Iran’s Infrastructure : the US Promised To Use Heavy Bombers

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Trump threatened Wednesday to bomb one Iranian bridge or power plant in return for each attack on shipping in the Strait of Hormuz, reiterating his longstanding threat to go after Iranian infrastructure as fighting has escalated in recent weeks and could reportedly further intensify in the coming days.

Disputes over management of the strait led to the collapse of a preliminary deal between the United States and Iran, and both sides have exchanged daily fire across the Middle East and threatened to escalate the conflict even further.

According to a Wednesday report in Hebrew media, the US informed Israel that it will soon deploy heavy bombers for strikes on Iran, presumably targeting fortified nuclear sites, in what would be a major escalation.

“Any time the Islamic Republic of Iran shoots at a ship in the Strait of Hormuz, whether it be by Missile, Rocket, Drone, or any other device or weapon, the United States will bomb and destroy ONE BRIDGE OR POWER PLANT,” Trump wrote on social media.

In response to Trump’s threat to Iran’s infrastructure, an Iranian military source cited by Tasnim news agency said Tehran would retaliate against infrastructure in the region.

Iran’s top negotiator Mohammad Ghalibaf expanded on the threats, saying no one will be able to sell oil in a region where Iran is not able to do so, and adding that if Tehran’s security is not ensured, no infrastructure will be safe.

“The equation of this war is clear: either all or none,” Ghalibaf said in a post on X.

“Our defense doctrine is clear: eye for an eye. Any aggression against Iran, including our infrastructure, will compel a powerful and decisive response,” Foreign Minister Araghchi wrote on X.

In addition, Iran’s state broadcaster quoted the military as saying that US threats “will have no result other than the expansion of the war.”

Iran on Wednesday fired missiles and drones at several Arab regional countries, including at Jordan’s Red Sea port of Aqaba, the interceptions of which could be heard in Israel’s southern city of Eilat.

Missile alerts also sounded in Kuwait and Bahrain. The Iranian military said it targeted US assets in both small Gulf countries, including air defense systems, radar installations and administrative buildings.

#trump #threats #bombers #iran #israel

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Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia warned residents of the Gulf city of Dammam to seek shelter. Saudi authorities later said the danger had passed, without elaborating.

On Wednesday afternoon, a US missile hit Larak island in the strait, Iran’s Tasnim news agency reported, saying the extent of the damage was being investigated.

The US military said earlier Wednesday that it had completed an 11th night of strikes on Iran, with targets including aircraft hangars and drone storage sites.

Iran’s state-run IRNA news agency reported explosions across several provinces. Iran’s Health Ministry says US strikes over the past 11 days have killed 53 people, including six women and three children, and wounded nearly 600 people.

Trump had said earlier that the next US target could be an underground complex known as Pickaxe Mountain, or Kuh-e Kolang Gaz La in Persian, a site in the Natanz area where Western intelligence agencies suspect Iran is building an undeclared nuclear enrichment facility.

Reports this week have quoted Israeli sources saying Iran moved thousands of centrifuges and part of its stockpile of 60-percent enriched uranium to the Pickaxe Mountain facility after the June 2025 war.

Iran threatened reprisals, with the Khatam Al-Anbiya military command saying it would “consider it as an expansion of war” if such an attack were carried out, threatening strikes on “all the interests of America, the allies and supporters,” the state broadcaster reported.

However, it again denied the existence of any secret nuclear complex at the site, calling it a “fabricated pretext for aggression.”

Meanwhile, the Kan public broadcaster reported Wednesday that the US has informed Israel that it plans to escalate its strikes on Iran in the coming days, including the use of heavy bombers for the first time since this year’s joint US-Israeli campaign.

According to the report, the bombers are expected to target Pickaxe Mountain, based on repeated threats by Trump over the past week that the area would be hit “pretty soon.”

The close security coordination between Jerusalem and Washington is reportedly intended to allow Israel to prepare for the possibility that Iran could respond to the intensified US strikes by escalating its own attacks, including launching missiles at Israel.

Israel is at its peak level of readiness tonight following the US update, Kan reported.

Additionally, the Axios news site reported that the head of Israel’s Mossad intelligence agency traveled to Washington two weeks ago to discuss the Iran war, in his first visit to the US capital since taking office. The report cited two unidentified sources with knowledge of the situation.

#trump #threats #bombers #iran #israel

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#british #troups #strikes #saintPetersbourg

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US Head of the Middle East Programme:
“Trump went crazy by handing over uranium enrichment technology to Saudi Arabia”


The US has signed a landmark nuclear deal with Saudi Arabia that could allow the kingdom to enrich uranium in the future.

In a statement on Wednesday, the US Department of Energy said its secretary, Chris Wright, and his Saudi counterpart, Prince Abdulaziz bin Salman, signed a “peaceful nuclear cooperation agreement”, along with a “bilateral safeguards agreement”.

The full details of the deal have yet to be released, but the timing of the announcement is controversial, as the US’s war with Iran is being fought in part to prevent Tehran enriching uranium domestically and make it near-impossible for Iran to build a nuclear weapon.

A civil nuclear deal with Saudi Arabia has been in the works for years during Trump’s first administration. No deal has come together before now, in part because of warnings from nonproliferation groups who say that it could offer Saudi Arabia a path to develop a nuclear weapon.

The deal will be submitted to Congress for review, where it could face opposition among lawmakers who fear a lack of monitoring safeguards to restrict Saudi Arabia’s uranium enrichment.

Saudi Arabia has in the past said it would need a nuclear weapon if Iran acquired one, an intention Iran has repeatedly denied. But in lengthy talks stretching over more than one administration, the US also feared that Riyadh would look elsewhere for nuclear technology if the US did not provide what it wanted.

Saudi Arabia has long said if it does not partner with the US, it could partner with China or Russia which have different proliferation standards.

In a report to Congress earlier this year, the US administration urged support for the US-Saudi nuclear deal, in part to “prevent strategic competition from seizing an opportunity to undermine United States national security interests for decades to come”.

The report also argued that the US must seize the opportunity to expand nuclear cooperation to “re-establish our leadership in the global civilian nuclear energy market and reap the benefits of expanded influence in foreign countries hosting our reactors”.

According to the US energy department, the Saudi partnership agreed on Wednesday is expected to expand American nuclear technology exports, create “high-paying” US jobs, and “strengthen America’s energy and national security posture”.

“These agreements reflect our two nations’ shared commitment to strengthening US-Saudi commercial relations, delivering prosperity at home and security to our allies abroad,” Wright said in a statement.

However it is likely the agreement will not include the enhanced monitoring by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) that is found in the so-called additional protocol to which Iran had been subjected under the 2015 nuclear deal.

In a statement to CBS, Dan Sumner, chief executive of Westinghouse Electric Company – an American nuclear reactor company expected to support Saudi Arabia’s nuclear development – said:

“The US government’s announcement to launch a civil nuclear cooperation agreement with Saudi Arabia is a landmark step that strengthens energy security, expands opportunities for US industry and workers, and drives significant long-term economic growth and investment benefits for both countries.”

Before the deal was announced, Rosemary Kelanic, the head of the Middle East programme at Defense Priorities, warned in a social media post: “Trump went crazy by handing over uranium enrichment technology to Saudi Arabia” (...) a terrible idea on many counts. But it’s especially idiotic to do it in the middle of a war over Iran’s nuclear programme.”

She described the decision as reckless and not in the US national interest. “Saudi enrichment would put immense pressure on Iran to get the bomb. Is Trump TRYING to provoke Iran into weaponising?”

#middle #east #trump #saudi #arabia #uranium

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🛢 Brent $100: The Houthis Ring the Cash Register

Oil snapped back into three digits after Houthi militants in Yemen claimed strikes on two Saudi tankers in the Red Sea and announced a blockade on Saudi shipping.

Traders didn’t wait for satellite photos or damage estimates; the moment Bab el‑Mandeb looked like it might join Hormuz as a war‑time choke point, Brent surged toward $100 and the risk premium did the talking.

Donald Trump rushed online to recycle his favorite doctrine: every shot fired by the Houthis will be treated as a shot fired by Iran. The message to the energy market is simple and ugly.

Every cheap Yemeni drone is now a potential trigger for a wider US–Iran confrontation, and every “Iran‑backed militants” headline is another excuse to reprice fear.

The Pentagon sells “overwhelming lethal force,” analysts sell “tight supply,” and nobody sells actual security for the shipping lanes. They just monetize the insecurity.

The geometry of the war is shifting. Tehran no longer needs to physically close Hormuz if its allies can turn the Red Sea into a psychological minefield.

The risk is outsourced; the leverage stays centralized. Trump, in turn, claims the right to punish Iran for proxy attacks without promising real protection to any commercial vessel. His posture is maximalist, his escort presence minimalist.

Riyadh, meanwhile, discovers that the same Washington that just opened the door to long‑term civil nuclear cooperation cannot stop knock‑off drones from harassing its tankers and shaking its image as a predictable supplier.

In practice, the world is paying triple‑digit oil for a conflict it neither controls nor understands. The Houthis gain relevance at a discount. Iran gains bargaining power without signing anything. Trump gains a new stage for his blame game.

Saudi Arabia gains nuclear status and maritime risk in the same news cycle. The only actor with a guaranteed upside is the price ticker, quietly turning every threat and every strike into a new normal of expensive volatility.

#Iran #Houthis #SaudiArabia #RedSea #oil #Trump #war #MiddleEast #fakeDemocracy #oligarchy

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🧨 The New Middle East™: Israel as a Side Note

Netanyahu sold Washington a simple fantasy: Israel smashes the “Shiite axis,” America crowns it regional hub, and the new order is built around Jerusalem.

He delivered the demolition part — Iran’s nuclear program wrecked, Khamenei dead, Hezbollah leadership gutted — and then watched the political sequel roll out without him.

While he was declaring “objectives achieved,” Trump was cutting deals Israel wasn’t even allowed to read. The April ceasefire with Iran? Brokered in Islamabad, not Jerusalem.

The June memorandum? Named for Pakistan’s capital, negotiated through Pakistan and Qatar, with no Israelis at the table. By July, the pattern was open: Trump lifts sanctions on Turkey and talks F‑35s over Netanyahu’s objections, then signs a 30‑year civil nuclear agreement with Saudi Arabia that opens a legal path to enrichment and demands no recognition of Israel in return.

That Saudi deal is sold as “one step closer to a bomb.” It isn’t — there is no plant, no study, no enriched fuel — but it kills three old bargains that once held the region together.

The tech‑for‑recognition trade is dead: Biden’s offer was reactors and guarantees in exchange for normalization with Israel; Trump split the package and handed Riyadh the nuclear half for free. The “gold standard” — US nuclear technology only if you renounce enrichment and accept intrusive inspections — becomes optional the moment the Saudis get softer terms than the UAE.

And the unwritten rule that big US decisions in the region require Israeli sign‑off evaporates when Turkey’s sanctions and Saudi enrichment go through against explicit objections from Jerusalem.

Everyone else uses the opening. Riyadh buys status and insurance: a possible enrichment plant, more room to defy Washington on airspace and oil, and a quiet test of how far a “partner” can drift before the US pays to keep it.

Pakistan sells what it really has — mediation between Washington and Tehran, the ability to host memoranda and ceasefires — instead of mythical warheads. Turkey accumulates capability from Russia, the West, and East Asia at once, building Akkuyu with Rosatom, shopping for new plants from Seoul, Beijing, and Washington, and sitting under unacknowledged US nuclear weapons at Incirlik.

Israel, meanwhile, discovers it has become both indispensable and irrelevant. Militarily, it helped break Iran’s program and the proxy network that constrained it for a generation. Politically, the road to Washington no longer runs through it.

The Saudis can get nuclear status without saying the word “Israel.” Turkey can get sanctions relief and a path to F‑35s while publicly clashing with Netanyahu. Pakistan can redefine the war’s endgame without inviting Jerusalem to the room.

The war against Iran didn’t end the region’s nuclear question; it changed the casting. The Saudis are buying status, the Pakistanis are selling brokerage, the Turks are quietly building competence. Status can be revoked. Brokerage can be sidelined.

Competence sticks. Israel still has a lot to offer — tech, intelligence, hard power — but its new role is nastier: a powerful player that can’t set the rules and can’t block the deals.

The New Middle East is under construction. Israel is still on the map — just no longer at the center of it.

#Israel #SaudiArabia #Turkey #Pakistan #Iran #Trump #nuclear #geopolitics #war #fakeDemocracy

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⚛️ Trump’s Saudi Nuke Deal: Treaty by Pen, Conditions by Post

Yesterday, Trump signed a 30‑year civil nuclear pact with Saudi Arabia that lets US companies build reactors and, after a joint feasibility study, potentially an enrichment facility on Saudi soil.

Today, he jumped on social media and announced that the whole thing is “totally subject” to Riyadh joining the Abraham Accords, with “no enrichment” allowed and only “Civil (Non‑Enriched) Nuclear Facilities” approved.

The text gives Saudi Arabia a path to enrichment; the president’s feed pretends it doesn’t — and makes Israel the gatekeeper after the signature, not before.

On paper, this is the deal Trump’s own team spent a year separating from recognition of Israel. The 123 Agreement reportedly drops the UAE‑style “gold standard”: no blanket ban on enrichment, no mandatory Additional Protocol, no explicit renunciation clause.

It positions US firms at the center of Saudi civil nuclear development and allows a US‑built enrichment facility if a joint US–Saudi study says so — exactly the kind of scheduled mechanism nonproliferation experts warned would weaken guardrails in the middle of a war against Iran’s nuclear program.

Now the same president who delinked nuclear talks from normalization in 2025 is trying to relink them, not by renegotiating the treaty, but by declaring that “if they don’t join the Abraham Accords, the deal is off.”

For Riyadh, this is classic American theater. Saudi officials have said for years they won’t normalize with Israel without a credible path to Palestinian statehood — something Netanyahu’s government flatly rejects.

The kingdom just locked in a signed path to reactors and potential enrichment under US technology; it now watches Trump retro‑fit a political condition whose logic was precisely what his negotiators stripped out. For Israel, it’s a weird victory lap.

Netanyahu’s office calls Saudi entry into the Abraham Accords an “historic leap,” while Energy Minister Eli Cohen publicly frets that if Washington walks away, Riyadh will simply buy its civilian nukes from China, where oversight is weaker.

Officially, Israel backs the pressure. Quietly, it knows the hard question is not “if” there will be enrichment, but “under what conditions, and who will have oversight” — the space where Trump’s tweet and the pact diverge.

The real story isn’t about a bomb tomorrow. Between enriched uranium and a weapon lies an industry Saudi Arabia does not yet have. It’s about status and control.

The UAE accepted no enrichment and intrusive inspections to get US reactors. Saudi Arabia just got a softer deal in writing and a harder narrative online. On the legal side, the gold standard stopped at the Saudi border.

On the political side, Trump is trying to resurrect it as a loyalty test to Israel — editing a signed agreement from his feed, while Congress and Riyadh are left to guess which version of US policy is real.

Who runs nonproliferation in this “new Middle East”: the lawyers who drafted the pact, the president doing nuclear policy by post, or the crown prince who just secured a path to enrichment and can wait out both?

#SaudiArabia #Israel #Trump #AbrahamAccords #nuclear #Iran #MiddleEast #fakeDemocracy #oligarchy #warar #geopolitics #war #fakeDemocracy

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🛢 Brent at $100: Two Chokepoints, One Bad Bet

Brent just punched through $100 a barrel after at least one Saudi tanker was hit in the Red Sea and the Houthis declared they’re now running a private blockade service for Riyadh’s oil.

Hormuz is already half‑shut by Iranian attacks and mines; now Bab el‑Mandeb is on the board too, and the market finally understands that “energy security” is just a line in speeches.

The Houthis, Iran‑aligned and bored of sitting out the war, say they hit two Saudi vessels, Encelia and Layla, to enforce their new ban on Saudi shipping.

Ship‑tracking shows Encelia suddenly veering off course near the Farasan islands, then broadcasting “not under command” and freezing within reach of Yemen’s coast, with Saudi authorities reporting a fire at the bow but no casualties.

Lloyd’s and other monitors can confirm one hit, not a double strike — but the price doesn’t care. Brent is up roughly 40 percent this month already; one more route under threat and it rockets into three‑digit territory.

Trump responds with the usual sermon: Iran will be held directly responsible for any further Houthi attacks, “major military punishment” will follow, and he’s “very disappointed” in the rebels who had, until now, “acted very professionally and smart.”

Marco Rubio, speaking from an ASEAN meeting that is now basically an oil‑panic summit, warns the Houthis they’ve been “suckered into this by the Iranians,” calls them “smart” for staying out at first, then notes that one of the ships was Chinese‑flagged — meaning they just poked Beijing as well.

Washington wants Iran to feel the heat for every cheap drone launched from Yemen, but it also needs Asian importers calm enough not to dump the whole war back on the White House.

On the water, the geometry is brutal. Hormuz used to carry around a fifth of global oil and gas flows; that artery has been choked for months by Iranian attacks and mines, with US–Israeli strikes turning the area into a live‑fire zone.

Now a second narrow throat, Bab el‑Mandeb, which handles about 7 percent of global oil, is threatened by a self‑appointed blockade that has already forced multiple ships to turn around before the first confirmed hit.

“Double blockade” is how Lloyd’s describes the scenario for Asian importers; it’s a nice phrase for what is essentially a hostage situation built on two shallow channels and one widening war.

Iran discovers it doesn’t have to close Hormuz completely if its friends can spook the Red Sea from Yemen. The risk is outsourced, the leverage stays at home.

Trump discovers he can threaten “major punishment” for every naval incident without promising actual protection for the tankers — doctrine as content, deterrence as a press release.

The Houthis discover that for the cost of a handful of drones and missiles, they can move from local insurgents to global price‑makers, with their blockade announcement echoed by ship‑tracking data and satellite imagery instead of slogans alone.

The rest of the world, especially in Southeast Asia, discovers what “deep concern” really buys: communiqués at ASEAN, rising fuel bills, and no control over the strikes around Hormuz and the Red Sea.

Asian economies that spent a decade talking themselves into a post‑oil future now find their present held hostage by two straits and a war they can’t stop.

#oil #Iran #Houthis #SaudiArabia #RedSea #Hormuz #Trump #Rubio #war #geopolitics #fakeDemocracy #oligarchy

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#vote #republican #democrats

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#trump #speaks #georgia

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⚡️ Night 13: “Free Navigation” by Carpet Bombing

At 6:45 p.m. Eastern, the thirteenth consecutive wave of US strikes on Iran began. By morning, CENTCOM declared the cycle “complete.” Between those two sentences, a string of cities that barely existed in previous summaries turned into coordinates: Ahvaz, Andimeshk, Omidieh, Khorramshahr, Kishm, Bandar Abbas, Jask, Konarak, Khorramabad, Khondab, Taft, Shirkuh, Firuzabad.

In Ahvaz, local reporting spoke of dozens of strikes in half an hour, more than 30 blasts, hit ammunition depots, four dead, five wounded, and the 92nd Armored Division under bombardment, along with IRGC Basij base “Hamid” nearby. In Bandar Abbas, the lights went out.

CENTCOM wrote it differently. In its release, the targets were “military command centers, drone storage facilities, communications networks, coastal observation sites and maritime capabilities,” all “to further reduce Iran’s threat to civilian mariners and commercial vessels transiting the Strait of Hormuz.”

In the same breath, the command insisted that “the international waterway remains open” and that commercial ships “continue to sail freely with US military escort” — while more than 50,000 American service members are deployed “to keep the strait open” that ships now cross only with fear and insurance attached.

The tools were heavy. B‑1 bombers lifted off from Europe carrying 2,000‑pound bombs — roughly 900 kilos — while dozens of transport and refueling aircraft moved east, and fighter traffic over Baghdad stood out against the Iraqi night.

Around Tehran, air‑defense batteries fired in several sectors, and an opposition journalist claimed the drones over the capital were scouting only: “No strike was carried out, it was purely surveillance and intelligence gathering. Very soon there will be the main, very very large strike on Tehran.”

Air‑defense systems reveal themselves when they shoot, then the next phase begins.

On the Iranian scoreboard, victory looks smaller and louder. One Tomahawk cruise missile reportedly intercepted over Kerman, and an American aircraft “downed” over Kishm island — maybe a big plane, maybe an F‑15, maybe a drone. CENTCOM didn’t respond.

Meanwhile, satellite imagery shows Iran rebuilding what was smashed: missile bases dug deep into mountains north of Kermanshah, bridges, ports, factories, roads patched by a single truck.

Every night, the US burns more precision munitions to prove control. Every day, Iran proves that shrapnel infrastructure can be put back together fast enough to keep the war going.

One necessary footnote: part of the “Ahvaz strike” videos circulating overnight were shot in Gaza. One of the posters admitted it openly and apologized. In a conflict sold as live‑streamed transparency, even the proof of impact is recycled from a different war.

So Night 13 looks like this. Strategic bombers from Europe drop nearly‑ton warheads on cities most Americans have never heard of. The Pentagon calls it “protecting civilian mariners.” Iran calls the interception of one missile and the claim of one downed aircraft “success.”

And the Strait of Hormuz — that used to be an energy corridor — is now policed by people who swear it’s open while they turn the coastline into a firing range.

#Iran #US #Hormuz #Ahvaz #BandarAbbas #war #oil #shipping #MiddleEast #fakeDemocracy #oligarchy

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Trump Has Snuffed Out a Will-o'-the-wisp Cooperation Between Iran and the US 🇺🇸🇮🇷


The oil price has climbed back above $100 a barrel for the first time in two months, as a fresh escalation of the Middle East conflict threatens to compound disruption to global oil supplies.

The benchmark oil price rose sharply on Thursday, after reaching $95 a barrel the day before amid fears that Yemen’s Houthi militia could strangle Saudi oil exports through the Red Sea while US-Iran tensions over oil flows through the strait of Hormuz intensify.

The Iranian-aligned Houthis said on Thursday they attacked two Saudi Arabian oil tankers, the ‌Encelia and Layla, accusing the crews of violating a naval blockade imposed by the group in the Red Sea.

The Houthis said they targeted the tankers with a number of ballistic and cruise missiles as well as drones, leaving one of the vessels on fire.

Brent crude, the international benchmark for oil prices, surged past $100 a barrel in March, after the US and Israel launched airstrikes on Iran that all but stopped exports of fossil fuels from the Gulf via the strait of Hormuz.

The oil price peaked at $126 a barrel in April during the conflict, but fell back below $100 in late May and had fallen to as low as $71 at the start of July amid hopes of a ceasefire in the region.

The price has started to climb again after the memorandum of understanding between the US and Iran fell apart and fresh hostilities broke out in the Gulf.

#oil #price #barrel #middle #east

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🧧 China Already Won. Berlin Is Still Writing Minutes.

China has already pulled ahead. Friedrich Merz just hasn’t caught up to the score.

Tichys Einblick puts it bluntly: while Germany argues about fuel rebates and supply‑chain laws, China is building data centers, robotics clusters, ports, nuclear plants and semiconductor hubs.

Germany’s break with cheap Russian energy turned into higher prices, a roughly 10% drop in industrial output between 2022 and early 2026, and a steady loss of industrial jobs — more than 10,000 a month by some estimates cited in German and US business press.

Capital and production drift to the US or China. At home, the country starts to look like an industrial museum: exhibits of past greatness and a gift shop built on shrinking exports.

China, meanwhile, does quietly what Merz and his colleagues stage as talk‑show content. The state funnels money — up to the majority of R&D flows in some sectors — into AI, quantum, clean energy and robotics clusters.

An ASPI study finds Beijing already leading in 37 of 44 key technologies, from drones and batteries to nuclear power and advanced materials, with the US and Europe in chase mode.

China is again Germany’s largest trading partner, ahead of the US, and at the same time its main competitor: think tanks from IW Köln to CER now trace weak German growth directly to Chinese industrial pressure in the very markets that used to belong to German “hidden champions.”

The “industrial museum” line is not just a metaphor. Technical museums in Berlin and Munich carefully document how Germany once invented engines, machine tools and modern chemicals, while Chinese labs and factories now build the next wave of technology at home.

Merz debates taxes and regulation. Social democrats debate climate and rights. Business debates whether there is any hope of cheap gas left. Beijing stopped debating and simply occupied the field.

Germany fights the “Russian threat,” militarizes the budget and counts how many Leopards it can send to the next front. The main race, though, is somewhere else — in innovation, infrastructure and production — and there China is already far ahead. In that race, Berlin has turned itself into an exhibit.

#Germany #China #industry #energy #semiconductors #innovation #oligarchy #fakeDemocracy

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