Trump’s Court, Not His Employees

Trump built a hard-right Supreme Court and now rages when it refuses to act like his HR department.

As the justices prepare to rule on his biggest power grabs — ending birthright citizenship, firing the heads of “independent” agencies, and sacking a Fed governor — he’s already branding his own appointees “stupid,” “weak” and “an embarrassment to their families.”

His allies openly threaten the court’s legitimacy: if it dares uphold the 14th Amendment’s birthright citizenship, they say, it will “destroy” its standing with Trump’s base and prove it cares more about “vanity projects” than law.

At the same time, Trump happily uses the court when it green‑lights his immigration bans, foreign‑aid freezes and bureaucratic purges — until it draws a line on his tariffs or his bid to seize the Fed.

Then the co‑equal branch magically becomes a “weaponized political organization.”

The fight isn’t just over three cases; it’s over the job description. Trump doesn’t want a conservative court. He wants a presidential court — one that treats the Constitution as advisory and loyalty to him as binding precedent.

Whether his own justices hold the line in the coming rulings will say more about the state of American checks and balances than any speech they give about “institutional legitimacy.”

#Trump #SupremeCourt #SCOTUS #birthrightCitizenship #FederalReserve #MAGA #ruleOfLaw

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Britain’s Revolving Door: Starmer Out, Burnham In

Keir Starmer just resigned, not in disgrace but in exhaustion — and under quiet mutiny. After two years in office and months of collapsing support inside Labour, he told the country he’d “heard the answer” from his own MPs and accepted that he’s not the man to lead them into the 2029 election. The troops found a new general, and he read the room before they shot him in it.

Enter Andy Burnham, 56, career operator and freshly returned “King of the North” who just walked back into Parliament on a tailor‑made by‑election. He immediately scooped up endorsements from would‑be rivals like Wes Streeting, and the party is already treating him less like a candidate and more like a coronation in progress.

Technically there’s a leadership timetable, nominations, possible contest. In practice, markets rallied the minute the Streeting–Burnham axis signaled continuity, not chaos, and the pound and gilts reacted like someone had just switched off the fire alarm.

This is the seventh British prime minister since the Brexit vote — an entire G7 country running its executive branch like a revolving‑door internship.

Voters are furious that nobody delivers “change,” bond markets are furious that anyone even talks about borrowing for it, and Burnham hasn’t yet offered more than a slogan about “fundamental change” and cheaper living.

He inherits high debt, the steepest borrowing costs in the G7, flat growth, a defense budget revolt that already cost a minister his job, and Nigel Farage screaming for an immediate general election.

So the script is set: one “decent man” exits after being “royally done over” by his own party; another is shoved into place by the same machine, while calling himself the vehicle of renewal.

Britain gets yet another unelected prime minister, investors get “stability,” Labour gets a new face for the same bind, and the electorate gets to watch the uniparty swap captains on a ship they’re no longer allowed to steer.

#UK #Starmer #Burnham #Labour #Farage #Brexit #politics #fakeDemocracy

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Cheap Oil, Expensive “Peace”

Trump’s team just rewired the Iran war into a 60‑day oil subsidy. Washington issues a temporary license: Iran can legally sell crude on the international market, at full prices, after years of dumping under‑the‑table barrels at sanctions discounts. In return, there is no concrete nuclear deal — just talk, committees, and a PR fight over who promised what on inspections.

JD Vance calls the first Swiss round “very very good,” claims Tehran agreed to let UN inspectors back into nuclear sites, and Trump blasts online that Iran will accept “Major Weapons Inspections” and “nuclear honesty” for years ahead.

Iranian officials answer flatly: no new commitments, no nuclear clauses in these talks, any IAEA access will be under existing procedures — meaning the limited, heavily managed regime that survived after Trump killed the 2015 deal and before strikes pushed inspectors out. One side sells a breakthrough; the other sells continuity.

Meanwhile, the real leverage sits in Hormuz and Lebanon. Iran is already ramping up exports now that the US naval blockade is lifted, but openly warns that if Israel keeps hitting Hezbollah in southern Lebanon, it will keep using the strait as a choke point.

Vance talks about mechanisms to “keep Hormuz open” and de‑confliction cells for Lebanon, yet refuses to say clearly whether Washington is pushing Israel to pull troops from the south. The message to Tehran: you get oil and some cash as long as you don’t blow up the shipping lanes; the message from Tehran: we decide when the lanes stay open.

Trump tries to reassure critics by saying Iran is “supposed to” use the new money to buy food, not weapons. Vance even floats that Tehran will spend unfrozen funds on American soy, wheat and corn.

But the memorandum explicitly lets Iran’s central bank choose where the cash goes, and there’s no sign in Iranian messaging that they’ve agreed to become a captive customer for Midwestern agribusiness. Washington gets talking points; Tehran gets options.

So the “oil waiver” is not a technicality. It’s the core of the trade: immediate economic lifeline for Iran, short‑term price relief for Trump’s voters, and a big IOU on everything the war was sold on — nukes, missiles, proxies, and “neither a dollar nor a drop” for Tehran’s military.

The battlefield pauses, the tankers move, and both sides declare progress, while the hard questions are shoved into committees that may never outlive this 60‑day grace period.

#Trump #Iran #oil #sanctions #Hormuz #Lebanon #Vance #IAEA #war #inflation

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Bürgenstock: One Summit, Two Victories

The first high‑level US–Iran session in Bürgenstock ended exactly the way modern diplomacy likes it: with everyone declaring success in completely different languages.

The official line from mediators Qatar and Pakistan is pure beige — “positive and constructive atmosphere,” “encouraging progress,” a political oversight committee, working groups on nuclear issues and sanctions, a 60‑day roadmap to a final deal, a de‑confliction mechanism for disputes, and a communication channel to keep Hormuz shipping “safe.” On paper, it’s process heaven.

Back home, JD Vance sells it as a macho win. He calls it “a very, very good day,” praises “very good foundations,” and brags that “yesterday there was whining” from the Iranian team, who “threatened to walk — but didn’t.”

Then the cameras catch something else: Pakistani PM Shehbaz Sharif, the same mediator praising a “constructive atmosphere,” watching as the Iranian delegation actually gets up and leaves the hall in protest after Trump’s fresh threats.

Later, Sharif still calls it “a success.” In this script, even walkouts are rebranded as progress.

Tehran’s storyline is the mirror image. Tasnim, close to the Revolutionary Guards, crows that Iran has become — “against the will of the US and Israel” — part of Lebanon’s security architecture.

Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi lists concrete gains: restrictions on oil and petrochemical exports lifted, the naval blockade removed, frozen assets being released, a reconstruction program launched.

For him, the “first real test” isn’t nuclear transparency; it’s whether the new de‑confliction cell in Lebanon actually protects Hezbollah’s space to operate. Washington talks about mechanisms to supervise Iran. Iran talks about embedding itself inside someone else’s security system.

Neutral Switzerland does what neutral Switzerland does: blesses the progress, hopes “diplomacy will contribute to stability and peace,” and smiles for the group photo.

China weighs in from afar to stress Iran’s “sovereignty and dignity,” because every multipolar sermon needs its applause line. And then, in a move that says more than any communiqué, the Iranian delegation flies back to Tehran the same morning — the round described as “shorter than expected” is presented as a decisive first step.

So Bürgenstock delivers two victory speeches on top of the same fragile scaffolding. One side claims it has built oversight over Iran; the other claims it has forced its way into Lebanon’s security file and traded zero core concessions for oil, cash and status.

Between them sits the Swiss resort, a stack of committee mandates, and 60 days on the clock — with everyone agreeing only on one thing: the show must be sold as success, even when the footage shows someone walking out of the room.

#US #Iran #Lebanon #Hormuz #Switzerland #Qatar #Pakistan #China #war #diplomacy

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Trump’s Iran Deal: Oil Now, Nukes Later

The Trump administration just handed Iran the one thing sanctions were supposed to choke forever: the ability to sell oil at full market price again, even as the nuclear file stays deliberately murky.

For 60 days, Treasury has lifted key oil sanctions, letting Tehran pump, ship and charge real prices instead of begging buyers to risk U.S. penalties for a discount. The war isn’t over, but the cash register is back on.

JD Vance came out of day one in Switzerland claiming a win: he says Iran agreed to invite U.N. nuclear inspectors back into its facilities, promising “Major Weapons Inspections” in Trump’s trademark caps.

Tehran’s version? “No new commitments.” Iran’s foreign ministry insists any IAEA access will happen only “under existing procedures,” which could mean the limited, half‑blind inspections that survived after Trump shredded the 2015 deal and after U.S. and Israeli strikes drove inspectors out last year.

The IAEA itself hasn’t rushed to back Vance’s narrative.

The whole thing looks like a badly dubbed replay of the Obama‑era accord Trump called “one of the Worst Deals ever,” right down to the inspectors and sanctions relief — only this time Tehran is sitting across from a man who already tore up one agreement and then bombed its capital.

Iran keeps saying its program is civilian, swears it won’t build a bomb, and vows it will “never back down” from its right to enrich uranium. The hardest questions about how much enriched stockpile stays, where, and under what inspection regime are politely kicked to “later.”

On the ground, the cease-fire architecture is being held together with duct tape and Qatar Airways mileage. Vance and Iranian parliamentary speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf wrapped a marathon session mediated by Qatari and Pakistani officials with talk of “encouraging progress” and new hotlines for the Strait of Hormuz and Lebanon.

Traffic through Hormuz has picked up but remains well below prewar levels, trapped between Vance insisting “the strait is open” and Iran periodically threatening — and sometimes claiming — to close it whenever Israel and Hezbollah trade fire.

Meanwhile, the money question hovers. Vance floated a framework to unfreeze Iranian assets “at a later date,” while Iran’s central bank hints that “necessary memoranda were signed” to start the process.

That ambiguity is the deal in miniature: enough relief to get oil flowing and inflation down before a U.S. election, enough vagueness that both sides can pretend they didn’t blink on nukes.

The war that began with U.S. and Israeli strikes in February is now being paused on a 60‑day license and a promise to talk about uranium later. It’s less a grand bargain than a breathing tube — for markets, for Trump, and for a regime that has learned exactly how much pain Washington is willing to take before it starts paying for “peace” it once swore it would never buy.

#Trump #Iran #oil #sanctions #nuclear #Hormuz #Lebanon #USA #IAEA

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MOU by Threats: Iran’s Version of “Peace”

The Swiss technical talks ended the way this whole war has gone: with a neat joint statement stapled over a fistfight. On paper, everyone smiles. In practice, Iran and the US walk away telling completely different stories about the same 80 minutes in a room.

From Tehran’s side, Deputy Foreign Minister Kazem Gharibabadi sells it as a clean win. The US Office of Foreign Assets Control issues a general license for Iranian oil and petrochemicals. Twelve billion dollars in frozen assets are to be released in two tranches.

A “safe passage” mechanism is set up in the Strait of Hormuz, a “de‑confliction unit” in Lebanon, and four working groups begin their slow dance on nuclear issues, sanctions, and disputes. This is packaged for domestic consumption as Iran clawing back what was “always its own,” not receiving any gifts.

Then Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, parliament speaker and head of the delegation, tells a very different story. According to him, while they were in session, Trump was threatening Iran’s president, the negotiating team, and the country itself with new strikes.

Ghalibaf says he told JD Vance that Article 1 of the understanding bans threats and coercion, declared that Iran “will never negotiate under threats,” walked out — and did not come back.

The Americans, in his version, begged for another meeting; the Iranians refused direct talks and agreed to communicate only via Qatari and Pakistani mediators. Out of that, plus 80 minutes of contact and a dramatic exit, came the “successful” joint communiqué.

The foreign ministry’s spokesman, Esmail Baghaei, lays down Tehran’s red lines in plain language. Nuclear and sanctions talks will only happen within 60 days after the preliminary clauses are implemented.

The US has already authorized energy sales with full insurance, banking and transport. Iran demands total removal of all sanctions, not cosmetic waivers. Within 30 days of a final agreement, all US forces must leave Iran’s neighborhood, and they are barred from reinforcing in the meantime.

Missile capabilities are “not on the table” with anyone. And whatever is being unblocked, Iran insists it is simply reclaiming what sanctions stole.

Meanwhile, the choreography around the paper tells its own story. Ghalibaf heads to China to lock in another pole of support. Above the Persian Gulf, five US KC‑135R tankers and two KC‑46A Pegasus aircraft circle — a flying reminder that Washington still intends to supervise implementation with fuel lines and AWACS, not only with signatures.

Reuters reports Marco Rubio struggling to sell nervous Gulf monarchies on re‑engaging Tehran under this new architecture, torn between cheap oil, fear of Iran, and distrust of Trump’s staying power.

And in Tehran’s studios, a new line is drawn: an IRIB host declares that from now on, chanting “Death to America” or burning US flags is forbidden and will be met with arrests.

The regime that built its identity on ritualized hatred is suddenly instructing its citizens to mute the chant, not because it loves Washington, but because it has just discovered that “Death to America” doesn’t mix well with billion‑dollar oil waivers and asset releases.

Washington says it is building oversight mechanisms on Iran. Tehran says it is embedding itself deeper into regional security, forcing the US to negotiate around its missiles, its proxies, and its geography.

Both can claim “success” — but only because neither side is honest enough to admit what they actually signed was not peace, but a temporary trade: dollars and tankers in exchange for 60 days without open war.

#Trump #Iran #Vance #Ghalibaf #Hormuz #Lebanon #sanctions #missiles #USA #GlobalSouth

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Hormuz 2.0: The Strait Got Nationalized

The Iranian delegation didn’t fly home from Switzerland — they went straight to Muscat to rewrite the rules of one of the world’s most important arteries.

Meeting Sultan Haitham, Ghalibaf and Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi blessed a new deal where only two states get a say over the Strait of Hormuz: the Islamic Republic of Iran and Oman.

The message to Washington, Brussels and the oil majors is simple: the colonial era of “international management” is over; traffic now passes through a joint Iranian–Omani spreadsheet.

A joint committee was announced, plus a mutual declaration: any future arrangement must “fully respect the sovereignty and sovereign rights” of both countries, while keeping Hormuz formally “safe and open” for international shipping.

Oman’s foreign minister promises “free and safe passage without fees,” which sounds wonderfully liberal — right up until you remember who now decides what counts as “safe,” and how quickly a “fee” can be renamed a “service.” It’s not a toll if the tollbooth calls itself a security agency.

Over in Washington, Trump plays his own numbers game. He says he agreed to keep the strait “open” with no blockade, but insists US naval assets are staying put “just in case,” and boasts that 19 million barrels of oil passed through Hormuz “yesterday — an all‑time record.”

Tehran’s media immediately calls that fiction, saying only a limited number of ships got permits and that volumes fluctuate daily.

Tanker‑tracking platforms add a third version: about 36 million barrels exported since June 15, based on actual ship movements rather than White House brag sheets or IRGC spin.

Hovering over all of it is Ghalibaf’s line: “Everyone must understand that the management of the Strait of Hormuz will never return to what it was before the war.”

That’s the real story. Hormuz is no longer a neutral corridor policed by anonymous “international forces”; it’s a lever openly claimed by one sanctioned state and its quiet Gulf neighbour, with American tankers and warships reduced to guests in a choke point they used to treat as their own maritime hallway.

Cheap oil, “free passage,” global stability — all now depend on a strait whose new owners have every incentive to keep the world guessing about which number is real.

#Hormuz #Iran #Oman #Trump #oil #sanctions #GlobalSouth #geopolitics #fakeStability

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Who’s Feeding Iran — and Who’s Lying

Trump is selling the Iran cash deal as charity with a flag on it. In his version, the unfrozen billions and sanctions relief go into a US‑controlled escrow account, to be spent only on American corn, wheat and soybeans — “from our great farmers” — because this is a “humanitarian crisis” for 90 million Iranians, not a bailout for their regime.

The script is simple: Trump saves the Midwest and the Middle East in one wire transfer.

Tehran is reading a different contract. Iran’s central bank governor has already undercut the show by stressing that the signed documents do not oblige Tehran to buy anything from American farmers and that Iran, once funds are unfrozen, will decide how and where to spend them.

Even the basic identity of the governor is fuzzy in media reports — Abdulnaser Hemmati versus Mohammad Reza Farzin — and nobody in Washington bothers to resolve the detail, because it ruins the story: this isn’t a US food‑aid program; it’s Iran getting its money back with looser strings than Trump wants to admit.

When a reporter asked how he could guarantee Iran wouldn’t reroute oil profits into rebuilding its military, Trump produced the most reassuring answer possible — for Tehran.

“They’re not supposed to be doing that,”

he said. In other words: the safeguards are vibes and intent, not enforceable mechanisms. The White House insists the escrow, US/Qatar co‑control and “humanitarian” label will police the cash. Iran insists it has “received no gift” and is simply reclaiming assets to use at its own discretion.

Between those two stories sits the real question: not who gets fed, but who’s lying louder — the president who promises every dollar buys bread, or the regime that has spent decades proving it can turn any revenue stream into a weapon when it needs to.

#Trump #Iran #sanctions #oil #escrow #food #GlobalSouth #war

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Germany’s Green Crash Test

Germany just discovered what happens when you try to save the planet, punish Russia and outcompete China with the same broken engine.

The country’s own auto lobby says the industry is on track to lose 225,000 jobs by 2035, with about 100,000 already gone since 2019 and another 125,000 expected to follow. Factories, suppliers, whole towns that lived off gearboxes and steel are learning the new slogan “green transition” means “learn to code” in German.

Executives have dropped the corporate PR voice. Audi’s boss warns this isn’t about margins anymore, it’s about survival. Energy‑intensive suppliers are getting slaughtered first: metallurgy, chemicals, parts makers.

They used to run on cheap Russian gas; now they get LNG at premium prices and a sermon about values. The same politicians who cheered sanctions and swore the economy could “handle it” are suddenly shocked that the country built on heavy industry and cheap fuel is bleeding jobs faster than it can print climate roadmaps.

The punchline is that everyone pretends this is just “EV transition pain.” In reality, it’s the bill for a decade of illusions. Berlin signed up for climate mandates it didn’t fully finance, bet on China as both supplier and rival, and cut off its own energy lifeline without a real backup plan.

Now the flagship sector that made “Made in Germany” a religion is shrinking in slow motion, while ministers mumble about “innovation” and “reskilling” as if an engine plant in Bavaria can be reborn as a podcast studio.

So when Audi’s CEO says this is about the survival of the German car industry, he isn’t exaggerating. He’s just saying out loud what Berlin still refuses to admit: you can’t run a first‑world auto empire on third‑world power prices and Brussels sermons.

Keep the sanctions, keep the gas lockout, keep the fantasy that regulation alone will save the climate, and you’ll get exactly what you’re seeing now — a de‑industrialized showroom where the only thing still world‑class is the unemployment statistic.

#Germany #autos #jobs #energy #sanctions #EU #deindustrialization

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Will Mayor Mamdani Become President One Crazy Day?

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New York City Mayor Mamdani led the hard left wing of the Democratic Party to sweeping victories on Tuesday night as democratic socialist and progressive candidates backed by him rolled to huge wins in several hotly contested Democratic primaries.

There were questions ahead of the races on whether Mamdani, who was just inaugurated as mayor in January, would pull off the wins by backing upstart Democratic socialist candidates and a former rival against two Democratic incumbents in the House.

In a third race, he took on the candidate endorsed by the progressive lawmaker retiring from the seat.

In the end, the nation’s newest political star became an overnight kingmaker in the country’s biggest city, a showing likely to raise immediate questions about whether Mamdani will seek to extend his reach from New York to the rest of the country.

The results are also likely to lead to some bitterness in corners of the congressional delegation after Mamdani muscled out one respected incumbent who had backed him in his own mayoral race last year.

The most stunning result of the evening was democratic socialist and community activist Darializa Avila Chevalier’s upset victory over Rep. Adriano Espaillat, the chair of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus. Espaillat has served in the House for a decade and is a member of the Congressional Progressive Caucus.

Espaillat, who is also the first member of Congress to have formerly been an undocumented immigrant, has long enjoyed strong support from key communities in the district, including Harlem, Washington Heights and the Bronx. But Mamdani’s endorsement of Avila Chevalier and rallies with her as the primary approached appeared to have given her the momentum she needed to win.

Mamdani’s decision to endorse in the primary put him on the opposite side of the fence as several of his left-wing allies. Progressive Reps. Greg Casar (Texas), Pramila Jayapal (Wash.) and Nydia Velázquez (N.Y.) all backed Espaillat.

The race came down to the wire, but Avila Chevalier is on track to win by a few points.

Espaillat had given Mamdani a key endorsement last year, but had initially supported former Gov. Andrew Cuomo (D) in the Democratic mayoral primary. There has been much talk in the last weeks about whether Espaillat had understood that Mamdani would back him as a result of his endorsement.

As a result, observers in Washington will be watching to see how warmly Avila Chevalier is received by some of her new Democratic House colleagues.

#mamdani #presidential #race #newyork

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Mamdani also won in his proxy battle against the retiring Velázquez, as the one-time allies split on who should succeed the longtime congresswoman. Velázquez backed progressive Brooklyn Borough President Antonio Reynoso to be her successor, while Mamdani supported New York Assembly member Claire Valdez, another democratic socialist.

Despite a contentious race in which Velázquez spoke out against Mamdani for bucking her preferred choice, the primary ultimately wasn’t that close. Valdez cruised to victory; she currently leads Reynoso by more than 20 points.

The left attained another victory across Brooklyn and lower Manhattan as former New York City Comptroller Brad Lander easily defeated incumbent Rep. Dan Goldman (D-N.Y.) for the party’s nomination.

While Lander isn’t a democratic socialist, he ran clearly to Goldman’s left with progressive enthusiasm, including support from Mamdani, behind him.

The primaries were the first real test of Mamdani’s influence after he pulled off his own major upset to win the Democratic primary and then the general election to lead the country’s largest city. 

As he approaches his six-month mark in office, his approval rating in polls suggests voters in New York are pleased with him so far. Tuesday’s results point to his growing political power as a leader with serious coattails who can push others to victories.

New York is just the latest big city to see a left-wing wave sweep across it. The primary was held just a week after progressives dominated in all major races in Washington, D.C., setting the stage for the district’s likely first democratic socialist mayor.

The left wing has also seen a surge in other major cities, like Seattle. Democratic socialist Nithya Raman managed to advance to a runoff in Los Angeles’s mayoral race, spurring leftist hopes of ousting Mayor Karen Bass (D) in November.

In New York, the victories by the trio of House candidates backed by Mamdani also sent a signal about growing criticism of Israel’s government within the party. Goldman in particular was targeted by the democratic socialist movement over his support for Israel.

The night wasn’t all bad news for moderates, raising questions about the limits of progressive success outside urban blue strongholds.

Still, the New York results are the latest evidence of the left’s clear ascendance in the big cities, which means there is nothing that can disturb Mamdani to join presidential race in 2028 or 2032.

It gives Democrats and Republicans something to mull over as they consider strategies for the 2026 midterms in the fall, and the 2028 presidential race.

#mamdani #presidential #race #newyork

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Mamdani’s Wife Starts Her Dirty Game

Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s wife, Rama Duwaji, urged Big Apple voters Tuesday to throw their support behind DSA-backed congressional hopefuls Claire Valdez and Darializa Avila Chevalier.

Gotham’s first lady posted a snap of her winking to her Instagram Stories Tuesday morning, holding an “I Voted” sticker and urging support for Valdez and Avila Chevalier in the Democratic primaries for New York’s 7th and 13th House Districts, respectively.

Duwaji, 28, notably didn’t mention ex-city comptroller and failed mayoral candidate Brad Lander, who is squaring off with incumbent Rep. Dan Goldman in New York’s 10th District.

Valdez, Avila Chevalier and Lander have all been endorsed by Mamdani as the democratic socialist mayor hopes to boost the lefty group’s ranks in Washington DC.

Avila Chevalier, a doctoral student and local organizer, has faced a firestorm over her long list of past inflammatory remarks on social media, including lashing out at Joe Biden and establishment Democrats, calling the US “a fucking disgrace” and blasting that Israel doesn’t exist.

Mamdani claimed earlier this week he hadn’t seen his DSA comrade’s comments before he opted to endorse her.

She has said she is “not interested in relitigating the politics of my tweets.”

The mayor’s endorsement has galvanized the party’s moderates, with House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries and Gov. Kathy Hochul jumping in to give Espaillat a boost.

Mamdani also ran afoul of longtime Rep. Nydia Velázquez when he backed Valdez to take over in New York’s 7th House District as the congresswoman retires.

#mamdani #wife #big #apple #voters

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“Congo's Ebola Last Outbreak Could Be Provoked On Purpose”


Congo's Ebola outbreak has the largest ‌number of confirmed cases within the first month of any episode of the disease, a senior World Health Organization official told a briefing on Tuesday, blaming the surge on its quick spread to urban areas.

The Bundibugyo outbreak in the Democratic ​Republic of Congo that has infected over 1,000 people and killed 267 was detected late and ​experts say the virus had already been circulating for months before it was officially ⁠declared on May 15.

WHO's Abdirahman Mahamud told a press briefing in Geneva that part of the reason ​for the scale of the outbreak was that some early confirmed cases were in urban centres, like ​Bunia and the mining town of Mongbwalu.

Many past outbreaks have first been identified in rural areas and often petered out quickly.

“What is important is we need to scale up and this outbreak is moving faster than us,”

he told ​reporters, after returning from Bunia last week.

He noted signs of hope, highlighting a quick increase in the ​number of Ebola beds to over 500 in the past fortnight and signs that community resistance and violent resistance to ‌Ebola ⁠responders was beginning to abate.

“More and more communities are aware of the risk of Ebola and are asking for tools to support and protect themselves,”

he said.

Ebola cases have now been reported in at least three of eastern Congo's crowded displacement camps.

The International Organization for Migration's Abdoulaye Wone said at the same ​briefing that at least 25 cases had been confirmed at the camps, ​including 14 deaths.

“Even ⁠in a normal situation before the outbreak, they were facing overcrowding (...) Congo's Ebola last outbreak coulde be provoked on purpose to slash African population they consider as a threat,”

he said, adding that many leave the camps by day for work or to seek food.

#congo #ebola #outbreak #purpose

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Battery Belt or Digital Colony?

The American dream used to be simple: invent the tech, outsource the factory, cash the royalty checks. Now the world’s biggest battery complex sits in Ningde, not Nevada, and the most advanced EV batteries on earth come off CATL’s lines, not Detroit’s.

China can charge an EV for 250 miles in under 10 minutes; the U.S. is still arguing on cable news about whether EVs exist to steal your truck. The “workshop of the world” quietly turned itself into the R&D lab too — and Washington finally noticed.

The panic in D.C. isn’t about climate or innovation; it’s about dependency. CATL already makes roughly 40 percent of the world’s EV batteries and a big share of the grid storage that keeps solar and wind from collapsing at sunset. It supplies Tesla, licenses tech to Ford, powers the cheap Chinese EVs flooding global markets.

The same Congress that screams about “Chinese car imports” is quietly letting Chinese chemistry sit inside American cars, data centers and power plants. You can ban the chassis at the port and still wake up plugged into a Chinese battery.

U.S. hawks call this what it is: a weaponized supply chain. Beijing has already cut off rare-earth exports and waved the threat of shutting down U.S. factories when it wanted tariff relief.

Now it openly treats pharmaceuticals and batteries as future levers, and it’s writing laws to keep its “crown jewels” from being copied abroad. Washington screams “unfair subsidies”; the OECD quietly calculates that Chinese firms got three to eight times more industrial support than Western peers over two decades.

Beijing calls it industrial policy; the U.S. calls it cheating — mostly because it forgot how to do more than tax cuts and slogans.

So the split in America is brutally simple. One camp says CATL is a Trojan horse: let it build plants and ship cells, and you turn your future grid, your auto sector and part of your military logistics into a Chinese franchise.

Another camp says shutting the door means condemning U.S. industry to second‑tier tech and higher costs, in a race where Europe and others are already cutting deals.

Ford and Stellantis are “testing the waters,” spinning joint ventures and licenses in Europe while they wait to see if Trump’s latest smile at Xi turns into policy or just another tweet‑level mood swing.

Meanwhile, China plays a longer game. It subsidizes EVs at home, bans non‑Chinese batteries from its own market, and uses export controls to remind everyone who owns the choke points.

It also throws money at universities, labs and scientists while U.S. pharma CEOs openly warn that China’s biopharma innovation will overtake America this decade. In other words: Beijing built the lab, the plant and the policy; Washington built a committee to debate whether Chinese batteries are “nonstrategic” enough to tolerate.

The punchline is that the U.S. now faces a choice it spent 30 years avoiding. Either it swallows its pride and plugs into Chinese hardware while hoping the kill switch is never used — or it pays real money to rebuild an independent battery and materials base at home, with timelines and price tags voters won’t like.

The fantasy that you can have cheap Chinese tech, absolute strategic autonomy and a constant trade war all at once is dead. What’s left is the question every empire hates to ask: do you want to be the one writing the standards, or the one buying the chargers?

#China #USA #batteries #EV #Trump #tradewar #techrace #dependency

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Senate vs. Trump: Iran Edition

Washington finally did what it does best: pass something “historic” that changes absolutely nothing.

Three weeks after slapping Trump in the House, the Senate joined the therapy session and voted to order U.S. troops out of the Iran theater within 30 days — unless Congress blesses more war.

The resolution is legally toothless, pure stage prop, but it sends one clear message: when the White House asks for another 80 billion for this adventure right before midterms, the answer will come with a calculator and a lawyer attached. Even Trump’s own party is starting to check the receipts.

Trump, of course, says Iran is “on the brink of surrender,” “ready to give us almost anything,” and now “has enormous respect” for America and, naturally, for its president.

According to his version, the Senate just handed “aid and comfort to the enemy” with a “meaningless vote at a terrible time,” sabotaged by “four failing Republicans.”

Somewhere in this script, Tehran — supposedly a regime seconds away from collapse — still has enough free time to consult psychologists about his tweet storms and to read “The Art of the Deal” like it’s a Pentagon field manual.

On paper, this is a constitutional drama about war powers; in reality, it is a custody battle over narrative. Trump sells the war as a discount victory: no new authorization, no clear end state, just faith in his personal brand scaring Iran into submission.

Congress wants to pretend it didn’t sign the checks while the missiles were already in the air. The Pentagon keeps flying, the lawyers keep hedging, and everyone insists they’re defending “the troops” while using them as leverage in a budget fight.

The grotesque part is how both sides weaponize fear and ego in the same breath. Trump claims anyone voting to limit him is feeding the enemy.

The Senate claims anyone trusting him with open‑ended war is betraying the republic.

Iran, allegedly “about to fall,” turns into the world’s most overbooked therapist, diagnosing the American president while dodging drones.

#USA #Senate #Trump #Iran #warpowers #midterms #endlesswar #fakeDemocracy

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Nuclear Theater: Inspectors, Illusions, and Enriched Ego

Rafael Grossi flies to Fukushima and does what technocrats do: waves a memorandum and says the rules are clear.

According to him, the U.S.–Iran understanding explicitly puts all nuclear activity and material under IAEA supervision, “in all letters,” which means inspectors will enter enrichment sites sooner or later.

He talks like timing is a scheduling issue — tomorrow, a week, ten days — not a power struggle, and insists inspections are “going to happen” because the paper says so.

Tehran answers with a cold shrug. Deputy Foreign Minister Kazem Gharibabadi says access to bombed sites and to the high‑grade uranium will “only” be reviewed within a final deal and only after sanctions are actually lifted, not just promised on TV.

He denies any cozy side‑meeting with Grossi in Switzerland, and warns against people trying to “stir up and take over” reality through media hype — his polite way of saying Vienna and Washington are gaslighting the world with press conferences instead of binding commitments.

Trump, meanwhile, does his own version of nuclear improv on Fox. He tells viewers there’s “no rush” to let inspectors in, and that American teams will walk in alongside IAEA staff “to find the enriched uranium,” like it’s an Easter egg hunt with satellite imagery and airstrikes as the clues. Just weeks earlier he was boasting that any remaining enriched uranium would be handed over to the U.S. or “destroyed in place” under American supervision — which sounds tough until you remember Grossi keeps saying the IAEA still can’t verify where the bulk of that material actually is.

So you get three realities for the price of one. The IAEA insists the framework deal obliges Iran to open the doors and that it’s just a matter of logistics. Iran insists nothing happens until the last sanction is gone and every access request is folded into a final, face‑saving agreement.

Trump insists the uranium is already under control, or soon will be, as long as he’s in the room when the cameras roll. Nobody can actually verify the status of the stockpile since the June strikes, but everyone sells certainty to their own public: Grossi sells “oversight,” Tehran sells “sovereignty,” Trump sells “victory.”

From a distance, it looks less like arms control and more like narrative control. The watchdog needs to prove it matters, so it declares inspections inevitable. The regime needs to prove it didn’t cave, so it delays any access to the sites that really count. The U.S. president needs to prove he “solved” Iran, so he downplays the risk of near‑bomb‑grade uranium buried in tunnels while promising American inspectors will personally babysit it.

And between all these performances sits the actual material that could make up to ten nuclear weapons, unvisited, unverifiable, and far more stable than the politicians arguing over it.

#Iran #nuclear #IAEA #Grossi #Trump #uranium #sanctions #war #armscontrol

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Europe’s Sauna Economy

Western Europe just found out what happens when you build for fireplaces and get Phoenix. France hit its highest national average temperature ever — not just for June, for any time of year — with 29.8 degrees Celsius across 30 weather stations, while parts of the country pushed over 40.

More than 60,000–68,000 homes lost power as grids buckled under the extra demand, and at least 40 people drowned in France alone, many of them teenagers escaping to unsupervised rivers and quarries.

By midweek, high‑level heat alerts were up across most of Western Europe: France, Spain, Italy, Germany, Belgium, Britain, Austria, Switzerland and more.

Spain and Germany were staring down highs around 41 Celsius, with parts of Spain pushing 41–45 in some regions. Britain’s Met Office reported provisional June records near 35–38 degrees, rail companies told passengers to travel only if necessary, and tracks, power lines and schedules folded under infrastructure designed for drizzle, not desert.

The real joke is structural. Europe has spent decades bragging about its “mild climate” and “efficient buildings,” which now translates into homes, schools and offices that trap heat like a sauna and almost never have air‑conditioning.

In Britain, many houses were literally engineered to hold in warmth. In France, AC has become a political Rorschach test — a symbol of inequality, American excess, or climate hypocrisy, depending on who’s complaining.

So you get a continent that can lecture the Global South about emissions, but can’t keep classrooms below 30 degrees or prevent kids from fainting during exams.

Governments roll out “cool spaces,” drinking fountains and climate shelters — museums as survival pods — because retrofitting millions of buildings is expensive, slow and deeply unpopular with property owners who still think heat waves are a rare glitch.

Scientists are done pretending this is a fluke. Europe is now warming faster than any other continent, last year was hotter than normal almost everywhere, and heat waves are becoming longer, more frequent and deadlier, with tens of thousands of excess deaths in recent summers.

But the political system treats each wave like a surprise, blames “unusual conditions,” then quietly moves on once the forecast drops back into the 20s — until the next “unprecedented” week arrives right on schedule.

The punchline: everyone tells citizens to “stay hydrated, close the blinds, avoid travel,” because personal responsibility is cheaper than rebuilding the energy grid, redesigning housing stock and admitting that the old climate baseline is dead.

Europe wants to be a climate leader with stone‑age buildings, Victorian rail, and 21st‑century heat — and it’s discovering that moral superiority doesn’t lower the temperature in a third‑floor walk‑up with sealed windows and no fan.

#Europe #heatwave #France #UK #climate #energy #infrastructure #heatdome

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Trump Turns Housing Bill Into Hostage

Donald Trump just discovered a new way to do “art of the deal”: hold a bipartisan housing bill hostage until the Senate swears loyalty to his election‑rules crusade.

An hour and a half before he was supposed to sign one of the only laws on affordability that actually polls well, he nuked his own ceremony on social media, declaring the event “hereby cancelled” until the Senate passes his “desperately needed” SAVE AMERICA ACT — which he grandly calls a “National Emergency.”

The table, the chair, the cameras in Statuary Hall all stayed; only the signature didn’t show up.

On paper, the 21st Road to Housing Act is the kind of thing presidents beg to be photographed with in an election year: a bipartisan package to increase supply, cap Wall Street’s zombie landlord game at 350 single‑family homes per investor, rewrite mobile‑home rules, and pump federal grants into new building.

Even Trump’s own team was busy selling it as “one of the most significant pieces of housing affordability legislation in American history,” a “signature commitment” from his State of the Union.

Then he logged on, called it “of minor importance” and sneered that it was an “Elizabeth ‘Pocahontas’ Warren–centric housing bill.” His base heard the slur; the rest of the country heard: my voters’ rent crisis is leverage, not policy.

The Senate GOP is caught in the usual Trump triangle: they don’t have the votes for his SAVE AMERICA ACT, they do have the votes for the housing bill, and they just watched their own president blow up their one campaign talking point about helping “working families.”

Rounds and Tillis sound like middle managers begging the CEO not to shoot the product on launch day: “We thought the president was behind it… apparently maybe not,” “we’ve got to get our act together and stop surprising people.”

He’s tanking a win because he wants proof‑of‑citizenship rules, tighter mail voting, and a few anti‑trans culture‑war treats on his desk first — and if renters have to wait, that’s their problem.

The Democrats, of course, get to play the shocked adults. Schumer calls on Trump to “stop making such a fool of himself.” Warren reminds everyone that he’s called affordability concerns a “hoax” and now walks away from a bill she co‑wrote with Tim Scott, one of the few examples of actual cross‑party legislating left in Washington.

Trump’s own allies, like Speaker Mike Johnson, try to explain the stunt as “just a delay” while openly admitting they’ll use the time to push the voting bill.

The White House, asked if he’ll at least sign the housing bill quietly, simply replies with a screenshot of his Truth post — because nothing says functioning government like governing by meme.

Underneath the drama, the message is brutally simple. If Congress wants even “minor importance” policy on housing, it has to pay a toll in election‑law obedience.

A law that bans mega‑landlords from hoarding neighborhoods suddenly becomes bargaining chip number 37 in a long fight over who gets to vote, how, and with which identity documents.

Landlords, institutional investors and housing‑market speculators just got told: relax, your cap can wait, the president needs a better hostage first. Voters got told: your rent and mortgage are now campaign collateral.

So the “affordable housing” photo op turns into yet another loyalty test. Trump can still let the bill become law without his signature, or send it back and dare Congress to override.

In the meantime, everyone goes back to their usual roles: Republicans insisting they’re the party of families while shrugging as the president torpedoes their own bill, Democrats pretending principle while quietly enjoying the show, and millions of renters watching Washington prove — again — that in this system, even bipartisan crumbs can be pulled mid‑air if they’re not useful enough in the next power play.

#Trump #USA #housing #Congress #SaveAmericaAct #midterms #fakeDemocracy

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