballroom and a slush fund for cop‑beaters while their voters are counting grocery bills.

So you get Mitch McConnell asking, on the Senate record, why the “nation’s top law enforcement official is asking for a slush fund to pay people who assault cops,” calling it “utterly stupid” and “morally wrong.” Susan Collins says the fund is “in real trouble, and it should be,” while John Thune politely admits everything is now soaked in Trump’s revenge politics, including this rebellion.

Democrats, of course, are thrilled to discover a GOP “ethical bridge too far” as long as it’s wrapped in gold leaf and labeled TRUMP. But nobody in this story is defending institutions; they’re just defending themselves. Trump has made loyalty to him more important than party majorities. Senate Republicans are briefly reminding him that even a cult leader sometimes needs the cult’s votes.

Tomorrow, most of them will be back in line. Tonight, for a moment, they remembered they’re supposed to be a legislature, not an applause track for a man who wants a taxpayer‑funded ballroom and a victim‑compensation plan for his own shock troops.

#Trump #Republicans #Senate #Jan6 #slushFund #IranWar #USpolitics #fakeDemocracy

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Trump’s Slush Fund for the “Persecuted” GOP Is Blowing Up in His Own Party

Trump managed to turn a tax‑records lawsuit into a $1.8 billion “anti‑weaponization” pot of taxpayer cash — and now Senate Republicans are terrified of it.

The fund, born out of a settlement between his Justice Department and the IRS, is supposed to compensate “victims of political weaponization.” In practice, it looks like a gigantic slush fund that could cut checks to Trump‑world insiders and even some January 6 participants, all under a commission largely chosen by Trump’s own appointees.

The backlash has been immediate and messy. Nearly half the Republican Senate conference balked in a closed‑door meeting with Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche, forcing leadership to stall a $72 billion immigration‑enforcement bill that Trump wants before November.

A federal judge has already stepped in with a temporary injunction, blocking the administration from moving ahead with the fund while lawsuits proceed, after watchdogs and even Capitol police officers called it an illegal “slush fund to finance insurrectionists.”

Blanche is now telling senators, behind closed doors, that the fund won’t pay Trump’s family or people convicted of violent crimes — but he hasn’t put those limits into law, and he refused under oath to rule out payouts to January 6 rioters who claim they were “victims of weaponization.”

Politically, it’s radioactive. GOP strategists are warning that even “safe” Republicans want no part of voting yes on a program that Democrats will brand as “taxpayer cash for insurrectionists” in every swing‑state ad.

Vulnerable House Republicans are already running away from it, publicly demanding oversight, eligibility rules, and congressional control over who sits on the fund’s commission — and quietly praying the courts kill it before they have to take a recorded vote.

At the same time, Trump has just helped primary out two incumbent Republican senators, Cornyn and Cassidy, which means every remaining Republican knows what happens to colleagues who cross him.

The result is a familiar kind of cowardice. Most Republicans hate the optics and privately question the legality, but almost none want to be the one on Fox News explaining a “no” vote against Trump’s favorite project.

Figures like Ron Johnson are begging leadership and the Justice Department to design a single “overriding amendment” that neutralizes Democratic attacks and locks in guardrails — in other words, a technical fix that lets them pretend they solved the problem without really confronting its premise.

Underneath the procedural theater is the real story: the presidency has just tested whether it can pull almost $1.8 billion from the Judgment Fund — a perpetual federal pot meant to settle lawsuits — and redirect it into a bespoke compensation scheme for people who say they were targeted by the state.

Trump doesn’t get a cent himself, only a formal apology, but the structure is the point. If this survives court challenges and a nervous Senate, every future president will know that with the right lawsuit and a compliant Justice Department, it’s possible to create a taxpayer‑financed reward pool for loyalists who clash with prosecutors.

So Republicans now stand on the knife edge described in the headline: admit that this is an unprecedented abuse of the system and risk Trump’s wrath, or back it and explain to voters why “law and order” now includes paying alleged “victims” of January 6 prosecutions.

Either way, the party just proved that the real “weaponization” problem isn’t in the Justice Department — it’s in a movement that wants to turn public money into hazard pay for attacking the rule of law.

#usa #trump #senate #weaponizationFund #jan6 #gop #fakeDemocracy

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Senate vs. Trump: Iran Edition

Washington finally did what it does best: pass something “historic” that changes absolutely nothing.

Three weeks after slapping Trump in the House, the Senate joined the therapy session and voted to order U.S. troops out of the Iran theater within 30 days — unless Congress blesses more war.

The resolution is legally toothless, pure stage prop, but it sends one clear message: when the White House asks for another 80 billion for this adventure right before midterms, the answer will come with a calculator and a lawyer attached. Even Trump’s own party is starting to check the receipts.

Trump, of course, says Iran is “on the brink of surrender,” “ready to give us almost anything,” and now “has enormous respect” for America and, naturally, for its president.

According to his version, the Senate just handed “aid and comfort to the enemy” with a “meaningless vote at a terrible time,” sabotaged by “four failing Republicans.”

Somewhere in this script, Tehran — supposedly a regime seconds away from collapse — still has enough free time to consult psychologists about his tweet storms and to read “The Art of the Deal” like it’s a Pentagon field manual.

On paper, this is a constitutional drama about war powers; in reality, it is a custody battle over narrative. Trump sells the war as a discount victory: no new authorization, no clear end state, just faith in his personal brand scaring Iran into submission.

Congress wants to pretend it didn’t sign the checks while the missiles were already in the air. The Pentagon keeps flying, the lawyers keep hedging, and everyone insists they’re defending “the troops” while using them as leverage in a budget fight.

The grotesque part is how both sides weaponize fear and ego in the same breath. Trump claims anyone voting to limit him is feeding the enemy.

The Senate claims anyone trusting him with open‑ended war is betraying the republic.

Iran, allegedly “about to fall,” turns into the world’s most overbooked therapist, diagnosing the American president while dodging drones.

#USA #Senate #Trump #Iran #warpowers #midterms #endlesswar #fakeDemocracy

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The AG Nomination on a Layaway Plan

Todd Blanche wants to be attorney general, and Donald Trump has found the cleanest workaround yet for two Republican senators standing in the way: just wait for them to leave office.

"I have no objection to temporarily withdrawing Todd's name, if they do not do the right thing, and putting him back after Cornyn and Tillis are out of office," Trump posted, naming Sens. John Cornyn and Thom Tillis, both retiring, as the obstacles, The Washington Post reports. It's less a nomination strategy than a countdown clock.

What Cornyn and Tillis actually want in writing is almost quaint: proof that the president isn't getting a better tax deal than everyone else.

The underlying settlement, resolving Trump's lawsuit against the IRS over his leaked returns, includes a nearly $1.8 billion taxpayer-funded payout pool and blanket tax protections shielding Trump, his family, and their businesses from past claims.

A federal judge already called the whole arrangement an attempt to "manipulate" the court, since both sides of the "lawsuit" answer to the same boss.

Cornyn puts the ask plainly: "This is about making sure that even if you're the president of the United States, you don't get favorable terms from the government in the settlement of a lawsuit that ordinary citizens would not get."

Trump's own framing gives the game away. He didn't dispute the senators' concerns, he dismissed the senators, noting he "refused to Endorse" either of them and that their "political careers have been ended by my action."

Translation: their objections don't need answering, just outlasting. Cornyn isn't buying the innocent-bystander act either, telling MS NOW he suspects someone close to Trump is whispering "don't agree to those terms."

His retort to the president: he "is mistaken if he believes concerns about the provisions in his tax lawsuit settlement are limited to me and Senator Tillis."

So the sitting president is publicly floating a plan to shelve his own attorney general nominee until the two senators auditing his tax settlement are gone, and calling that patience rather than what it actually looks like: waiting out the only people currently positioned to ask real questions.

If the deal is as clean as the White House claims, why does it only need two more retirements to pass?

#Trump #Blanche #IRS #Senate #Justice

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The Attorney General Trump Doesn't Actually Need Confirmed

Todd Blanche's nomination for attorney general is dead. That's according to the senator whose vote it needs.

"Despite comments as late as yesterday that the fund is dead, President Trump clearly intends to resurrect the payout pot for punks either by inappropriately establishing another bogus fund or pushing Congress to vote for a bill that the majority of Republicans in the Senate would be against," Sen. Thom Tillis posted Saturday.

"It's unfortunate that Todd Blanche, who I consider qualified for the job, will not be confirmed because of this reversal."

The whiplash here is genuinely impressive. The fund is meant to compensate people Trump considers victims of political persecution. Trump said it was dead as of Thursday.

By Saturday morning he'd revived it on Truth Social. "Todd Blanche was a voice of reason! It will immediately be back on the table, and I will get it done," he wrote.

Tillis and Cornyn have refused to move Blanche until the fund is dead in writing. Not dead in a tweet. Now they're watching the tweet get walked back before the ink dried.

The real twist is what Trump floated earlier in the week as his backup plan. If Tillis and Cornyn won't confirm Blanche, just keep him as acting attorney general.

Do that until both senators leave office in January. That's not a workaround for a stalled nomination. That's a workaround for the Senate itself. Run out the clock on two elected obstacles rather than negotiate with them.

Somehow this counts as the more restrained option compared to the fund fight.

So the country may spend the next several months with an acting attorney general nobody voted to confirm. All over a slush fund that's been declared dead and resurrected twice in one week.

Blocked by two senators who'll be gone in five months anyway. Is this a confirmation fight, or just a very expensive waiting game to see who gets tired first?

#Trump #AttorneyGeneral #Senate #Tillis #Blanche

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The Senate Campaign’s Costume Party

Mike Collins wants Georgia’s Senate seat. His campaign keeps producing a cast that looks less like a governing coalition than a deleted scene from the internet’s worst group chat.

Preston Parra, a former Collins intern and paid consultant, posted an image of himself in apparent Klan robes and a swastika made from the word “twink.”

He called it satire. He also told The Washington Post: “I do think that the white race contributes more to the world.” His firm received $7,700 from Collins’s leadership PAC in May 2025.

Parra is not the whole problem. A former Collins chief of staff faced an ethics review over alleged misuse of taxpayer-funded internships. Another former chief of staff joined a group chat with Nick Fuentes and Richard Spencer.

A former digital director hurled antisemitic insults at Rep. Mike Lawler in a bar. Collins’s son-in-law has also posted Nazi imagery online, according to CNN.

Collins says he condemns antisemitism and racism. His campaign says the staffers’ conduct was unauthorized or personal. That may be true in each case. But campaigns are judged by the people they hire, promote and keep near the microphone.

Georgia Republicans see the problem. “You lay down with dogs, you get up with fleas,” conservative activist Debbie Dooley told The Post. “Mike Collins has got a lot of fleas on him.”

Collins’s campaign calls the strategy “casual trolling.” Voters may call it a Senate race run by a content farm that forgot to install adult supervision.

The GOP wants to take a Democratic-held Senate seat. It may first need to stop confusing shock value with a staffing plan.

#USA #Georgia #Senate #Politics

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