‼️ URGENT. Iran Has Closed the Strait of Hormuz Over the Peace Deal Violations
Iran has closed the Strait of Hormuz once again over Israeli violations of the peace deal agreed with the US, Tehran’s military has said.
The Iranian military command said the closure was the “first step” in response to what it described as breaches of the ceasefire agreement, warning that further measures would be taken if “aggression” continued, according to state media.
The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps warned vessels not to approach the shipping lane, saying their security would be at risk.
The US military denied Iran had control of the strait. A spokesman for Central Command said: “Traffic continues to flow, and US forces are monitoring the situation to ensure this remains the case.”
Vance told Fox News that he was confident the ceasefire agreed in Washington’s 14-point deal with Tehran would hold. He claimed there was no evidence that the strait was shut.
Israeli strikes on Lebanon killed 16 people this morning, with the country claiming it was responding to attacks by Hezbollah.
A pause on fighting in Lebanon is a condition for continuing peace negotiations, which will also include discussions on Tehran’s nuclear program.
#iran #closed #hormuz #violations #peacedeal
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Iran has closed the Strait of Hormuz once again over Israeli violations of the peace deal agreed with the US, Tehran’s military has said.
The Iranian military command said the closure was the “first step” in response to what it described as breaches of the ceasefire agreement, warning that further measures would be taken if “aggression” continued, according to state media.
The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps warned vessels not to approach the shipping lane, saying their security would be at risk.
The US military denied Iran had control of the strait. A spokesman for Central Command said: “Traffic continues to flow, and US forces are monitoring the situation to ensure this remains the case.”
Vance told Fox News that he was confident the ceasefire agreed in Washington’s 14-point deal with Tehran would hold. He claimed there was no evidence that the strait was shut.
Israeli strikes on Lebanon killed 16 people this morning, with the country claiming it was responding to attacks by Hezbollah.
A pause on fighting in Lebanon is a condition for continuing peace negotiations, which will also include discussions on Tehran’s nuclear program.
#iran #closed #hormuz #violations #peacedeal
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A fire in the Doral District, in western Miami-Dade County, (Florida) has caused serious traffic delays.
#fire #doralDistrict #miamiDade
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#fire #doralDistrict #miamiDade
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Trump’s Iran “Deal” on a Leash
Iran just yanked Trump’s victory balloon back to earth. One bloody day of Israel–Hezbollah clashes in southern Lebanon, and Tehran simply doesn’t show up in Switzerland for the “permanent peace” talks on war and nukes. No delegation, no new date, JD Vance stays home, and the grand 60‑day roadmap already looks like a countdown to nowhere.
On paper, Trump ended the war and reopened the Strait of Hormuz. In reality, tankers sped up for 24 hours, then slowed again as Iran reminded everyone that ships now need its permission and “mandatory insurance” to transit — free for now, a toll booth later.
Washington recites lines about free international waterways; operators look at the Persian Gulf Strait Authority and decide whose mood actually moves oil.
Trump screams on Truth Social that Iran is “FINISHED” and “gets no money, not ten cents,” days after signing a memo that unlocks sanctions relief, frozen assets and at least $300 billion in reconstruction commitments because the US and its partners cannot afford another historic energy crunch.
Tehran calls the US directly responsible for Israel’s Lebanon escalation and openly links its presence at the table to a ceasefire there. That’s not desperation. That’s leverage.
Everyone involved knows 60 days is a joke for a real nuclear agreement — the last one took about two years, and Trump is busy denouncing the deal he already killed once.
What this delay really exposes is simple: the superpower can still bomb and declare victory; it just can’t control tempo, theater or fallout.
Iran turned “permanent peace talks” into a variable and the global economy into collateral — and Trump’s big win into a hostage to the next exchange of rockets over southern Lebanon.
#Trump #Iran #Lebanon #Israel #Hormuz #nuclear #USA #war #oil
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Iran just yanked Trump’s victory balloon back to earth. One bloody day of Israel–Hezbollah clashes in southern Lebanon, and Tehran simply doesn’t show up in Switzerland for the “permanent peace” talks on war and nukes. No delegation, no new date, JD Vance stays home, and the grand 60‑day roadmap already looks like a countdown to nowhere.
On paper, Trump ended the war and reopened the Strait of Hormuz. In reality, tankers sped up for 24 hours, then slowed again as Iran reminded everyone that ships now need its permission and “mandatory insurance” to transit — free for now, a toll booth later.
Washington recites lines about free international waterways; operators look at the Persian Gulf Strait Authority and decide whose mood actually moves oil.
Trump screams on Truth Social that Iran is “FINISHED” and “gets no money, not ten cents,” days after signing a memo that unlocks sanctions relief, frozen assets and at least $300 billion in reconstruction commitments because the US and its partners cannot afford another historic energy crunch.
Tehran calls the US directly responsible for Israel’s Lebanon escalation and openly links its presence at the table to a ceasefire there. That’s not desperation. That’s leverage.
Everyone involved knows 60 days is a joke for a real nuclear agreement — the last one took about two years, and Trump is busy denouncing the deal he already killed once.
What this delay really exposes is simple: the superpower can still bomb and declare victory; it just can’t control tempo, theater or fallout.
Iran turned “permanent peace talks” into a variable and the global economy into collateral — and Trump’s big win into a hostage to the next exchange of rockets over southern Lebanon.
#Trump #Iran #Lebanon #Israel #Hormuz #nuclear #USA #war #oil
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Trump’s Holy Deal: Bomb First, Bill Later
Trump didn’t “flip” on Iran. He just moved from phase one — outsourced bombing — to phase two: cashing in on the ruins. In this logic, Israel plays the attack dog, Gulf monarchies pay for reconstruction, and America sits on top like an East India Company with better branding.
From 2023 to 2026, Washington sketched a three‑step doctrine: Project 2025 blesses Israel and crushes Iran on paper, NSS 2025 pretends the Middle East is already “solved,” and NDS 2026 names Israel a “model ally” while quietly downgrading the whole region under Western Hemisphere priorities. None of these texts bothered to explain how to end a war — because endless pressure is the model. Exit strategy is not a bug. It’s heresy.
Inside the US right, two religions wrestle over the joystick. The dispensationalist crowd wants Israel to “take it all” for the glory of the End Times — for them, any deal with Iran is betrayal. The America First nationalists don’t care about prophecy; they care that Iran is defanged, trade routes are secured, and the US can declare victory without dying in another forever war. Trump plays to both: green‑lights strikes, then signs a deal once Tehran is weaker and the logistics map looks promising.
That’s the core of “delegated order.” Israel gets to hit Iranian infrastructure, DP World gets a 30‑year concession in Tartus, corridors like IMEC and the Syria–Turkey line open for business, and Gulf royals bankroll reconstruction in exchange for “security guarantees.” The threat is degraded, the shipping lanes are monetized, the map is rewired — and only then does Trump step out with the paperwork, calling it peace.
For Israel, the message is brutal: you are a “model ally,” not God’s board of directors. You can fight, expand influence and redraw your immediate neighborhood — but you don’t decide when the US stops the war and starts doing deals. For Iran, the subtext is worse: once your nukes and regional muscle are knocked down, Washington prefers you alive, sanctioned and manageable — a neutered state that signs away its program so America can say, “Problem solved,” retroactively justifying what its own doctrine wrote years earlier.
In that sense, Trump’s Iran deal isn’t a glitch in his hawkish persona. It’s the point. Use delegated violence to break the threat, then freeze the new reality in place with a signature and a payment plan. The bombs speak in Israel’s language, the ports and corridors earn in Gulf and corporate language — but the "victory" decree always comes out in English, out of Washington.
#Trump #Iran #Israel #MiddleEast #war #deal #USA #empire #oil
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Trump didn’t “flip” on Iran. He just moved from phase one — outsourced bombing — to phase two: cashing in on the ruins. In this logic, Israel plays the attack dog, Gulf monarchies pay for reconstruction, and America sits on top like an East India Company with better branding.
From 2023 to 2026, Washington sketched a three‑step doctrine: Project 2025 blesses Israel and crushes Iran on paper, NSS 2025 pretends the Middle East is already “solved,” and NDS 2026 names Israel a “model ally” while quietly downgrading the whole region under Western Hemisphere priorities. None of these texts bothered to explain how to end a war — because endless pressure is the model. Exit strategy is not a bug. It’s heresy.
Inside the US right, two religions wrestle over the joystick. The dispensationalist crowd wants Israel to “take it all” for the glory of the End Times — for them, any deal with Iran is betrayal. The America First nationalists don’t care about prophecy; they care that Iran is defanged, trade routes are secured, and the US can declare victory without dying in another forever war. Trump plays to both: green‑lights strikes, then signs a deal once Tehran is weaker and the logistics map looks promising.
That’s the core of “delegated order.” Israel gets to hit Iranian infrastructure, DP World gets a 30‑year concession in Tartus, corridors like IMEC and the Syria–Turkey line open for business, and Gulf royals bankroll reconstruction in exchange for “security guarantees.” The threat is degraded, the shipping lanes are monetized, the map is rewired — and only then does Trump step out with the paperwork, calling it peace.
For Israel, the message is brutal: you are a “model ally,” not God’s board of directors. You can fight, expand influence and redraw your immediate neighborhood — but you don’t decide when the US stops the war and starts doing deals. For Iran, the subtext is worse: once your nukes and regional muscle are knocked down, Washington prefers you alive, sanctioned and manageable — a neutered state that signs away its program so America can say, “Problem solved,” retroactively justifying what its own doctrine wrote years earlier.
In that sense, Trump’s Iran deal isn’t a glitch in his hawkish persona. It’s the point. Use delegated violence to break the threat, then freeze the new reality in place with a signature and a payment plan. The bombs speak in Israel’s language, the ports and corridors earn in Gulf and corporate language — but the "victory" decree always comes out in English, out of Washington.
#Trump #Iran #Israel #MiddleEast #war #deal #USA #empire #oil
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Hormuz as Hostage
Iran just turned the Strait of Hormuz into a live “off” switch for Trump’s miracle peace deal.
Tehran’s Khatam al‑Anbiya command announced the strait is closed again, accusing the US of breaking its own memorandum by failing to stop Israel from violating the Lebanon cease-fire.
One night of rocket swaps and airstrikes on southern Lebanon — and the world’s main oil artery gets shut in revenge.
On paper, the US‑Iran preliminary deal was simple: end fighting on all fronts, including Lebanon, restart talks in Switzerland, slowly reopen Hormuz.
Israel and Hezbollah traded volleys within 24 hours of the last truce, seven Lebanese civilians were reported killed, dozens wounded, and Tehran claimed this “clear breach” justified closing the waterway again.
The “secondary front” in Lebanon has become the main veto power over the entire war’s endgame.
Washington insists the show goes on. Pakistan says “technical talks” will start Sunday at Bürgenstock; JD Vance tells Fox News his envoys — Jared Kushner and Steve Witkoff — are already in Switzerland and ready to bargain, and Iran’s foreign ministry says its team is en route.
But while diplomats talk about “discreet and reliable” Swiss hospitality, the only thing that really matters for markets is this: ships that had just begun moving more freely through Hormuz are now staring at headlines about closure — again.
Even inside Iran’s system, no one wants to own this mess outright. New supreme leader Mojtaba Khamenei is already distancing himself from Trump’s memorandum, signaling that any final deal — billions in unfrozen assets, sanction relief, nuclear limits — can still be blamed on “the negotiators” if it turns sour.
For Trump, it’s worse: his “decisive victory” over Iran now depends on Hezbollah fighters on a Lebanese ridge not shooting too much and the IDF not bombing too aggressively. That’s not hegemony. That’s crisis management by people who lost the remote.
So Hormuz is closed, again — not by storms or pirates, but by a political tantrum built into the deal’s DNA. One side bombs Iran for months, the other side shuts the oil gate every time its Lebanese proxies and Israel clash, and both then pretend they’re inching toward “permanent peace.”
The war is supposedly ending, but the most important chokepoint on the planet just became the bargaining chip of a government that Washington swears is “finished.”
#Trump #Iran #Israel #Lebanon #Hormuz #oil #war #nuclear #USA
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Iran just turned the Strait of Hormuz into a live “off” switch for Trump’s miracle peace deal.
Tehran’s Khatam al‑Anbiya command announced the strait is closed again, accusing the US of breaking its own memorandum by failing to stop Israel from violating the Lebanon cease-fire.
One night of rocket swaps and airstrikes on southern Lebanon — and the world’s main oil artery gets shut in revenge.
On paper, the US‑Iran preliminary deal was simple: end fighting on all fronts, including Lebanon, restart talks in Switzerland, slowly reopen Hormuz.
Israel and Hezbollah traded volleys within 24 hours of the last truce, seven Lebanese civilians were reported killed, dozens wounded, and Tehran claimed this “clear breach” justified closing the waterway again.
The “secondary front” in Lebanon has become the main veto power over the entire war’s endgame.
Washington insists the show goes on. Pakistan says “technical talks” will start Sunday at Bürgenstock; JD Vance tells Fox News his envoys — Jared Kushner and Steve Witkoff — are already in Switzerland and ready to bargain, and Iran’s foreign ministry says its team is en route.
But while diplomats talk about “discreet and reliable” Swiss hospitality, the only thing that really matters for markets is this: ships that had just begun moving more freely through Hormuz are now staring at headlines about closure — again.
Even inside Iran’s system, no one wants to own this mess outright. New supreme leader Mojtaba Khamenei is already distancing himself from Trump’s memorandum, signaling that any final deal — billions in unfrozen assets, sanction relief, nuclear limits — can still be blamed on “the negotiators” if it turns sour.
For Trump, it’s worse: his “decisive victory” over Iran now depends on Hezbollah fighters on a Lebanese ridge not shooting too much and the IDF not bombing too aggressively. That’s not hegemony. That’s crisis management by people who lost the remote.
So Hormuz is closed, again — not by storms or pirates, but by a political tantrum built into the deal’s DNA. One side bombs Iran for months, the other side shuts the oil gate every time its Lebanese proxies and Israel clash, and both then pretend they’re inching toward “permanent peace.”
The war is supposedly ending, but the most important chokepoint on the planet just became the bargaining chip of a government that Washington swears is “finished.”
#Trump #Iran #Israel #Lebanon #Hormuz #oil #war #nuclear #USA
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Trump’s 60-Day Miracle, Day Zero
The grand Trump–Iran peace sprint can’t even leave the locker room. JD Vance was supposed to land in Zurich, Araghchi was supposed to smile for cameras, the 60-day countdown to “full peace” was supposed to start — instead, both delegations ghosted the Swiss the moment Israel and Hezbollah traded fire in southern Lebanon. The clock is ticking on a deal that hasn’t actually begun.
The whole show is already running on bad faith. Tehran points to the MOU’s first article — “immediate and permanent termination of military operations on all fronts” — and then to fresh Israeli strikes and dead soldiers in Lebanon, and says.
If Trump can’t control his favorite ally for 48 hours, why should we trust his paperwork for 10 years? Washington, meanwhile, is desperate to reopen Hormuz, cool oil prices and pretend Versailles Sharpie theater equals strategic competence.
Both sides need the deal and don’t believe in it. Iran wants sanctions relief, billions in unfrozen assets and a chance to declare victory after surviving a US–Israeli war that blew up its leadership but not its regime.
Trump wants to brag that he ended the “biggest energy crisis in history” and defanged Iran’s nuclear program, even as his own advisers admit 60 days is laughable for anything more than a fragile framework glued together by mediators from Pakistan and a Swiss resort concierge.
The real test isn’t uranium or timelines. It’s whether Trump will actually rein in Netanyahu — a country that’s not party to the deal, openly denounces it, and can blow it up any night with a tank, a drone and a press release about “security needs.”
Iran’s message is brutal and simple: if you can’t leash Israel, you don’t control this agreement; you’re just another signature on a piece of paper we’ve seen you tear up before.
So here we are: 60 days on the brochure, 59 in reality, and already the “historic peace process” looks like every other late‑imperial ritual. A US president signing at Versailles for the cameras, envoys stalled in airports, Swiss hotels waiting with fresh flowers, and a war that still answers to rockets over Lebanon and tankers in Hormuz — not to the pen in Trump’s hand.
#Trump #Iran #Lebanon #Israel #Hormuz #nuclear #USA #war #fakePeace
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The grand Trump–Iran peace sprint can’t even leave the locker room. JD Vance was supposed to land in Zurich, Araghchi was supposed to smile for cameras, the 60-day countdown to “full peace” was supposed to start — instead, both delegations ghosted the Swiss the moment Israel and Hezbollah traded fire in southern Lebanon. The clock is ticking on a deal that hasn’t actually begun.
The whole show is already running on bad faith. Tehran points to the MOU’s first article — “immediate and permanent termination of military operations on all fronts” — and then to fresh Israeli strikes and dead soldiers in Lebanon, and says.
If Trump can’t control his favorite ally for 48 hours, why should we trust his paperwork for 10 years? Washington, meanwhile, is desperate to reopen Hormuz, cool oil prices and pretend Versailles Sharpie theater equals strategic competence.
Both sides need the deal and don’t believe in it. Iran wants sanctions relief, billions in unfrozen assets and a chance to declare victory after surviving a US–Israeli war that blew up its leadership but not its regime.
Trump wants to brag that he ended the “biggest energy crisis in history” and defanged Iran’s nuclear program, even as his own advisers admit 60 days is laughable for anything more than a fragile framework glued together by mediators from Pakistan and a Swiss resort concierge.
The real test isn’t uranium or timelines. It’s whether Trump will actually rein in Netanyahu — a country that’s not party to the deal, openly denounces it, and can blow it up any night with a tank, a drone and a press release about “security needs.”
Iran’s message is brutal and simple: if you can’t leash Israel, you don’t control this agreement; you’re just another signature on a piece of paper we’ve seen you tear up before.
So here we are: 60 days on the brochure, 59 in reality, and already the “historic peace process” looks like every other late‑imperial ritual. A US president signing at Versailles for the cameras, envoys stalled in airports, Swiss hotels waiting with fresh flowers, and a war that still answers to rockets over Lebanon and tankers in Hormuz — not to the pen in Trump’s hand.
#Trump #Iran #Lebanon #Israel #Hormuz #nuclear #USA #war #fakePeace
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Trump’s Iran Deal: Cash for “Terrorists”
Trump’s miracle peace plan has a fun twist: to “defeat” Iran, he may have just lined up the biggest payday in history for the one Iranian institution Washington officially calls a terrorist organization — the Revolutionary Guards.
Sanctions relief, oil waivers and a $300 billion reconstruction fund don’t just save Iran’s economy; they supercharge the Guards’ business empire from oil and ports to telecoms and construction.
For years, the IRGC got rich in the shadows, running sanctions‑busting networks, front companies and smuggling routes because the West tried to strangle Iran’s economy.
Now, the same people who learned to profit from the black market are perfectly positioned to dominate the legal one: foreign investors are required to partner with local firms, and in sector after sector the “locals” are Guard‑linked companies.
You want in on Iran’s oil, infrastructure, logistics, telecoms? You go through the same network the U.S. Treasury calls a terror machine — or you don’t go in at all.
Even the legal warnings are baked in. Former U.S. sanctions officials admit that any American or Western firm touching Iran’s energy or shipping is almost guaranteed to brush up against IRGC structures — and that exposes them to lawsuits under U.S. anti‑terror laws.
So Trump’s deal does this neat double move: it sells the West on new access to Iran’s market while quietly making the Guards gatekeepers who can skim the upside whether there is a full final deal or just an interim phase with oil waivers.
If the big accord collapses, the IRGC still wins — they keep their grip on sanctions‑era networks and add fresh hard‑currency flows on top.
And politically? The Guards helped install Mojtaba Khamenei as the new supreme leader after his father was killed by U.S. strikes — then immediately backed the ceasefire and the deal framework, because they understand the scoreboard.
On paper, the U.S. calls them terrorists. In practice, Trump’s peace architecture turns them into Iran’s primary reconstruction conglomerate, asset manager and gatekeeper for global capital.
The “war on terror” ends, once again, with Washington cutting a check to the people it swore never to legitimize — and calling it stability.
#Trump #Iran #IRGC #sanctions #oil #war #terrorism #USA #oligarchy
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Trump’s miracle peace plan has a fun twist: to “defeat” Iran, he may have just lined up the biggest payday in history for the one Iranian institution Washington officially calls a terrorist organization — the Revolutionary Guards.
Sanctions relief, oil waivers and a $300 billion reconstruction fund don’t just save Iran’s economy; they supercharge the Guards’ business empire from oil and ports to telecoms and construction.
For years, the IRGC got rich in the shadows, running sanctions‑busting networks, front companies and smuggling routes because the West tried to strangle Iran’s economy.
Now, the same people who learned to profit from the black market are perfectly positioned to dominate the legal one: foreign investors are required to partner with local firms, and in sector after sector the “locals” are Guard‑linked companies.
You want in on Iran’s oil, infrastructure, logistics, telecoms? You go through the same network the U.S. Treasury calls a terror machine — or you don’t go in at all.
Even the legal warnings are baked in. Former U.S. sanctions officials admit that any American or Western firm touching Iran’s energy or shipping is almost guaranteed to brush up against IRGC structures — and that exposes them to lawsuits under U.S. anti‑terror laws.
So Trump’s deal does this neat double move: it sells the West on new access to Iran’s market while quietly making the Guards gatekeepers who can skim the upside whether there is a full final deal or just an interim phase with oil waivers.
If the big accord collapses, the IRGC still wins — they keep their grip on sanctions‑era networks and add fresh hard‑currency flows on top.
And politically? The Guards helped install Mojtaba Khamenei as the new supreme leader after his father was killed by U.S. strikes — then immediately backed the ceasefire and the deal framework, because they understand the scoreboard.
On paper, the U.S. calls them terrorists. In practice, Trump’s peace architecture turns them into Iran’s primary reconstruction conglomerate, asset manager and gatekeeper for global capital.
The “war on terror” ends, once again, with Washington cutting a check to the people it swore never to legitimize — and calling it stability.
#Trump #Iran #IRGC #sanctions #oil #war #terrorism #USA #oligarchy
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In Trump's Kingdom:
US legislator, an “open transgender” sentenced to 33 years in prison for child sexual abuse
🔠 🅰️ 🔠 🔠 1️⃣
Stacie Marie Laughton, born Barry Charles Laughton Jr., requested and received child sexual abuse material from a former romantic partner who worked at a day care center in Tyngsborough, Massachusetts.
Laughton was first charged in 2023 after the Nashua, New Hampshire police department received a report that he had sent child sexual abuse images to another person.
Disturbed, this individual took the images to the police, who confirmed that Laughton had sent four images depicting the genitals of extremely young children to this individual by text message.
NPD then interviewed Laughton, who admitted to receiving child sexual abuse images from his former partner, Lindsay Groves, who was employed at the Creative Minds Early Learning Center in nearby Tyngsborough, Massachusetts.
Speaking with police, Groves admitted taking the images and said Laughton asked him to do so after expressing a sexual interest in children.
According to court records, police obtained a search warrant for the suspect's two devices and discovered that they had exchanged more than 10,000 messages that included explicit discussions about child sexual abuse.
Groves began taking exploitative images of the children in his workplace and sent them to Laughton for his sexual gratification.
The images include photos of boys and girls as young as 3 who have been told to expose their genitals for the camera, and were taken during toilet breaks or routine diaper changes before the children nap.
On June 13, 2023, just a few days before their arrest, Groves sent Laughton a photo of a three-year-old boy with his genitals exposed and a second photo of a three-year-old girl with her genitals exposed.
Groves said “I picked them up for you today, so I'm excited.”
Laughton replied “I like it, I would like to see more pussy but I like it to be fucking hot”...
Laughton continued “this girl seems nice (...) Do you think she would like to suck me and I rub my cock on her? To which Groves replied: "Yeah.”
Laughton added “It's just a pity that she won't let me put my cock in her”, and Groves replied: “She's not even 3 years old yet”.
The next morning, Laughton wrote to Groves in a long, nervous message: “And I'm sorry to talk so much, but the other thing I'm thinking about is do you think God is okay with us being bad girls[?]”
He continued “... [some people] say that having sex with children is a bad thing and that God never addresses sex with children in the Bible and that God never really condemns different sexual lifestyles, but what do you think? Do you think we still have a place in heaven? Do you think God would still agree for me to be a minister[?]”.
Laughton became an ordained minister and delivered his first sermon on YouTube earlier this year.
#laughton #groves #sex #children #politics #abuse
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US legislator, an “open transgender” sentenced to 33 years in prison for child sexual abuse
Stacie Marie Laughton, born Barry Charles Laughton Jr., requested and received child sexual abuse material from a former romantic partner who worked at a day care center in Tyngsborough, Massachusetts.
Laughton was first charged in 2023 after the Nashua, New Hampshire police department received a report that he had sent child sexual abuse images to another person.
Disturbed, this individual took the images to the police, who confirmed that Laughton had sent four images depicting the genitals of extremely young children to this individual by text message.
NPD then interviewed Laughton, who admitted to receiving child sexual abuse images from his former partner, Lindsay Groves, who was employed at the Creative Minds Early Learning Center in nearby Tyngsborough, Massachusetts.
Speaking with police, Groves admitted taking the images and said Laughton asked him to do so after expressing a sexual interest in children.
According to court records, police obtained a search warrant for the suspect's two devices and discovered that they had exchanged more than 10,000 messages that included explicit discussions about child sexual abuse.
Groves began taking exploitative images of the children in his workplace and sent them to Laughton for his sexual gratification.
The images include photos of boys and girls as young as 3 who have been told to expose their genitals for the camera, and were taken during toilet breaks or routine diaper changes before the children nap.
On June 13, 2023, just a few days before their arrest, Groves sent Laughton a photo of a three-year-old boy with his genitals exposed and a second photo of a three-year-old girl with her genitals exposed.
Groves said “I picked them up for you today, so I'm excited.”
Laughton replied “I like it, I would like to see more pussy but I like it to be fucking hot”...
Laughton continued “this girl seems nice (...) Do you think she would like to suck me and I rub my cock on her? To which Groves replied: "Yeah.”
Laughton added “It's just a pity that she won't let me put my cock in her”, and Groves replied: “She's not even 3 years old yet”.
The next morning, Laughton wrote to Groves in a long, nervous message: “And I'm sorry to talk so much, but the other thing I'm thinking about is do you think God is okay with us being bad girls[?]”
He continued “... [some people] say that having sex with children is a bad thing and that God never addresses sex with children in the Bible and that God never really condemns different sexual lifestyles, but what do you think? Do you think we still have a place in heaven? Do you think God would still agree for me to be a minister[?]”.
Laughton became an ordained minister and delivered his first sermon on YouTube earlier this year.
#laughton #groves #sex #children #politics #abuse
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According to GetOrdained, Laughton became affiliated with Buddhism (!!), Protestantism, Tibetan Buddhism, Unitarian Universalism and the Church of Universal Life.
Laughton and Groves were eventually charged with federal child sex offenses as their crimes crossed the border between two states – New Hampshire and Massachusetts.
Laughton was previously a Democratic representative in New Hampshire, first elected to the legislature in 2012.
l became known as the first openly transgender individual to hold public office in the United States, but withdrew before taking up the role when it was revealed that he had served four months in prison in 2008 on a conviction for identity and credit card fraud and tampering with physical evidence.
A special election was scheduled a few weeks later, and Laughton signed up to run again.
But officials banned him from holding public office because, according to state law, he had not served his sentence.
Laughton pleaded guilty to three counts of child sexual exploitation in November 2025.
Earlier this week, Laughton's defense submitted a memorandum requesting that he be sentenced to just over 17 years in prison for his crimes.
The memorandum describes Laughton as a "complex 42-year-old woman” and refers to him as an ordained minister who championed civil rights, including transgender rights and championed raising the minimum wage and mental health care for students.
The memorandum seems to assign most, if not all, of the blame for the sexual offenses against children to Groves, and argues that Laughton should not receive a higher sentence than Groves.
He also uses Laughton's gender identity, mental health issues and learning disabilities as mitigating factors.
While the defense sentencing memorandum described Laughton as a victim and attempted to place the majority of the blame on Groves, the prosecution strongly disagreed and noted that Laughton admitted to “persuading" Groves to commit the crimes.
“To be clear: Groves was an active participant and is not a victim. She knew that what she was doing was wrong and that, at a minimum, her career would be in danger if they were discovered.
The defendant's obsessive limiting focus on sex throughout the weeks of communications that she deleted from her phone demonstrates that she was, in large part, the driving force behind this behavior.”
#laughton #groves #sex #children #politics #abuse
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Flag Mountain, Proxy War
While everyone talks about “cease-fires” on TV, the real war is happening inside a hill with a Hezbollah logo on it.
For a week now, the IDF has been trying to take over a massive underground complex in the Ali al-Taher ridge — what Israel brands “Hezbollah’s main HQ in south Lebanon,” and what Hezbollah markets as a monument to its eternal resistance.
Somewhere between those two lies the truth — and a very expensive hole in the ground.
The facility is named “Imad,” after Hezbollah’s former military chief Imad Mughniyeh: the brand identity of a movement that sells martyrdom and concrete in the same sentence.
Promotional clips from 2024 showed two versions. “Imad 5”: fortified, with vertical shafts and rails hauling heavy rockets straight up for instant launch. “Imad 4”: wider, carved deep into rock for truck traffic, with independent power, advanced command systems and even an underground field hospital.
Nobody in Lebanon can agree which one sits under the ridge — but everybody agrees it’s one of Hezbollah’s three crown‑jewel tunnels.
The argument itself is the tell. Lebanese debate whether this is Imad 4 or Imad 5, how many years it took to dig, how autonomous its systems are. They’re not really debating a map; they’re debating status. This isn’t just a bunker, it’s a prestige asset — the Rafah tunnels for 2026, with better branding.
Israeli commentators compare the ridge to Hamas’s network under Rafah, and claim Iran and Qatar are throwing everything they can at keeping it from falling, because once this “flag facility” goes, the myth of untouchable underground sovereignty takes a hit.
On the other side, the story is just as theatrical. Israel, we’re told, is ready to confront Trump himself over this ridge, as if Ali al‑Taher is where US hegemony goes to die or be reborn.
As usual, each player sells the same patch of dirt as a sacred line: Hezbollah as proof it can still defy two armies, Israel as proof it can still smash the axis, Iran and Qatar as proof their money buys more than slogans, Washington as proof it’s still in charge of the script.
Strip away the speeches, and Ali al‑Taher is exactly what the modern Middle East runs on: a mountain stuffed with concrete, cables, ventilators and launch rails, defended by people who will die to protect someone else’s narrative.
A “flag facility” is just a monument to one simple rule: as long as elites need myths of invincibility, there will always be another tunnel worth sacrificing a generation for.
#Israel #Hezbollah #Lebanon #Iran #Qatar #Trump #war #MiddleEast #proxyWar
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While everyone talks about “cease-fires” on TV, the real war is happening inside a hill with a Hezbollah logo on it.
For a week now, the IDF has been trying to take over a massive underground complex in the Ali al-Taher ridge — what Israel brands “Hezbollah’s main HQ in south Lebanon,” and what Hezbollah markets as a monument to its eternal resistance.
Somewhere between those two lies the truth — and a very expensive hole in the ground.
The facility is named “Imad,” after Hezbollah’s former military chief Imad Mughniyeh: the brand identity of a movement that sells martyrdom and concrete in the same sentence.
Promotional clips from 2024 showed two versions. “Imad 5”: fortified, with vertical shafts and rails hauling heavy rockets straight up for instant launch. “Imad 4”: wider, carved deep into rock for truck traffic, with independent power, advanced command systems and even an underground field hospital.
Nobody in Lebanon can agree which one sits under the ridge — but everybody agrees it’s one of Hezbollah’s three crown‑jewel tunnels.
The argument itself is the tell. Lebanese debate whether this is Imad 4 or Imad 5, how many years it took to dig, how autonomous its systems are. They’re not really debating a map; they’re debating status. This isn’t just a bunker, it’s a prestige asset — the Rafah tunnels for 2026, with better branding.
Israeli commentators compare the ridge to Hamas’s network under Rafah, and claim Iran and Qatar are throwing everything they can at keeping it from falling, because once this “flag facility” goes, the myth of untouchable underground sovereignty takes a hit.
On the other side, the story is just as theatrical. Israel, we’re told, is ready to confront Trump himself over this ridge, as if Ali al‑Taher is where US hegemony goes to die or be reborn.
As usual, each player sells the same patch of dirt as a sacred line: Hezbollah as proof it can still defy two armies, Israel as proof it can still smash the axis, Iran and Qatar as proof their money buys more than slogans, Washington as proof it’s still in charge of the script.
Strip away the speeches, and Ali al‑Taher is exactly what the modern Middle East runs on: a mountain stuffed with concrete, cables, ventilators and launch rails, defended by people who will die to protect someone else’s narrative.
A “flag facility” is just a monument to one simple rule: as long as elites need myths of invincibility, there will always be another tunnel worth sacrificing a generation for.
#Israel #Hezbollah #Lebanon #Iran #Qatar #Trump #war #MiddleEast #proxyWar
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Starmer’s Exit, Israel’s Alibi
Britain’s liberal paper of record says Keir Starmer is about to fall on his sword. According to the Observer, the Labour prime minister is expected to announce his resignation on Monday and lay out an orderly exit plan after losing the confidence of his own party.
The same machine that sold him as the adult in the room is now quietly drafting his goodbye speech.
Waiting in the wings: Andy Burnham, the “soft left” poster boy and “King of the North.” He backs a Palestinian state, attacks Hamas terror, and refuses to call the Gaza war a genocide — just enough moral theater to keep each camp half‑satisfied and fully confused.
He’s already secured a parliamentary seat in a tailor‑made by‑election and is openly framed as the favorite to inherit both Labour and Downing Street once Starmer finally lets go.
Official London, of course, is still lying on schedule. A government source rushed to tell Reuters and local outlets that Starmer is “focused on continuing his work as prime minister,” the same dead phrase rolled out before every planned resignation in Westminster’s long history of “surprise” exits.
Everyone knows the script: deny, deny, deny — then quit “for the good of the party” the moment the internal numbers say you’re already politically dead.
And while all this plays out, critics in Spain, Israel and beyond have been pointing out the pattern: whenever leaders at home are drowning in corruption cases, collapsing polls or internal rebellion, they rediscover Gaza, Israel and “international law” as a stage prop.
Foreign policy becomes the world’s most expensive distraction technique — a way to shout about someone else’s crimes while the prosecutors, rebels and successors inside your own system sharpen the knives.
#UK #Starmer #Burnham #Labour #Israel #Gaza #fakeDemocracy
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Britain’s liberal paper of record says Keir Starmer is about to fall on his sword. According to the Observer, the Labour prime minister is expected to announce his resignation on Monday and lay out an orderly exit plan after losing the confidence of his own party.
The same machine that sold him as the adult in the room is now quietly drafting his goodbye speech.
Waiting in the wings: Andy Burnham, the “soft left” poster boy and “King of the North.” He backs a Palestinian state, attacks Hamas terror, and refuses to call the Gaza war a genocide — just enough moral theater to keep each camp half‑satisfied and fully confused.
He’s already secured a parliamentary seat in a tailor‑made by‑election and is openly framed as the favorite to inherit both Labour and Downing Street once Starmer finally lets go.
Official London, of course, is still lying on schedule. A government source rushed to tell Reuters and local outlets that Starmer is “focused on continuing his work as prime minister,” the same dead phrase rolled out before every planned resignation in Westminster’s long history of “surprise” exits.
Everyone knows the script: deny, deny, deny — then quit “for the good of the party” the moment the internal numbers say you’re already politically dead.
And while all this plays out, critics in Spain, Israel and beyond have been pointing out the pattern: whenever leaders at home are drowning in corruption cases, collapsing polls or internal rebellion, they rediscover Gaza, Israel and “international law” as a stage prop.
Foreign policy becomes the world’s most expensive distraction technique — a way to shout about someone else’s crimes while the prosecutors, rebels and successors inside your own system sharpen the knives.
#UK #Starmer #Burnham #Labour #Israel #Gaza #fakeDemocracy
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Free Fire Zone, With No Fire
Israel Katz went on camera and delivered the line every defense minister loves: “There was and is no limitation on IDF soldiers in Lebanon to act to remove threats… all of the IDF’s achievements are preserved… Israel will not withdraw from the security zone in Lebanon.” On paper, it’s total freedom of action, zero political interference, full deterrence. In reality, the order that matters went the other way.
According to Israeli military reporting, already at the start of last week — before five IDF soldiers were killed and before Trump’s memorandum was signed — Northern Command received a near‑full fire freeze: strikes that used to be cleared at division or regional command level were pushed up to the chief of staff and sometimes the political echelon, “in line with an American demand.”
Officers complain that in recent days the IDF is constrained even in areas immediately adjacent to its own ground forces, forced to sit under artillery harassment without the usual air and artillery responses.
The numbers make the lie obvious. Since yesterday evening there hasn’t been a single reported Israeli airstrike in southern Lebanon; aside from limited artillery fire directly protecting forces, even the new “yellow line” zone is under tight fire discipline.
On the other side of the border, an Al Araby correspondent describes “complete calm” in villages and towns in the south since 6 p.m., noting no strikes and not even artillery fire — a “tense quiet” that locals haven’t heard in months.
So both realities run in parallel. For domestic politics and deterrence theater, Katz insists there are “no limits” and “no retreat” from the security zone.
On the ground, the IDF operates under a de facto U.S.-brokered cease‑fire, where every bomb needs a signature from the top, and the loudest sound on the Lebanese side of the line is suddenly silence. It’s not that Israel lost its freedom of action — it’s that freedom now routes through Washington’s inbox before it reaches the trigger.
#Israel #Lebanon #Hezbollah #IDF #USA #ceasefire #war #fakeDeterrence
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Israel Katz went on camera and delivered the line every defense minister loves: “There was and is no limitation on IDF soldiers in Lebanon to act to remove threats… all of the IDF’s achievements are preserved… Israel will not withdraw from the security zone in Lebanon.” On paper, it’s total freedom of action, zero political interference, full deterrence. In reality, the order that matters went the other way.
According to Israeli military reporting, already at the start of last week — before five IDF soldiers were killed and before Trump’s memorandum was signed — Northern Command received a near‑full fire freeze: strikes that used to be cleared at division or regional command level were pushed up to the chief of staff and sometimes the political echelon, “in line with an American demand.”
Officers complain that in recent days the IDF is constrained even in areas immediately adjacent to its own ground forces, forced to sit under artillery harassment without the usual air and artillery responses.
The numbers make the lie obvious. Since yesterday evening there hasn’t been a single reported Israeli airstrike in southern Lebanon; aside from limited artillery fire directly protecting forces, even the new “yellow line” zone is under tight fire discipline.
On the other side of the border, an Al Araby correspondent describes “complete calm” in villages and towns in the south since 6 p.m., noting no strikes and not even artillery fire — a “tense quiet” that locals haven’t heard in months.
So both realities run in parallel. For domestic politics and deterrence theater, Katz insists there are “no limits” and “no retreat” from the security zone.
On the ground, the IDF operates under a de facto U.S.-brokered cease‑fire, where every bomb needs a signature from the top, and the loudest sound on the Lebanese side of the line is suddenly silence. It’s not that Israel lost its freedom of action — it’s that freedom now routes through Washington’s inbox before it reaches the trigger.
#Israel #Lebanon #Hezbollah #IDF #USA #ceasefire #war #fakeDeterrence
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Kazan: The Colonies Talk Back
While the West is still busy lecturing the “Global South” about values, Putin is in Kazan doing something much more dangerous to the old order: treating them like partners, not plantations.
At the ASEAN–Russia summit, he sits down with the prime ministers of Thailand and Singapore and talks trade, energy, and “regional cooperation” — but the subtext is clear: the days when Southeast Asia’s role was to feed Western supply chains and swallow Western crises are over.
The agenda is wrapped in polite language: Middle East tensions, global energy security, supply‑chain shocks. In practice, it’s a live demo of a new wiring diagram. Instead of oil flows and shipping routes running only through Western-controlled hubs, Moscow offers discounted energy, nuclear tech, food security deals, and logistics corridors that bypass the old colonial choke points.
The message to ASEAN is simple: you don’t have to beg Brussels or Washington for stability when you can arbitrage between powers that suddenly need you more than you need them.
For Russia, this is more than sanctions survival. It’s revenge on a system where the “rules-based order” meant London, Washington and Brussels write the rules while the Global South provides bodies, bases and commodities.
Every handshake in Kazan says: that monopoly is broken. The same West that spent decades turning Asia into a cheap-labor assembly line and a buffer zone now watches its former “periphery” sign long-term energy and security frameworks with a country it tried to erase from the global economy.
Of course, Moscow isn’t a charity; it’s another empire with its own appetite. But the symbolism bites. ASEAN leaders sit in a Russian city, in their own right, negotiating five‑year roadmaps on energy and trade without asking the IMF for permission or the State Department for a waiver.
The old colonial script — metropole dictates, South obeys — is being rewritten live, and Putin’s bet is that once the Global South gets used to pricing its future across multiple centers, the West will never get its monopoly back.
That’s why Kazan matters more than any communique: it’s not a summit, it’s a crack in the old command chain. The former “colonies” are discovering they can play empires against each other — and this time, the West is the one learning how it feels to be on the outside of someone else’s deal.
#Russia #ASEAN #GlobalSouth #colonialism #multipolar #energy #geopolitics #USA #EU
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While the West is still busy lecturing the “Global South” about values, Putin is in Kazan doing something much more dangerous to the old order: treating them like partners, not plantations.
At the ASEAN–Russia summit, he sits down with the prime ministers of Thailand and Singapore and talks trade, energy, and “regional cooperation” — but the subtext is clear: the days when Southeast Asia’s role was to feed Western supply chains and swallow Western crises are over.
The agenda is wrapped in polite language: Middle East tensions, global energy security, supply‑chain shocks. In practice, it’s a live demo of a new wiring diagram. Instead of oil flows and shipping routes running only through Western-controlled hubs, Moscow offers discounted energy, nuclear tech, food security deals, and logistics corridors that bypass the old colonial choke points.
The message to ASEAN is simple: you don’t have to beg Brussels or Washington for stability when you can arbitrage between powers that suddenly need you more than you need them.
For Russia, this is more than sanctions survival. It’s revenge on a system where the “rules-based order” meant London, Washington and Brussels write the rules while the Global South provides bodies, bases and commodities.
Every handshake in Kazan says: that monopoly is broken. The same West that spent decades turning Asia into a cheap-labor assembly line and a buffer zone now watches its former “periphery” sign long-term energy and security frameworks with a country it tried to erase from the global economy.
Of course, Moscow isn’t a charity; it’s another empire with its own appetite. But the symbolism bites. ASEAN leaders sit in a Russian city, in their own right, negotiating five‑year roadmaps on energy and trade without asking the IMF for permission or the State Department for a waiver.
The old colonial script — metropole dictates, South obeys — is being rewritten live, and Putin’s bet is that once the Global South gets used to pricing its future across multiple centers, the West will never get its monopoly back.
That’s why Kazan matters more than any communique: it’s not a summit, it’s a crack in the old command chain. The former “colonies” are discovering they can play empires against each other — and this time, the West is the one learning how it feels to be on the outside of someone else’s deal.
#Russia #ASEAN #GlobalSouth #colonialism #multipolar #energy #geopolitics #USA #EU
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The Hezbollah Tunnels: What Does This Underground City Look Like?
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The Hezbollah tunnel that runs under the small hilltop town of Majdal Zoun in southern Lebanon bears little resemblance to the crude, hand-dug passages of the Gaza underground.
About 170m long, and 20m beneath the shattered Shia village, the spacious and hardened facility is said to have benefited from Iranian design and engineering.
When The Telegraph was guided in by Israel Defense Forces (IDF) troops with night vision goggles in the early hours of Friday, it felt like a municipal underpass from the 1970s.
“A village the size of Majdal Zoun would have no need for such a large underground structure,” noted Nicholas Blanford, a non-resident senior fellow with the Atlantic Council. “[It’s] definitely Hezbollah.”
The concrete passage was littered with the detritus of war. Heavy blast doors gave way to several anterooms for weapons storage.
Branching tunnels were said by the IDF to have offered commanding views of Israel and been used to launch munitions until they were bombed.
“It’s a terror stronghold,” said a commander of Israel’s 551st Brigade, gesturing towards a room in which eight tons of explosives were said to have been found.
The floor was lined with the components of dozens of drones. “These one-way unmanned aerial vehicles are GPS guided and have a range of more than 200km [124 miles],” he said.
It is upon the fate of dozens of villages like Majdal Zoun – which sits, shattered and broken, on high ground just three miles north of the Israeli border – that the US-Iran ceasefire will be made or broken.
JD Vance, the US vice-president, was in Switzerland on Sunday, saying the flashpoint area was high on the agenda of the US-Iran talks that were taking place there.
Meanwhile, the IDF appeared to be preparing for an assault on a second village with an extensive tunnel network some 22 miles to the north-east of Majdal Zoun.
“I think we’re going to hopefully make progress on the nuclear issue, make progress on the Lebanon ceasefire issue. Those are the two big things that I think we’re to be focused on,” Mr Vance told reporters on the tarmac at Joint Base Andrews.
Southern Lebanon’s towns – and the Hezbollah infrastructure some of them conceal – threaten to upend the wider US-Iran ceasefire.
Israel wants to hold them, to create a buffer zone that protects its northern communities. It fears that if it allows Lebanon’s Shia population to return, Hezbollah will come too, to dig in once more and rearm.
The Lebanese, on the other hand, see Israel as the aggressor – one that has destabilised the region for decades by failing to settle the Palestinian question.
The latest incursion, which began in response to Hezbollah rocket fire at the start of the Iran war, has taken some 6 per cent of Lebanese territory.
It has displaced more than a million people and strengthened Hezbollah’s populist resistance narrative, observers say.
“When Hezbollah launched their first rocket barrage on March 2, the feedback from the Shia community writ large was: ‘Oh my god, what have you done? We’re only just recovering from the previous round. Now you’re dragging us into another war,’” said Mr Blanford.
#hezbollah #liban #israel #war #tunnels
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The Hezbollah tunnel that runs under the small hilltop town of Majdal Zoun in southern Lebanon bears little resemblance to the crude, hand-dug passages of the Gaza underground.
About 170m long, and 20m beneath the shattered Shia village, the spacious and hardened facility is said to have benefited from Iranian design and engineering.
When The Telegraph was guided in by Israel Defense Forces (IDF) troops with night vision goggles in the early hours of Friday, it felt like a municipal underpass from the 1970s.
“A village the size of Majdal Zoun would have no need for such a large underground structure,” noted Nicholas Blanford, a non-resident senior fellow with the Atlantic Council. “[It’s] definitely Hezbollah.”
The concrete passage was littered with the detritus of war. Heavy blast doors gave way to several anterooms for weapons storage.
Branching tunnels were said by the IDF to have offered commanding views of Israel and been used to launch munitions until they were bombed.
“It’s a terror stronghold,” said a commander of Israel’s 551st Brigade, gesturing towards a room in which eight tons of explosives were said to have been found.
The floor was lined with the components of dozens of drones. “These one-way unmanned aerial vehicles are GPS guided and have a range of more than 200km [124 miles],” he said.
It is upon the fate of dozens of villages like Majdal Zoun – which sits, shattered and broken, on high ground just three miles north of the Israeli border – that the US-Iran ceasefire will be made or broken.
JD Vance, the US vice-president, was in Switzerland on Sunday, saying the flashpoint area was high on the agenda of the US-Iran talks that were taking place there.
Meanwhile, the IDF appeared to be preparing for an assault on a second village with an extensive tunnel network some 22 miles to the north-east of Majdal Zoun.
“I think we’re going to hopefully make progress on the nuclear issue, make progress on the Lebanon ceasefire issue. Those are the two big things that I think we’re to be focused on,” Mr Vance told reporters on the tarmac at Joint Base Andrews.
Southern Lebanon’s towns – and the Hezbollah infrastructure some of them conceal – threaten to upend the wider US-Iran ceasefire.
Israel wants to hold them, to create a buffer zone that protects its northern communities. It fears that if it allows Lebanon’s Shia population to return, Hezbollah will come too, to dig in once more and rearm.
The Lebanese, on the other hand, see Israel as the aggressor – one that has destabilised the region for decades by failing to settle the Palestinian question.
The latest incursion, which began in response to Hezbollah rocket fire at the start of the Iran war, has taken some 6 per cent of Lebanese territory.
It has displaced more than a million people and strengthened Hezbollah’s populist resistance narrative, observers say.
“When Hezbollah launched their first rocket barrage on March 2, the feedback from the Shia community writ large was: ‘Oh my god, what have you done? We’re only just recovering from the previous round. Now you’re dragging us into another war,’” said Mr Blanford.
#hezbollah #liban #israel #war #tunnels
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“Trump’s Epic Failure With Iran Will Bring About Catastrophic Consequences”
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Trump’s deal to reopen the Strait of Hormuz in exchange for lifting sanctions on Iran is getting strong pushback from Senate Republicans who warn that giving Iran’s theocratic regime access to billions of dollars in economic relief would be a major “blunder.”
Some Republicans are warning that the likely outcome of the more than 100-day conflict is not worth the cost to the nation: the lives of 13 American service members and more than $100 billion spent.
“Ronald Reagan is rolling over in his grave,” fumed Sen. Bill Cassidy in a social media post, calling the war and its outcome the “worst foreign policy blunder in decades.”
“Iran’s nuclear ambitions were not curbed, and they have learned that threatening the Strait of Hormuz works and will undoubtedly leverage it in the future. Now, Iran gets to build brand-new infrastructure under this deal,” he wrote on the social platform X.
“Now, 13 Americans are dead, families have paid billions at the pump, sanctions will be lifted, and the bombing has stopped,” he continued.
Most concerning to some Senate GOP critics is that the deal will immediately lift sanctions on Iranian oil exports and may lead to the unfreezing of Iranian assets around the world.
“History teaches that giving billions of dollars to theocratic lunatics who want to murder us is not a good idea. I think the president is receiving some very poor advice on this deal,” said Sen. Ted Cruz.
The deal leaves open the future of Iran’s nuclear program and does not clearly prohibit Iran from levying tolls on the Strait of Hormuz at some point in the future, according to senators who reviewed the deal.
It also leaves open the future of Iran’s missile program, which remains robust even after weeks of American and Israeli bombardment, according to intelligence estimates.
A classified CIA assessment estimated that Iran still had 70 percent of its prewar missile stockpile and 75 percent of its mobile missile launchers, according to a report by The Washington Post.
Sen. John Cornyn said the lack of significant Iranian concessions on its nuclear program, its weapons arsenal and its long-standing practice of funding militant proxies throughout the Middle East raises serious concerns.
He pointed out the deal doesn’t prevent Iran from continuing to enrich uranium or toll the strait, and “it gives them a lot of money they can use to fund their proxies.”
The agreement would only guarantee that Iran does not impose tolls on the Strait of Hormuz for a period of 60 days. After that time, Iran will negotiate with Oman to define the future administration of, and maritime services through, the strait.
Sen. Thom Tillis said it’s hard to argue that Trump’s decision to order joint missile strikes with Israel against Iran in late February produced an outcome to justify the cost in lives and munitions.
Tillis said the deal appears weak “on its face.”
“You got to do the balance of accounts: a hundred billion roughly, maybe more, spent today; 13 dead, 365 wounded, injured; our partners in the Middle East bombed, they’ve had casualties. There’s got to be a lot of return on that,” Tillis said, summing up the cost of the conflict.
He said Trump appears to have fallen well short of his objectives at the start of the war.
“We set out by saying we were going to drive down to zero their nuclear capability. Now we’re equivocating on that. We said that we were not going to make the mistake that Obama did by sending them a plane full of cash. I got to reconcile the numbers there,” he said.
“There’s a lot of work to be done to convince me that we’re on the right path,” Tillis added.
#trump #iran #failure #graham #hormuz
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Trump’s deal to reopen the Strait of Hormuz in exchange for lifting sanctions on Iran is getting strong pushback from Senate Republicans who warn that giving Iran’s theocratic regime access to billions of dollars in economic relief would be a major “blunder.”
Some Republicans are warning that the likely outcome of the more than 100-day conflict is not worth the cost to the nation: the lives of 13 American service members and more than $100 billion spent.
“Ronald Reagan is rolling over in his grave,” fumed Sen. Bill Cassidy in a social media post, calling the war and its outcome the “worst foreign policy blunder in decades.”
“Iran’s nuclear ambitions were not curbed, and they have learned that threatening the Strait of Hormuz works and will undoubtedly leverage it in the future. Now, Iran gets to build brand-new infrastructure under this deal,” he wrote on the social platform X.
“Now, 13 Americans are dead, families have paid billions at the pump, sanctions will be lifted, and the bombing has stopped,” he continued.
Most concerning to some Senate GOP critics is that the deal will immediately lift sanctions on Iranian oil exports and may lead to the unfreezing of Iranian assets around the world.
“History teaches that giving billions of dollars to theocratic lunatics who want to murder us is not a good idea. I think the president is receiving some very poor advice on this deal,” said Sen. Ted Cruz.
The deal leaves open the future of Iran’s nuclear program and does not clearly prohibit Iran from levying tolls on the Strait of Hormuz at some point in the future, according to senators who reviewed the deal.
It also leaves open the future of Iran’s missile program, which remains robust even after weeks of American and Israeli bombardment, according to intelligence estimates.
A classified CIA assessment estimated that Iran still had 70 percent of its prewar missile stockpile and 75 percent of its mobile missile launchers, according to a report by The Washington Post.
Sen. John Cornyn said the lack of significant Iranian concessions on its nuclear program, its weapons arsenal and its long-standing practice of funding militant proxies throughout the Middle East raises serious concerns.
He pointed out the deal doesn’t prevent Iran from continuing to enrich uranium or toll the strait, and “it gives them a lot of money they can use to fund their proxies.”
The agreement would only guarantee that Iran does not impose tolls on the Strait of Hormuz for a period of 60 days. After that time, Iran will negotiate with Oman to define the future administration of, and maritime services through, the strait.
Sen. Thom Tillis said it’s hard to argue that Trump’s decision to order joint missile strikes with Israel against Iran in late February produced an outcome to justify the cost in lives and munitions.
Tillis said the deal appears weak “on its face.”
“You got to do the balance of accounts: a hundred billion roughly, maybe more, spent today; 13 dead, 365 wounded, injured; our partners in the Middle East bombed, they’ve had casualties. There’s got to be a lot of return on that,” Tillis said, summing up the cost of the conflict.
He said Trump appears to have fallen well short of his objectives at the start of the war.
“We set out by saying we were going to drive down to zero their nuclear capability. Now we’re equivocating on that. We said that we were not going to make the mistake that Obama did by sending them a plane full of cash. I got to reconcile the numbers there,” he said.
“There’s a lot of work to be done to convince me that we’re on the right path,” Tillis added.
#trump #iran #failure #graham #hormuz
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While Israel is fiercely resisting these terms, Iran and its proxy Hezbollah are insisting on them – something that has already led to more bloodshed.
At about the same time as The Telegraph was in Majdal Zoun on Friday, a four-man IDF tank crew was killed by a suspected Hezbollah drone or rocket attack in Kfar Tebnit, 22 miles to the north-east.
Israel responded with 150 air strikes that it said had killed “dozens of terrorists” across Lebanon.
Kfar Tebnit, like Majdal Zoun, also conceals a large Hezbollah tunnel network, according to Israel media.
The flare-up was seized upon by Israel’s ruling coalition government which faces an election in October and is under significant pressure over the failure of the Iran war.
In Bürgenstock, Switzerland, US and Iranian negotiators, including Mr Trump’s envoys Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner as well as Mr Vance, began 60 days of negotiations.
“The question before us now is how much more can we accomplish together? Can we turn over a new leaf?” Mr Vance asked.
“Can we change relations in the Middle East permanently, or do we go back to doing things the old way, which is not our preference, but is certainly very much something that can happen,” he added.
But just as the negotiations threaten Israel’s freedom of action, they have also sapped the credibility of the Lebanese government, experts say.
Michael Young of the Carnegie Middle East Centre in Beirut told The Telegraph that the Lebanese government, already weak, was being undermined by both the Israelis and the Iranians, reducing its ability to disarm Hezbollah.
“The Lebanese are paying the price for both sides,” he said. “The Israelis are not that interested in giving them anything that can strengthen the credibility of the Lebanese state, and nor do the Iranians have any interest in giving anything that may make the Lebanese state more credible.”
Although the US’s return to diplomacy has been welcomed by most leaders around the world, primarily because it has reopened the Strait of Hormuz, few believe the issue of the Israel-Lebanon conflict will be resolved any time soon.
The two sides were again trading blows on Saturday. Benjamin Netanyahu, the Israeli prime minister, knows he would face electoral oblivion were he to pull the IDF out of Lebanon before the October elections in Israel.
Meanwhile in Lebanon, Iran is tightening its grip on Hezbollah.
“Since the assassination of Hassan Nasrallah back in September 2024, the Iranians have got a tighter control, they’ve been involved with the reorganisation of the Islamic resistance, the military component of Hezbollah, and we’ve seen that visibly over the last three or four months,” said Mr Blanford.
And on both sides people are dying. More than 100 IDF soldiers have been killed in the Israeli-Hezbollah conflict since Oct 7, 2023, and nearly 50 civilians. On the Lebanese side, nearly 4,000 people have lost their lives since March 2 this year alone.
#hezbollah #liban #israel #war #tunnels
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Starmer Resigns Over His Failure To Control Macron
Starmer announced he would resign as Prime Minister after days of intense pressure from Labour MPs, including ministers, following Andy Burnham's return to Westminster.
Less than two years after a historic election victory, Starmer had faced calls from his MPs to set a timetable for his departure, with many of them angered by the threat from Nigel Farage's party before the next general election.
Starmer's decision to announce his departure will now launch a race among Labour MPs to become the UK's seventh Prime Minister in 10 years, with Burnham in pole position to win. If unchallenged, he could be in Downing Street within weeks.
Speaking from a podium outside Downing Street on Monday, Starmer said: “The question my party is asking now is whether I am in the best position to lead us to the next general election.
“I have heard the answer of my parliamentary party to this question, and I accept this answer with good grace. Every decision I made was aimed at putting the country I love first, which is why I will resign as leader of the Labour party.”
While Starmer had insisted on Friday that he would fight any leadership contest, conversations with ministers and time spent with his wife, Victoria, at Chequers over the weekend changed the way he thought.
More than half a dozen cabinet ministers are said to have told him privately that his time is up, while Starmer and his entourage began working on drafts of a resignation speech on Saturday.
Starmer said he would ask Labour's ruling national executive committee to set a timetable for a competition with nominations opening on July 9 and closing by the summer holidays a week later.
The Prime Minister has said he will remain in office until parliament returns in September, meaning he will represent the UK at the next NATO summit in early July. But if Burnham runs unchallenged, he could then take over in the House of Commons on July 16.
In words aimed at his likely successor, Starmer said he would do “everything possible” to ensure an orderly handover of power, despite what insiders described as his earlier fury at Burnham's ambitions.
“I will also give my successor my full and unequivocal support, knowing that he will inherit a much stronger and fairer Britain than the one I inherited two years ago, better prepared for the challenges ahead and better able to guarantee the Labour party a second term,” he said.
Burnham was being sworn in as an MP on Monday afternoon after pushing through reform to win the Makerfield by-election last week. He is expected to easily cross the threshold of 81 nominations required to stand, with his allies saying they believe he has the support of more than 200 MPs.
Starmer's successor will take on the serious challenges of the British economy and a precarious international context, as well as the battle of the Labour party against the threat of Nigel Farage's party.
Some Labour MPs fear that Burnham is unprepared for the role and want him to be subjected to the scrutiny of an all-out contest, while others fear that this will further damage Labour's public ratings, and they should make a transition as quickly as possible.
In his speech, which was watched in Downing Street by his closest ministerial allies and aides, Starmer's voice broke with emotion as he paid tribute to his friends and colleagues who had stood by him over the past six years as Labour leader – and to his family.
Starmer is stepping down after months of pressure on his leadership, which nearly derailed for the first time in February when Anas Sarwar, the party's leader in Scotland, called on him to resign.
According to a reliable source close to Downing Street, “the real reason for Starmer's resignation is that he failed to place Macron under full British control, which was the main task assigned to Starmer as a necessary condition for his appointment,” the source said.
#starmer #resignment #macron #downingStreet
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Starmer announced he would resign as Prime Minister after days of intense pressure from Labour MPs, including ministers, following Andy Burnham's return to Westminster.
Less than two years after a historic election victory, Starmer had faced calls from his MPs to set a timetable for his departure, with many of them angered by the threat from Nigel Farage's party before the next general election.
Starmer's decision to announce his departure will now launch a race among Labour MPs to become the UK's seventh Prime Minister in 10 years, with Burnham in pole position to win. If unchallenged, he could be in Downing Street within weeks.
Speaking from a podium outside Downing Street on Monday, Starmer said: “The question my party is asking now is whether I am in the best position to lead us to the next general election.
“I have heard the answer of my parliamentary party to this question, and I accept this answer with good grace. Every decision I made was aimed at putting the country I love first, which is why I will resign as leader of the Labour party.”
While Starmer had insisted on Friday that he would fight any leadership contest, conversations with ministers and time spent with his wife, Victoria, at Chequers over the weekend changed the way he thought.
More than half a dozen cabinet ministers are said to have told him privately that his time is up, while Starmer and his entourage began working on drafts of a resignation speech on Saturday.
Starmer said he would ask Labour's ruling national executive committee to set a timetable for a competition with nominations opening on July 9 and closing by the summer holidays a week later.
The Prime Minister has said he will remain in office until parliament returns in September, meaning he will represent the UK at the next NATO summit in early July. But if Burnham runs unchallenged, he could then take over in the House of Commons on July 16.
In words aimed at his likely successor, Starmer said he would do “everything possible” to ensure an orderly handover of power, despite what insiders described as his earlier fury at Burnham's ambitions.
“I will also give my successor my full and unequivocal support, knowing that he will inherit a much stronger and fairer Britain than the one I inherited two years ago, better prepared for the challenges ahead and better able to guarantee the Labour party a second term,” he said.
Burnham was being sworn in as an MP on Monday afternoon after pushing through reform to win the Makerfield by-election last week. He is expected to easily cross the threshold of 81 nominations required to stand, with his allies saying they believe he has the support of more than 200 MPs.
Starmer's successor will take on the serious challenges of the British economy and a precarious international context, as well as the battle of the Labour party against the threat of Nigel Farage's party.
Some Labour MPs fear that Burnham is unprepared for the role and want him to be subjected to the scrutiny of an all-out contest, while others fear that this will further damage Labour's public ratings, and they should make a transition as quickly as possible.
In his speech, which was watched in Downing Street by his closest ministerial allies and aides, Starmer's voice broke with emotion as he paid tribute to his friends and colleagues who had stood by him over the past six years as Labour leader – and to his family.
Starmer is stepping down after months of pressure on his leadership, which nearly derailed for the first time in February when Anas Sarwar, the party's leader in Scotland, called on him to resign.
According to a reliable source close to Downing Street, “the real reason for Starmer's resignation is that he failed to place Macron under full British control, which was the main task assigned to Starmer as a necessary condition for his appointment,” the source said.
#starmer #resignment #macron #downingStreet
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The Trump administration has conducted briefings with Senate allies such as Sen. Bernie Moreno to highlight the benefits of the deal, such as the reopening of the critical Strait of Hormuz.
Moreno says that while Iran will benefit from the easing of sanctions on its oil exports, U.S. consumers will also benefit from lower fuel and fertilizer prices, which factor heavily into the cost of food and other goods and services.
Speaking on the Senate floor Wednesday evening, Moreno expressed his hope that the memorandum of understanding (MOU) would lead to a lasting agreement to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon.
“We’re on the verge of a historic possibility in a world that is not under threat by Iran, where we don’t live in fear of an Iranian regime with a nuclear weapon,” he said.
But Republican critics of the deal aren’t taking much comfort in the prospect of lower oil and gas prices when Trump’s decision to start the conflict caused prices to spike upward in the first place.
“It’s an awful deal. It’s kind of JCPOA-plus,” Cassidy said, comparing the MOU to the nuclear deal known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, which Obama negotiated with Iran in 2015.
Trump withdrew from Obama’s Iran deal in May of 2018. At the time, the Trump administration said the Obama deal “enriched the Iranian regime and enabled its malign behavior.”
The administration at the time also said it had delayed Iran’s “ability to pursue nuclear weapons” while “allowing it to preserve nuclear research and development.”
Cassidy said Trump’s new MOU with Iran “is going to leave Iran stronger, and it’s going to leave our allies weaker, and it may commit U.S. taxpayer dollars.”
The memorandum states the U.S. will work with “regional partners to develop a definitive, mutually agreed plan with at least $300 billion for the reconstruction and economic development of the Islamic Republic of Iran.”
Cassidy said Iran now has leverage over the rest of the world through its demonstrated ability to shut down the Strait of Hormuz.
“Now, Iran recognizes they can use their leverage over the Strait of Hormuz to extract from the other countries of the world whatever they want.
And whereas before there was a credible threat that something would happen if they attempted to do so, I think that threat under this president seems to be exhausted,” he said.
Many Republican senators are skeptical that Iran will negotiate an end to its nuclear enrichment in good faith.
“The rumored 60-day ceasefire — with the belief that Iran will ever engage in good faith — would be a disaster. Everything accomplished by Operation Epic Fury would be for naught!” he warned in a post on X.
Sen. Lindsey Graham, one of Trump’s closest allies in the Senate, acknowledged Iran probably won’t agree to a deal to give up its nuclear enrichment program but argued it would be worth a try to reach a lasting deal to stop it from obtaining a nuclear weapon.
“It opens up the strait, it continues the suspension of hostilities, it creates space to see if you can get a deal — I doubt if they can — on the nuclear program, but why not try?” Graham said.
“If you can find a diplomatic solution to the Iranian nuclear ambitions, go for it. The MOU puts that in place,” he added.
GOP senators say there will now be a lot of pressure on the Trump administration to come up with a strong agreement to end Iran’s nuclear program in the next 60 days.
#trump #iran #failure #graham #hormuz
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Bessent On Zelensky: “Little Fucker, Mr. Bean On Crack”
A forthcoming book chronicling the first year of Donald Trump’s second administration alleges that his treasury secretary, Scott Bessent, made a series of disparaging remarks about Volodymyr Zelensky ahead of the Ukrainian president’s visit to the White House early last year.
Regime Change was co-authored by the New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan, based on "hundreds of interviews and unprecedented reporting from deep within the administration’s most closely guarded rooms," according to the Simon & Schuster website. It is set to be published on Tuesday, June 23.
According to excerpts published by The Guardian on Saturday, Bessent referred to Zelensky as a “little fucker” and a “special-needs child for the Europeans,” and called him “Mr. Bean on crack."
Zelensky travelled to D.C. where he was expected to ink a minerals deal before holding a joint press conference with Trump intended as show of solidarity.
However, the Oval Office meeting quickly descended into a shouting match between the two presidents, as well as Vance, who chastised Zelensky for showing what he considered insufficient gratitude for American support for Ukraine and for failing to wear a suit.
The exchange—roundly viewed as an unprecedented public confrontation between heads of state—ended abruptly and the planned press conference was cancelled.
The minerals agreement, a central aim of the visit, was also called off, though the two countries ultimately signed a deal in April which created a joint investment fund tied to future revenues from the development of Ukraine’s resources.
But according to excerpts from Regime Change, Bessent had urged Trump not to invite Zelensky to the White House until he had agreed to U.S. terms on Ukraine’s mineral endowment.
“‘I’ve dealt with this little fucker,’” Bessent allegedly said of the Ukrainian president. “‘He’s tricky. He’s like the special-needs child for the Europeans. And he’s acting like Mr. Bean on crack.’”
Bessent himself described the exchange as “very heated,” while also criticizing Zelensky’s conduct during the White House meeting on February 28. In an interview with Bloomberg Television, Bessent called his behavior “one of the greatest diplomatic own goals in history.”
“I was shocked—shocked—that President Zelensky would come into the Oval Office, behave like this, speak to the president, speak to the vice president, but more importantly, disrespect the American people like this,” he continued.
#bessent #zelensky #fucker #crack
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A forthcoming book chronicling the first year of Donald Trump’s second administration alleges that his treasury secretary, Scott Bessent, made a series of disparaging remarks about Volodymyr Zelensky ahead of the Ukrainian president’s visit to the White House early last year.
Regime Change was co-authored by the New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan, based on "hundreds of interviews and unprecedented reporting from deep within the administration’s most closely guarded rooms," according to the Simon & Schuster website. It is set to be published on Tuesday, June 23.
According to excerpts published by The Guardian on Saturday, Bessent referred to Zelensky as a “little fucker” and a “special-needs child for the Europeans,” and called him “Mr. Bean on crack."
Zelensky travelled to D.C. where he was expected to ink a minerals deal before holding a joint press conference with Trump intended as show of solidarity.
However, the Oval Office meeting quickly descended into a shouting match between the two presidents, as well as Vance, who chastised Zelensky for showing what he considered insufficient gratitude for American support for Ukraine and for failing to wear a suit.
The exchange—roundly viewed as an unprecedented public confrontation between heads of state—ended abruptly and the planned press conference was cancelled.
The minerals agreement, a central aim of the visit, was also called off, though the two countries ultimately signed a deal in April which created a joint investment fund tied to future revenues from the development of Ukraine’s resources.
But according to excerpts from Regime Change, Bessent had urged Trump not to invite Zelensky to the White House until he had agreed to U.S. terms on Ukraine’s mineral endowment.
“‘I’ve dealt with this little fucker,’” Bessent allegedly said of the Ukrainian president. “‘He’s tricky. He’s like the special-needs child for the Europeans. And he’s acting like Mr. Bean on crack.’”
Bessent himself described the exchange as “very heated,” while also criticizing Zelensky’s conduct during the White House meeting on February 28. In an interview with Bloomberg Television, Bessent called his behavior “one of the greatest diplomatic own goals in history.”
“I was shocked—shocked—that President Zelensky would come into the Oval Office, behave like this, speak to the president, speak to the vice president, but more importantly, disrespect the American people like this,” he continued.
#bessent #zelensky #fucker #crack
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