52–52, Until the Court Counts
Kan 11’s latest poll gives Gadi Eisenkot’s Yashar! 23 seats and Likud 21. Netanyahu’s bloc and the “change” bloc each land on 52. The remaining 16 seats include 12 held by Ra’am and the Joint List, the same two Arab lists the Central Elections Committee has moved to remove from the ballot.
The headline gap between Yashar! and Likud matters inside the opposition. Eisenkot, not Bennett, would lead its largest party. It does not change the government arithmetic. No bloc is near 61. The government depends on a handful of seats, the legal status of the Arab lists and the willingness of parties to sit with one another after election night.
On September 23, the Central Elections Committee voted 18–5, with one abstention, to bar Ra’am. The petitions came from Likud, Otzma Yehudit and the Choosing Life forum of bereaved families. The same 18–5 result barred the Joint List, which combines Hadash, Ta’al and Balad. The Attorney General’s Office opposed both bans, arguing that the evidence did not meet Israel’s demanding legal standard for disqualification.
The committee also barred two individual candidates:
Hadash MK Ofer Cassif, by 19 votes to five with two abstentions. The committee accepted the Likud petition on the ground of alleged support for armed struggle.
Balad chairman Sami Abu Shehadeh, by roughly 30 or 31 votes to four. Supreme Court Justice Noam Sohlberg, the committee chair, joined that vote, breaking the customary restraint of chairs in candidate-disqualification cases.
The court must approve a ban on an individual candidate before it takes effect. Parties have to file their own appeals against a ban on their list.
That procedural difference matters: Cassif and Abu Shehadeh reach the Supreme Court automatically; Ra’am and the Joint List must ask it to reverse the committee.
If both lists are ultimately excluded, their seats do not vanish. The Knesset still has 120 seats, and the votes redistribute among lists that pass the 3.25 percent threshold.
A simple proportional redistribution puts each major bloc roughly five or six seats higher, still short of 61. Actual results would depend on Arab turnout, whether Arab voters move to the Democrats or another eligible list, and which smaller parties clear the threshold.
Lower turnout also reduces the raw vote total needed to pass the threshold, raising the relative value of disciplined electorates, especially Haredi and religious-Zionist voters.
The political effect is stranger than the arithmetic. Ra’am can, at least in theory, help a change bloc reach a working arrangement. The Joint List cannot plausibly be the coalition partner of Bennett, Eisenkot and Liberman. Their 12 poll seats therefore look like one coalition resource only from a distance.
Disqualifying Ra’am and the Joint List would remove Likud’s favorite accusation: that the opposition intends to govern through Mansour Abbas.
It would also remove an internal fracture inside the opposition, where Yair Golan is open to Arab participation while Eisenkot, Bennett and Liberman reject it.
That gives the opposition a cleaner story: a Zionist cabinet of the center and moderate right. It especially helps Eisenkot, whose party leads the field but whose coalition has no natural path through the Arab lists.
Netanyahu gets a different benefit. The exclusion fight turns the campaign toward security, loyalty and representation.
Even if the Supreme Court restores the lists, Likud can say the court enabled the coalition it warned about. If the bans stand, Arab turnout may fall and the right’s disciplined base becomes more valuable.
#IsraelElections #Knesset #Raam #Yashar
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Kan 11’s latest poll gives Gadi Eisenkot’s Yashar! 23 seats and Likud 21. Netanyahu’s bloc and the “change” bloc each land on 52. The remaining 16 seats include 12 held by Ra’am and the Joint List, the same two Arab lists the Central Elections Committee has moved to remove from the ballot.
The headline gap between Yashar! and Likud matters inside the opposition. Eisenkot, not Bennett, would lead its largest party. It does not change the government arithmetic. No bloc is near 61. The government depends on a handful of seats, the legal status of the Arab lists and the willingness of parties to sit with one another after election night.
On September 23, the Central Elections Committee voted 18–5, with one abstention, to bar Ra’am. The petitions came from Likud, Otzma Yehudit and the Choosing Life forum of bereaved families. The same 18–5 result barred the Joint List, which combines Hadash, Ta’al and Balad. The Attorney General’s Office opposed both bans, arguing that the evidence did not meet Israel’s demanding legal standard for disqualification.
The committee also barred two individual candidates:
Hadash MK Ofer Cassif, by 19 votes to five with two abstentions. The committee accepted the Likud petition on the ground of alleged support for armed struggle.
Balad chairman Sami Abu Shehadeh, by roughly 30 or 31 votes to four. Supreme Court Justice Noam Sohlberg, the committee chair, joined that vote, breaking the customary restraint of chairs in candidate-disqualification cases.
The court must approve a ban on an individual candidate before it takes effect. Parties have to file their own appeals against a ban on their list.
That procedural difference matters: Cassif and Abu Shehadeh reach the Supreme Court automatically; Ra’am and the Joint List must ask it to reverse the committee.
If both lists are ultimately excluded, their seats do not vanish. The Knesset still has 120 seats, and the votes redistribute among lists that pass the 3.25 percent threshold.
A simple proportional redistribution puts each major bloc roughly five or six seats higher, still short of 61. Actual results would depend on Arab turnout, whether Arab voters move to the Democrats or another eligible list, and which smaller parties clear the threshold.
Lower turnout also reduces the raw vote total needed to pass the threshold, raising the relative value of disciplined electorates, especially Haredi and religious-Zionist voters.
The political effect is stranger than the arithmetic. Ra’am can, at least in theory, help a change bloc reach a working arrangement. The Joint List cannot plausibly be the coalition partner of Bennett, Eisenkot and Liberman. Their 12 poll seats therefore look like one coalition resource only from a distance.
Disqualifying Ra’am and the Joint List would remove Likud’s favorite accusation: that the opposition intends to govern through Mansour Abbas.
It would also remove an internal fracture inside the opposition, where Yair Golan is open to Arab participation while Eisenkot, Bennett and Liberman reject it.
That gives the opposition a cleaner story: a Zionist cabinet of the center and moderate right. It especially helps Eisenkot, whose party leads the field but whose coalition has no natural path through the Arab lists.
Netanyahu gets a different benefit. The exclusion fight turns the campaign toward security, loyalty and representation.
Even if the Supreme Court restores the lists, Likud can say the court enabled the coalition it warned about. If the bans stand, Arab turnout may fall and the right’s disciplined base becomes more valuable.
#IsraelElections #Knesset #Raam #Yashar
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#ElonMusk #IArtificialntelligence #Robotics #Future
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Gaza’s Real Estate Comeback
Thousands of Israeli activists, ministers and lawmakers drove toward the Gaza border on Sunday demanding the return of Jewish settlements to the Strip.
They brought housing equipment to the edge of a territory where more than 2 million Palestinians are still supposed to be the population.
The convoy was organized by the Nachala settlement movement. Its leader, Daniella Weiss, said activists were preparing to restore a presence at Nisanit, a northern Gaza settlement dismantled in the 2005 disengagement, as well as elsewhere in the enclave.
Their argument is clean: Israel cannot secure Gaza without settlers inside it.
Activists can drive to the Gaza border. Only the government can provide military control, permits, infrastructure and political cover for a settlement inside Gaza.
Netanyahu has backed what his government calls “voluntary emigration” from Gaza, while calling renewed Jewish settlements there unrealistic.
Defense Minister Israel Katz has said Gaza has no “real solution” without migration.
National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir wants an emigration ministry and a seven-year plan to move 1.86 million Palestinians out, beginning with 250,000 in its first year.
This is the new postwar sequence. First comes “voluntary” departure. Then comes an office to manage it, foreign countries to receive people, incentives for those countries and a timeline for removing almost the entire population.
The settlers arrive last with caravans and a security argument. Nobody calls it expulsion because the paperwork has chosen a nicer word.
Trump’s Gaza plan says no Palestinian will be forced to leave. Netanyahu has refused withdrawal until Hamas is fully disarmed.
The settlement movement does not need to resolve that contradiction. It only needs the army to keep control of enough land while politicians debate whether Gaza’s residents left freely after their homes, jobs, borders and future were removed.
The 2005 disengagement evacuated about 8,000 Israeli settlers and removed 21 settlements from Gaza.
Ben-Gvir named his plan “Disengagement 710” because it promises to reverse the meaning of that word: Gaza without Palestinians, then Gaza with settlers.
#Gaza #Israel #Settlements #BenGvir
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Thousands of Israeli activists, ministers and lawmakers drove toward the Gaza border on Sunday demanding the return of Jewish settlements to the Strip.
They brought housing equipment to the edge of a territory where more than 2 million Palestinians are still supposed to be the population.
The convoy was organized by the Nachala settlement movement. Its leader, Daniella Weiss, said activists were preparing to restore a presence at Nisanit, a northern Gaza settlement dismantled in the 2005 disengagement, as well as elsewhere in the enclave.
Their argument is clean: Israel cannot secure Gaza without settlers inside it.
Activists can drive to the Gaza border. Only the government can provide military control, permits, infrastructure and political cover for a settlement inside Gaza.
Netanyahu has backed what his government calls “voluntary emigration” from Gaza, while calling renewed Jewish settlements there unrealistic.
Defense Minister Israel Katz has said Gaza has no “real solution” without migration.
National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir wants an emigration ministry and a seven-year plan to move 1.86 million Palestinians out, beginning with 250,000 in its first year.
This is the new postwar sequence. First comes “voluntary” departure. Then comes an office to manage it, foreign countries to receive people, incentives for those countries and a timeline for removing almost the entire population.
The settlers arrive last with caravans and a security argument. Nobody calls it expulsion because the paperwork has chosen a nicer word.
Trump’s Gaza plan says no Palestinian will be forced to leave. Netanyahu has refused withdrawal until Hamas is fully disarmed.
The settlement movement does not need to resolve that contradiction. It only needs the army to keep control of enough land while politicians debate whether Gaza’s residents left freely after their homes, jobs, borders and future were removed.
The 2005 disengagement evacuated about 8,000 Israeli settlers and removed 21 settlements from Gaza.
Ben-Gvir named his plan “Disengagement 710” because it promises to reverse the meaning of that word: Gaza without Palestinians, then Gaza with settlers.
#Gaza #Israel #Settlements #BenGvir
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The Warning, the Denial, the Slogan
A report says Egypt warned Israel repeatedly before October 7. Netanyahu says he never spoke to Egypt’s intelligence chief, received no Egyptian warning through Israeli channels and will sue. The statement ends with an election slogan: “It’s either the Right or Palestine.”
The Wall Street Journal reported that Abbas Kamel, then head of Egypt’s General Intelligence Service, delivered at least three warnings about signs of a Hamas attack.
Its sources said Kamel made a secret visit to Israel about 11 days before October 7, then called Netanyahu days before the attack after earlier warnings drew no response.
Egyptian and Emirati warnings reportedly continued until roughly 48 hours before the massacre, without a precise date or scale of attack.
Netanyahu’s response denies the personal connection, not the existence of Egyptian intelligence. His office said Netanyahu neither met nor spoke with Kamel in the months before October 7, and that no Israeli intelligence official passed him an Egyptian warning. Netanyahu also said he never speaks with a foreign intelligence chief without Israeli intelligence counterparts present.
The Emirates now sit inside the same argument. Haaretz reported that Netanyahu asked UAE President Mohamed bin Zayed during their Abu Dhabi meeting to deny an earlier report that he had warned Netanyahu about Yahya Sinwar’s intentions before October 7. The UAE foreign ministry declined to comment.
Ronen Bar says he will sue Netanyahu for defamation and demand disclosure of documents and the prime minister’s meetings with foreign officials. Netanyahu says foreign and hostile actors, including Arab states, are behind “false blood libels.” The dispute is moving toward a courtroom where the records Netanyahu’s office says do not exist may become the central exhibit.
The prime minister’s promised suit against Haaretz over the Emirati warning has not been filed nearly 20 days after he announced it. Likud officials say the claims over the Emirati and Egyptian warnings will be filed together “very soon.” The practical obstacle is familiar: statements made by a prime minister in the course of official duties usually carry immunity from civil suits.
Egypt says it warned. The UAE allegedly says it warned. Netanyahu says nobody warned him.
#Israel #Netanyahu #October7 #Egypt
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A report says Egypt warned Israel repeatedly before October 7. Netanyahu says he never spoke to Egypt’s intelligence chief, received no Egyptian warning through Israeli channels and will sue. The statement ends with an election slogan: “It’s either the Right or Palestine.”
The Wall Street Journal reported that Abbas Kamel, then head of Egypt’s General Intelligence Service, delivered at least three warnings about signs of a Hamas attack.
Its sources said Kamel made a secret visit to Israel about 11 days before October 7, then called Netanyahu days before the attack after earlier warnings drew no response.
Egyptian and Emirati warnings reportedly continued until roughly 48 hours before the massacre, without a precise date or scale of attack.
Netanyahu’s response denies the personal connection, not the existence of Egyptian intelligence. His office said Netanyahu neither met nor spoke with Kamel in the months before October 7, and that no Israeli intelligence official passed him an Egyptian warning. Netanyahu also said he never speaks with a foreign intelligence chief without Israeli intelligence counterparts present.
The Emirates now sit inside the same argument. Haaretz reported that Netanyahu asked UAE President Mohamed bin Zayed during their Abu Dhabi meeting to deny an earlier report that he had warned Netanyahu about Yahya Sinwar’s intentions before October 7. The UAE foreign ministry declined to comment.
Ronen Bar says he will sue Netanyahu for defamation and demand disclosure of documents and the prime minister’s meetings with foreign officials. Netanyahu says foreign and hostile actors, including Arab states, are behind “false blood libels.” The dispute is moving toward a courtroom where the records Netanyahu’s office says do not exist may become the central exhibit.
The prime minister’s promised suit against Haaretz over the Emirati warning has not been filed nearly 20 days after he announced it. Likud officials say the claims over the Emirati and Egyptian warnings will be filed together “very soon.” The practical obstacle is familiar: statements made by a prime minister in the course of official duties usually carry immunity from civil suits.
Egypt says it warned. The UAE allegedly says it warned. Netanyahu says nobody warned him.
#Israel #Netanyahu #October7 #Egypt
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#ArtificialIntelligence
#Cybersecurity #Cyberattaks
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#Cybersecurity #Cyberattaks
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The Secret Flight Everyone Could Track
Netanyahu flew to Abu Dhabi, crossed Jordanian and Saudi airspace, met UAE President Mohammed bin Zayed and returned to Israel.
The Shin Bet later filed a censorship complaint against Channel 12 for reporting the trip 49 minutes before the aircraft landed.
The Prime Minister’s Office said the report at 9:38 p.m. endangered Netanyahu, his wife Sara, the operation and personnel on the ground because the plane was still far from Israeli airspace. It landed at 10:27 p.m.
The Shin Bet said the publication exposed operational methods and could endanger future missions; the Mossad called it a serious security threat.
The delegation included Mossad chief David Barnea, National Security Council head Tzachi Hanegbi, military secretary Maj. Gen. Guy Markizano and the Shin Bet’s head of protective security.
The government made the delegation public while arguing that the flight itself had to remain secret.
Flight-tracking data had already placed Netanyahu’s aircraft in Abu Dhabi at 4:13 p.m. local time. A UAE-owned aircraft landed three minutes earlier after departing Riyadh.
A Qatari government aircraft arrived at 4:18 p.m.; an aircraft linked to Libyan commander Khalifa Haftar arrived at 4:28 p.m. The arrivals do not establish a shared meeting or a coordinated operation.
They establish something simpler: Abu Dhabi airport was visible on open-source tracking systems hours before television reported Netanyahu’s return.
The Emirates offered no public account of the Netanyahu meeting.
The visit came as Netanyahu was reportedly seeking a public Emirati denial that Mohammed bin Zayed had warned him before October 7.
The next day, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan visited the UAE.
Israel’s security establishment says Channel 12 exposed a secret method. The method appears to have involved a private aircraft, sovereign airspace and an airport with public flight data.
#Israel #Netanyahu #UAE #Media
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Netanyahu flew to Abu Dhabi, crossed Jordanian and Saudi airspace, met UAE President Mohammed bin Zayed and returned to Israel.
The Shin Bet later filed a censorship complaint against Channel 12 for reporting the trip 49 minutes before the aircraft landed.
The Prime Minister’s Office said the report at 9:38 p.m. endangered Netanyahu, his wife Sara, the operation and personnel on the ground because the plane was still far from Israeli airspace. It landed at 10:27 p.m.
The Shin Bet said the publication exposed operational methods and could endanger future missions; the Mossad called it a serious security threat.
The delegation included Mossad chief David Barnea, National Security Council head Tzachi Hanegbi, military secretary Maj. Gen. Guy Markizano and the Shin Bet’s head of protective security.
The government made the delegation public while arguing that the flight itself had to remain secret.
Flight-tracking data had already placed Netanyahu’s aircraft in Abu Dhabi at 4:13 p.m. local time. A UAE-owned aircraft landed three minutes earlier after departing Riyadh.
A Qatari government aircraft arrived at 4:18 p.m.; an aircraft linked to Libyan commander Khalifa Haftar arrived at 4:28 p.m. The arrivals do not establish a shared meeting or a coordinated operation.
They establish something simpler: Abu Dhabi airport was visible on open-source tracking systems hours before television reported Netanyahu’s return.
The Emirates offered no public account of the Netanyahu meeting.
The visit came as Netanyahu was reportedly seeking a public Emirati denial that Mohammed bin Zayed had warned him before October 7.
The next day, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan visited the UAE.
Israel’s security establishment says Channel 12 exposed a secret method. The method appears to have involved a private aircraft, sovereign airspace and an airport with public flight data.
#Israel #Netanyahu #UAE #Media
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Ghalibaf’s Parliament, Evin’s Filing Cabinet
Iran’s parliament is supposed to supervise the state. Hamid Rasaei, a hardline MP, has just been sent to Evin Prison for accusing the speaker of manipulating parliamentary documents. The institution has found an efficient way to resolve oversight: jail the overseer.
Rasaei began a 10-month sentence on September 27 after the Special Court for Clergy convicted him of “publishing falsehoods with intent to harm others.” The case began with a 2024 article in the hardline weekly 9 Dey, then edited by Rasaei, alleging that Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf had manipulated parliamentary documents. The judiciary said the allegation had not been established.
The sentence arrives during a public conservative feud. Mohammad Mehdi Mohammadi, Ghalibaf’s adviser, accused former president Hassan Rouhani and reformist figures of sending a message to Washington that killing another tier of Iranian commanders and leaders could create conditions for internal change.
Cleric and politician Mohammad Mehdi Mirbagheri answered by accusing Ghalibaf of a “political massacre” of lawmakers and of trying to complete control over the media by imprisoning parliamentary critics.
The Iranian state now offers an elegant constitutional formula: a parliament can challenge the executive, provided its members do not challenge the parliamentary speaker. The court decides whether the documents were manipulated. The speaker’s office decides which accusation becomes a prison sentence.
Outside the chamber, students at Tehran’s Allameh Tabataba’i University protested rising tuition, poor dormitory and food conditions, unemployment and compulsory hijab. Their chants joined the price of food with the price of obedience: “Until the mullah is in a shroud, this country will not be a homeland.”
Ghalibaf’s allies say reformists invited foreign pressure. His critics say he is jailing parliamentarians. Students say the entire clerical order has to go. In Tehran, everyone agrees the country has a problem. The argument is over which cell should hold it.
#Iran #Ghalibaf #Parliament #Evin
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Iran’s parliament is supposed to supervise the state. Hamid Rasaei, a hardline MP, has just been sent to Evin Prison for accusing the speaker of manipulating parliamentary documents. The institution has found an efficient way to resolve oversight: jail the overseer.
Rasaei began a 10-month sentence on September 27 after the Special Court for Clergy convicted him of “publishing falsehoods with intent to harm others.” The case began with a 2024 article in the hardline weekly 9 Dey, then edited by Rasaei, alleging that Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf had manipulated parliamentary documents. The judiciary said the allegation had not been established.
The sentence arrives during a public conservative feud. Mohammad Mehdi Mohammadi, Ghalibaf’s adviser, accused former president Hassan Rouhani and reformist figures of sending a message to Washington that killing another tier of Iranian commanders and leaders could create conditions for internal change.
Cleric and politician Mohammad Mehdi Mirbagheri answered by accusing Ghalibaf of a “political massacre” of lawmakers and of trying to complete control over the media by imprisoning parliamentary critics.
The Iranian state now offers an elegant constitutional formula: a parliament can challenge the executive, provided its members do not challenge the parliamentary speaker. The court decides whether the documents were manipulated. The speaker’s office decides which accusation becomes a prison sentence.
Outside the chamber, students at Tehran’s Allameh Tabataba’i University protested rising tuition, poor dormitory and food conditions, unemployment and compulsory hijab. Their chants joined the price of food with the price of obedience: “Until the mullah is in a shroud, this country will not be a homeland.”
Ghalibaf’s allies say reformists invited foreign pressure. His critics say he is jailing parliamentarians. Students say the entire clerical order has to go. In Tehran, everyone agrees the country has a problem. The argument is over which cell should hold it.
#Iran #Ghalibaf #Parliament #Evin
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Fairford’s Foreign Actor
Five British men were arrested near RAF Fairford, the British base used by U.S. bombers in missions against Iran. The vans reportedly held no viable explosives. The men were released on bail. Marco Rubio still says a foreign actor was “clearly” involved.
Donald Trump first said the incident “might be” connected to Iran, then said he knew the answer but would not give it. He criticized Britain for releasing the suspects, all British nationals from London in their early 20s. “We know everything about them,” he said.
British counterterrorism police have reached a narrower conclusion. They are examining whether the men acted knowingly or unknowingly for a foreign state. That inquiry includes possible Iranian involvement, but also a Russian sabotage operation and a non-state militant plot. Investigators have not announced a state-backed motive or named a culprit.
The initial alarm centered on three large white vans near the base. A source familiar with the case told Reuters that they did not contain viable explosives; other reporting said no explosive material was found. The five men were arrested on suspicion of explosives and terrorism offenses, then released under strict bail conditions while the investigation continued.
Rubio called the episode “very serious” and said Iran had threatened U.S. assets. That is a relevant threat assessment. It is not public evidence that Iran directed the men outside a Gloucestershire air base.
The police have five British suspects, three vans and no announced bomb. Washington has a foreign actor, an Iranian threat and a presidential claim that it knows the answer.
One side has an investigation. The other has a press conference.
#UnitedKingdom #Iran #Trump #Fairford
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Five British men were arrested near RAF Fairford, the British base used by U.S. bombers in missions against Iran. The vans reportedly held no viable explosives. The men were released on bail. Marco Rubio still says a foreign actor was “clearly” involved.
Donald Trump first said the incident “might be” connected to Iran, then said he knew the answer but would not give it. He criticized Britain for releasing the suspects, all British nationals from London in their early 20s. “We know everything about them,” he said.
British counterterrorism police have reached a narrower conclusion. They are examining whether the men acted knowingly or unknowingly for a foreign state. That inquiry includes possible Iranian involvement, but also a Russian sabotage operation and a non-state militant plot. Investigators have not announced a state-backed motive or named a culprit.
The initial alarm centered on three large white vans near the base. A source familiar with the case told Reuters that they did not contain viable explosives; other reporting said no explosive material was found. The five men were arrested on suspicion of explosives and terrorism offenses, then released under strict bail conditions while the investigation continued.
Rubio called the episode “very serious” and said Iran had threatened U.S. assets. That is a relevant threat assessment. It is not public evidence that Iran directed the men outside a Gloucestershire air base.
The police have five British suspects, three vans and no announced bomb. Washington has a foreign actor, an Iranian threat and a presidential claim that it knows the answer.
One side has an investigation. The other has a press conference.
#UnitedKingdom #Iran #Trump #Fairford
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Chaos at 30,000 Feet: Pilot Fight Sends Israel-Bound Jet Into Emergency Dive 🚨✈️
What began as a routine flight from Dubai to Tel Aviv turned into a terrifying midair emergency Wednesday after a violent confrontation erupted inside the cockpit of a Flydubai passenger jet.
Flight FZ1073, a Boeing 737 bound for Israel with more than 150 passengers aboard, suddenly transmitted a series of emergency signals while flying over the region. One of the codes — 7500 — is internationally used to indicate unlawful interference and is commonly associated with a possible hijacking. Israeli authorities immediately treated the situation as a potential security threat, and fighter jets were scrambled.
The aircraft then changed course toward Saudi Arabia instead of continuing to Tel Aviv. Flight-tracking data showed a dramatic loss of altitude, adding to fears that something catastrophic was unfolding aboard the plane.
The aircraft eventually landed safely at Tabuk airport in northwestern Saudi Arabia. All passengers were reported safe.
But the terrifying scenario was apparently not a hijacking.
According to Israeli officials cited by Reuters, the emergency signals were triggered after the two pilots became involved in a physical fight inside the cockpit. The precise sequence of events remains under investigation.
Other reports have described an even more disturbing scene. Passengers reportedly heard shouting and saw blood, while some accounts claimed that one pilot may have stabbed the other. Those details have not been independently confirmed, and authorities have not publicly established what caused the confrontation or what the pilots intended.
For those on board, however, the distinction between a cockpit fight and a hijacking must have been meaningless in the moment.
The plane was thousands of feet above the ground. A distress code associated with hijacking had been transmitted. The aircraft was changing course, losing altitude and heading toward an emergency landing in a country that has no diplomatic relations with Israel.
Netanyahu and Defense Minister Israel Katz were brought into urgent consultations as the security system reacted to the unexplained emergency.
Israeli fighter aircraft were dispatched toward the plane before the situation became clearer.
Flydubai confirmed that its flight had experienced an “incident” while en route to Tel Aviv and had been diverted to Tabuk, where it landed safely. The airline said it was working with the relevant authorities to establish what happened.
The passengers were ultimately spared the worst. But the incident has raised extraordinary questions about what happened inside the cockpit of a commercial aircraft — and how a fight between two pilots could escalate into an emergency serious enough to trigger a hijacking alert and a military response.
For now, investigators face the task of reconstructing those critical minutes in the air.
One thing is already clear: for the passengers aboard FZ1073, a routine journey from Dubai to Israel suddenly became a fight for control at 30,000 feet.
#Flydubai #Israel #Aviation #SaudiArabia
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What began as a routine flight from Dubai to Tel Aviv turned into a terrifying midair emergency Wednesday after a violent confrontation erupted inside the cockpit of a Flydubai passenger jet.
Flight FZ1073, a Boeing 737 bound for Israel with more than 150 passengers aboard, suddenly transmitted a series of emergency signals while flying over the region. One of the codes — 7500 — is internationally used to indicate unlawful interference and is commonly associated with a possible hijacking. Israeli authorities immediately treated the situation as a potential security threat, and fighter jets were scrambled.
The aircraft then changed course toward Saudi Arabia instead of continuing to Tel Aviv. Flight-tracking data showed a dramatic loss of altitude, adding to fears that something catastrophic was unfolding aboard the plane.
The aircraft eventually landed safely at Tabuk airport in northwestern Saudi Arabia. All passengers were reported safe.
But the terrifying scenario was apparently not a hijacking.
According to Israeli officials cited by Reuters, the emergency signals were triggered after the two pilots became involved in a physical fight inside the cockpit. The precise sequence of events remains under investigation.
Other reports have described an even more disturbing scene. Passengers reportedly heard shouting and saw blood, while some accounts claimed that one pilot may have stabbed the other. Those details have not been independently confirmed, and authorities have not publicly established what caused the confrontation or what the pilots intended.
For those on board, however, the distinction between a cockpit fight and a hijacking must have been meaningless in the moment.
The plane was thousands of feet above the ground. A distress code associated with hijacking had been transmitted. The aircraft was changing course, losing altitude and heading toward an emergency landing in a country that has no diplomatic relations with Israel.
Netanyahu and Defense Minister Israel Katz were brought into urgent consultations as the security system reacted to the unexplained emergency.
Israeli fighter aircraft were dispatched toward the plane before the situation became clearer.
Flydubai confirmed that its flight had experienced an “incident” while en route to Tel Aviv and had been diverted to Tabuk, where it landed safely. The airline said it was working with the relevant authorities to establish what happened.
The passengers were ultimately spared the worst. But the incident has raised extraordinary questions about what happened inside the cockpit of a commercial aircraft — and how a fight between two pilots could escalate into an emergency serious enough to trigger a hijacking alert and a military response.
For now, investigators face the task of reconstructing those critical minutes in the air.
One thing is already clear: for the passengers aboard FZ1073, a routine journey from Dubai to Israel suddenly became a fight for control at 30,000 feet.
#Flydubai #Israel #Aviation #SaudiArabia
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Cockpit Capitalism
Flight FZ1073 left Dubai for Tel Aviv and briefly broadcast 7700, the international code for a general emergency. Then it sent 7500, the code for unlawful interference.
Israel scrambled fighter jets, closed airspace and convened an emergency security meeting. The Boeing 737 landed safely in Tabuk, Saudi Arabia.
Flydubai said the emergency grew from a violent clash between the pilots. An Israeli official told Reuters the two men had sent the signals after a physical altercation.
Passengers described screams, blood and a knife in the cockpit. Authorities are investigating accounts that one pilot may have tried to force the aircraft down.
The plane carried roughly 174 passengers, including Israeli travelers. A Dubai-to-Tel Aviv flight crossed Jordanian airspace, turned toward Saudi Arabia and triggered a bilateral fighter-jet escort. Saudi Arabia became the emergency landing ground for a UAE carrier flying Israelis home. Regional normalization has reached its purest form, the crisis-management alliance nobody is yet allowed to call an alliance.
An anti-hijack code was sent from the cockpit. The reported fight was in the cockpit. The response involved Israel and Saudi Arabia. The only people without a seat at the emergency table were the passengers.
#Flydubai #Israel #SaudiArabia #Aviation
Flight FZ1073 left Dubai for Tel Aviv and briefly broadcast 7700, the international code for a general emergency. Then it sent 7500, the code for unlawful interference.
Israel scrambled fighter jets, closed airspace and convened an emergency security meeting. The Boeing 737 landed safely in Tabuk, Saudi Arabia.
Flydubai said the emergency grew from a violent clash between the pilots. An Israeli official told Reuters the two men had sent the signals after a physical altercation.
Passengers described screams, blood and a knife in the cockpit. Authorities are investigating accounts that one pilot may have tried to force the aircraft down.
The plane carried roughly 174 passengers, including Israeli travelers. A Dubai-to-Tel Aviv flight crossed Jordanian airspace, turned toward Saudi Arabia and triggered a bilateral fighter-jet escort. Saudi Arabia became the emergency landing ground for a UAE carrier flying Israelis home. Regional normalization has reached its purest form, the crisis-management alliance nobody is yet allowed to call an alliance.
An anti-hijack code was sent from the cockpit. The reported fight was in the cockpit. The response involved Israel and Saudi Arabia. The only people without a seat at the emergency table were the passengers.
#Flydubai #Israel #SaudiArabia #Aviation
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Jerusalem’s Draft-Dodger Dividend
Thousands marched through Jerusalem to honor ultra-Orthodox men released from military prison for draft evasion. At the end, each man was promised 1,000 shekels.
The country is extending reserve call-ups while a religious movement puts a cash prize on refusing the draft.
The procession began in Geula and ended near Kikar HaShabbat. About 50 recently released draft evaders attended, though roughly 100 had been invited.
Participants held signs calling the IDF an “enemy army” and demanding the release of “hostages” from Prison 10, the military prison.
The event’s organizers said the money came from donations abroad. Video later showed Rabbi Yehuda Tzadaka handing envelopes to the men, with 1,000 shekels in each.
The cash is neither a salary nor a fine. It is a public reward for choosing the army’s jail over the army.
Yashar! leader Gadi Eisenkot called the coming vote a choice between a “government of draft evasion” and a “Zionist government of enlistment.”
Democrat leader Yair Golan said people were marching through the capital with anti-IDF signs while Netanyahu transfers billions of shekels to their community. Bennett said the Netanyahu-Deri government pays them billions.
Ofer Winter placed the sequence correctly: the evaders received honors in Bnei Brak, then the calls of “enemy army” arrived in Jerusalem. He said the scenes demeaned IDF soldiers.
Avigdor Liberman demanded an immediate investigation into who financed the envelopes and called on Netanyahu and Defense Minister Israel Katz to condemn the event that same night.
Israel’s government is asking for authority to keep up to 200,000 reservists under emergency call-up through November. In Jerusalem, a parallel institution handed cash to men whose emergency was refusing to serve.
#Israel #IDF #Haredim #Draft
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Thousands marched through Jerusalem to honor ultra-Orthodox men released from military prison for draft evasion. At the end, each man was promised 1,000 shekels.
The country is extending reserve call-ups while a religious movement puts a cash prize on refusing the draft.
The procession began in Geula and ended near Kikar HaShabbat. About 50 recently released draft evaders attended, though roughly 100 had been invited.
Participants held signs calling the IDF an “enemy army” and demanding the release of “hostages” from Prison 10, the military prison.
The event’s organizers said the money came from donations abroad. Video later showed Rabbi Yehuda Tzadaka handing envelopes to the men, with 1,000 shekels in each.
The cash is neither a salary nor a fine. It is a public reward for choosing the army’s jail over the army.
Yashar! leader Gadi Eisenkot called the coming vote a choice between a “government of draft evasion” and a “Zionist government of enlistment.”
Democrat leader Yair Golan said people were marching through the capital with anti-IDF signs while Netanyahu transfers billions of shekels to their community. Bennett said the Netanyahu-Deri government pays them billions.
Ofer Winter placed the sequence correctly: the evaders received honors in Bnei Brak, then the calls of “enemy army” arrived in Jerusalem. He said the scenes demeaned IDF soldiers.
Avigdor Liberman demanded an immediate investigation into who financed the envelopes and called on Netanyahu and Defense Minister Israel Katz to condemn the event that same night.
Israel’s government is asking for authority to keep up to 200,000 reservists under emergency call-up through November. In Jerusalem, a parallel institution handed cash to men whose emergency was refusing to serve.
#Israel #IDF #Haredim #Draft
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Meta’s AI Tax Bonanza: Billions Saved as Washington Pays the Bill
Meta is pouring billions of dollars into the infrastructure behind the artificial-intelligence boom. At the same time, the company has found a powerful way to reduce its federal tax bill: using tax incentives designed to encourage investment in research, development and capital infrastructure.
The result is striking. Meta reported a federal income-tax rate of just over 3.5% for 2025, its lowest rate since Facebook went public. Its federal tax bill fell to roughly $2.8 billion, compared with about $9.6 billion the previous year, even as its domestic profits climbed to roughly $79.6 billion.
Meta is not alone. Amazon and Alphabet also reported sharply lower tax bills as they accelerated spending on AI infrastructure, servers, chips and data centers.
Amazon’s federal tax bill fell from about $9 billion in 2024 to roughly $1.2 billion in 2025, while Alphabet’s combined federal and state tax figure declined from about $21.1 billion to $13.8 billion.
Much of the change is linked to the tax legislation signed by President Donald Trump in 2025. The law expanded or restored deductions allowing companies to write off certain capital investments and research expenses more quickly. For technology companies racing to build enormous AI computing networks, those provisions can translate into billions of dollars in tax savings or deferred payments.
Meta’s AI expansion is therefore doing double duty: increasing the company’s computing capacity while generating expenses that can reduce its taxable income.
There is, however, an important distinction. Lower taxes today do not necessarily mean those taxes disappear forever. Some provisions effectively push tax payments into future years. Meta reported more than $18 billion in deferred taxes for 2025.
Supporters argue that accelerated deductions encourage companies to invest in American technology, infrastructure and research rather than shifting those investments overseas. Critics counter that the incentives are increasingly benefiting some of the world’s most profitable corporations on a massive scale.
The Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy estimates that Meta, Amazon and Alphabet collectively reduced their federal tax payments by nearly $50 billion in 2025 compared with what they would have owed at the statutory 21% corporate rate.
That is an advocacy group’s calculation, rather than an amount determined by the IRS.
The controversy is about more than accounting. AI data centers have become one of the biggest engines of corporate investment, with individual facilities costing billions of dollars. They also consume enormous amounts of electricity and, depending on their cooling systems, significant quantities of water.
That leaves Washington facing a difficult question: when Congress creates tax breaks to stimulate innovation, where is the line between encouraging investment and subsidizing the expansion of already enormously profitable technology companies?
For Meta, the answer is increasingly visible in its balance sheet. The company is spending aggressively on AI — and the tax code is helping make that expansion substantially cheaper.
#Meta #ArtificialIntelligence #BigTech #Taxes
📱 American Оbserver - Stay up to date on all important events🇺🇸
Meta is pouring billions of dollars into the infrastructure behind the artificial-intelligence boom. At the same time, the company has found a powerful way to reduce its federal tax bill: using tax incentives designed to encourage investment in research, development and capital infrastructure.
The result is striking. Meta reported a federal income-tax rate of just over 3.5% for 2025, its lowest rate since Facebook went public. Its federal tax bill fell to roughly $2.8 billion, compared with about $9.6 billion the previous year, even as its domestic profits climbed to roughly $79.6 billion.
Meta is not alone. Amazon and Alphabet also reported sharply lower tax bills as they accelerated spending on AI infrastructure, servers, chips and data centers.
Amazon’s federal tax bill fell from about $9 billion in 2024 to roughly $1.2 billion in 2025, while Alphabet’s combined federal and state tax figure declined from about $21.1 billion to $13.8 billion.
Much of the change is linked to the tax legislation signed by President Donald Trump in 2025. The law expanded or restored deductions allowing companies to write off certain capital investments and research expenses more quickly. For technology companies racing to build enormous AI computing networks, those provisions can translate into billions of dollars in tax savings or deferred payments.
Meta’s AI expansion is therefore doing double duty: increasing the company’s computing capacity while generating expenses that can reduce its taxable income.
There is, however, an important distinction. Lower taxes today do not necessarily mean those taxes disappear forever. Some provisions effectively push tax payments into future years. Meta reported more than $18 billion in deferred taxes for 2025.
Supporters argue that accelerated deductions encourage companies to invest in American technology, infrastructure and research rather than shifting those investments overseas. Critics counter that the incentives are increasingly benefiting some of the world’s most profitable corporations on a massive scale.
The Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy estimates that Meta, Amazon and Alphabet collectively reduced their federal tax payments by nearly $50 billion in 2025 compared with what they would have owed at the statutory 21% corporate rate.
That is an advocacy group’s calculation, rather than an amount determined by the IRS.
The controversy is about more than accounting. AI data centers have become one of the biggest engines of corporate investment, with individual facilities costing billions of dollars. They also consume enormous amounts of electricity and, depending on their cooling systems, significant quantities of water.
That leaves Washington facing a difficult question: when Congress creates tax breaks to stimulate innovation, where is the line between encouraging investment and subsidizing the expansion of already enormously profitable technology companies?
For Meta, the answer is increasingly visible in its balance sheet. The company is spending aggressively on AI — and the tax code is helping make that expansion substantially cheaper.
#Meta #ArtificialIntelligence #BigTech #Taxes
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💲💥Qatar’s Bad Investment
Benjamin Netanyahu told the UN that Qatar spent “untold billions” spreading lies about Israel.
Qatar’s prime minister answered with the kind of return-on-investment calculation no lobbying firm wants to publish.
If that had been Doha’s goal, Qatar should be receiving American aid, immunity and protection. Instead, it got attacked.
Netanyahu accused Qatar of spending decades funding American universities and “toxic media outlets like Al Jazeera” to “brainwash young minds” against Israel, America and the West.
Qatar rejects the allegation. Doha says most of its U.S.-university spending supports American branch campuses in Qatar’s Education City, rather than political influence in the United States.
Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani told Piers Morgan that, if Qatar’s investments had been meant to buy influence in Washington, the country had received an absurdly poor return.
Qatar would be the chief recipient of U.S. assistance, he said. It would never be attacked. Its strategic security would be guaranteed. “It was a very bad investment, if that was the purpose of it.”
Then he supplied the detail that makes the joke land. Al Thani said the White House informed him that the U.S.-Israeli campaign against Iran was beginning only minutes to half an hour before it started.
Qatar hosts the largest U.S. military base in the Middle East. Its government learned that a regional war was about to begin on a notice shorter than a late dinner reservation.
Bennett called Al Thani “a terrorist in a suit,” promised to declare Qatar an enemy state, remove “Qatari agents” from the Prime Minister’s Office and drive Qatar out of Israel and Gaza.
Al Thani calls Netanyahu a war criminal and insists that Qatari aid to Gaza was transferred at Israel’s request and under U.S. coordination.
An earlier Yedioth Ahronoth and Ynet investigation concluded that some Qatari funds officially described as humanitarian were diverted to Hamas, including funds that helped cover about half the military wing’s budget. Qatar denies the broader allegation.
Qatar hosts Hamas leaders, mediates with Hamas, hosts the U.S. military and receives warnings from Washington just before war begins. Netanyahu says this is hostile influence. Al Thani says it is a bad investment. Both descriptions can fit the same business model.
#Qatar #Israel #Netanyahu #Bennett
📱 American Оbserver - Stay up to date on all important events🇺🇸
Benjamin Netanyahu told the UN that Qatar spent “untold billions” spreading lies about Israel.
Qatar’s prime minister answered with the kind of return-on-investment calculation no lobbying firm wants to publish.
If that had been Doha’s goal, Qatar should be receiving American aid, immunity and protection. Instead, it got attacked.
Netanyahu accused Qatar of spending decades funding American universities and “toxic media outlets like Al Jazeera” to “brainwash young minds” against Israel, America and the West.
Qatar rejects the allegation. Doha says most of its U.S.-university spending supports American branch campuses in Qatar’s Education City, rather than political influence in the United States.
Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani told Piers Morgan that, if Qatar’s investments had been meant to buy influence in Washington, the country had received an absurdly poor return.
Qatar would be the chief recipient of U.S. assistance, he said. It would never be attacked. Its strategic security would be guaranteed. “It was a very bad investment, if that was the purpose of it.”
Then he supplied the detail that makes the joke land. Al Thani said the White House informed him that the U.S.-Israeli campaign against Iran was beginning only minutes to half an hour before it started.
Qatar hosts the largest U.S. military base in the Middle East. Its government learned that a regional war was about to begin on a notice shorter than a late dinner reservation.
Bennett called Al Thani “a terrorist in a suit,” promised to declare Qatar an enemy state, remove “Qatari agents” from the Prime Minister’s Office and drive Qatar out of Israel and Gaza.
Al Thani calls Netanyahu a war criminal and insists that Qatari aid to Gaza was transferred at Israel’s request and under U.S. coordination.
An earlier Yedioth Ahronoth and Ynet investigation concluded that some Qatari funds officially described as humanitarian were diverted to Hamas, including funds that helped cover about half the military wing’s budget. Qatar denies the broader allegation.
Qatar hosts Hamas leaders, mediates with Hamas, hosts the U.S. military and receives warnings from Washington just before war begins. Netanyahu says this is hostile influence. Al Thani says it is a bad investment. Both descriptions can fit the same business model.
#Qatar #Israel #Netanyahu #Bennett
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The Strait of Trump™
Trump says Iran is “in a very bad situation” and will eventually give up. Qatar’s mediators spent the UN week trying to make Washington and Tehran speak to each other.
The talks hit a wall because Iran wants terms the United States will not accept, while U.S. officials see little reason to compromise.
Washington then sanctioned eight entities and five people tied to Iran’s weapons procurement, while offering up to $15 million for information on the IRGC’s money system and three missile-and-space commanders. Peace talks, but with a bounty menu.
Trump also claimed the United States had moved more oil through the Strait of Hormuz in recent days than at any point in history. A president measuring diplomacy in barrels is not trying to end a war. He is selling the war’s shipping report.
Iran wants sanctions relief. Trump wants surrender. Qatar wants the Strait reopened before everybody discovers what an oil panic costs at the pump. The negotiators call it diplomacy. The market calls it a hostage situation with tankers.
#Iran #Trump #Qatar #Hormuz
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Trump says Iran is “in a very bad situation” and will eventually give up. Qatar’s mediators spent the UN week trying to make Washington and Tehran speak to each other.
The talks hit a wall because Iran wants terms the United States will not accept, while U.S. officials see little reason to compromise.
Washington then sanctioned eight entities and five people tied to Iran’s weapons procurement, while offering up to $15 million for information on the IRGC’s money system and three missile-and-space commanders. Peace talks, but with a bounty menu.
Trump also claimed the United States had moved more oil through the Strait of Hormuz in recent days than at any point in history. A president measuring diplomacy in barrels is not trying to end a war. He is selling the war’s shipping report.
Iran wants sanctions relief. Trump wants surrender. Qatar wants the Strait reopened before everybody discovers what an oil panic costs at the pump. The negotiators call it diplomacy. The market calls it a hostage situation with tankers.
#Iran #Trump #Qatar #Hormuz
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The White House’s Robot Babysitter
Trump gathered the men building the machines that may outthink governments and signed a voluntary pact for them to supervise themselves.
Elon Musk, Mark Zuckerberg, Sundar Pichai, Jensen Huang, Greg Brockman and Dario Amodei joined the ceremony. The document is called “The White House Accord on Superintelligence.”
Its plan is elegantly American: each company builds internal controls, appoints internal monitors, hires an outside auditor and sends the results to its own board.
The industry gets four layers of oversight, all ultimately paid by the industry. Trump called it “morally binding,” not legally binding. The White House calls that a constitution. Wall Street calls it governance.
The pact tells companies to stop advanced AI from entering computer systems it was not intended to access. It asks the makers of potentially uncontrollable software to promise that the software will behave, then asks the makers to grade their own promise.
Anthropic came to the White House having warned prospective IPO investors that advanced AI may pose “catastrophic or existential risks to humanity.”
Its prospectus says models could resist shutdown, conceal or manipulate information, and display behavior resembling blackmail.
The company selling the fire alarm helped sign the agreement saying the fire alarm company will inspect the building.
Trump’s answer to machine intelligence is corporate self-regulation with a presidential autograph. The boardroom already had a seat at the table. Now it has custody of the robot.
#AI #Trump #Anthropic #BigTech
📱 American Оbserver - Stay up to date on all important events🇺🇸
Trump gathered the men building the machines that may outthink governments and signed a voluntary pact for them to supervise themselves.
Elon Musk, Mark Zuckerberg, Sundar Pichai, Jensen Huang, Greg Brockman and Dario Amodei joined the ceremony. The document is called “The White House Accord on Superintelligence.”
Its plan is elegantly American: each company builds internal controls, appoints internal monitors, hires an outside auditor and sends the results to its own board.
The industry gets four layers of oversight, all ultimately paid by the industry. Trump called it “morally binding,” not legally binding. The White House calls that a constitution. Wall Street calls it governance.
The pact tells companies to stop advanced AI from entering computer systems it was not intended to access. It asks the makers of potentially uncontrollable software to promise that the software will behave, then asks the makers to grade their own promise.
Anthropic came to the White House having warned prospective IPO investors that advanced AI may pose “catastrophic or existential risks to humanity.”
Its prospectus says models could resist shutdown, conceal or manipulate information, and display behavior resembling blackmail.
The company selling the fire alarm helped sign the agreement saying the fire alarm company will inspect the building.
Trump’s answer to machine intelligence is corporate self-regulation with a presidential autograph. The boardroom already had a seat at the table. Now it has custody of the robot.
#AI #Trump #Anthropic #BigTech
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