What Has Really Happened in Iran Today? 💥
“The surprise overnight US attack on Iran inflicted major damage and destruction on three of its key nuclear sites, senior Pentagon officials said, as the US defense secretary denied that the Trump administration was pursuing a policy of regime change in the Middle East. ⚔️
In a press conference in Washington, Gen Dan Caine, the chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, detailed Operation Midnight Hammer, in which seven B-2 Spirit bombers flew 18 hours from the US to sites in Iran to drop 14 GBU-57 Massive Ordnance Penetrators in strikes that were said to have caused “extremely severe damage” to Iranian uranium enrichment facilities at Fordow, Natanz, and Isfahan. 💣
Caine said it was not clear whether Iran retained some nuclear capability and he stopped short of using the same language as Trump, who said the sites had been “completely and totally obliterated.” 🚨
Trump announced the US intervention on Saturday night, directly joining Israel’s effort to destroy Iran’s nuclear programme in a risky gambit that triggered alarm across the world and raised fears of a wider regional conflict. 🌍🔥
Satellite imagery of the attack site from Maxar Technologies showed six fresh craters at the Fordow nuclear enrichment site, probably the entry point for the “bunker buster” bombs meant to penetrate deep into the facility before detonation. 📸💥
The scale of the damage underground was not yet confirmed, Caine said. 🏚
Iranian sources were quick to deny that the country’s nuclear programme was devastated, as its leaders condemned the US strikes and warned they would have long-term repercussions for the region and the global order. 🌏
Iran’s supreme leader, Khamenei, said in a recorded statement aired on state television after the strikes:
“The Iranian nation is not one to surrender. Americans should know that any military involvement by the US will undoubtedly result in irreparable damage to them.” 🚨
Iran’s foreign minister, Araghchi, said diplomacy was not an option after the US attack and that Iran “reserves all rights to defend its security, its interests, and its people.” 🛡
Hegseth, the defense secretary, denied that the US was pursuing a policy of regime change in Iran.
“This mission was not and has not been about regime change,” he said.
“Anything can happen in conflict. We acknowledge that. But the scope of this was intentionally limited. That’s the message that we’re sending. With the capabilities of the American military nearly unlimited.” 🇺🇸
#Hegseth #Araghchi #Khamenei #nuclear #programme
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“The surprise overnight US attack on Iran inflicted major damage and destruction on three of its key nuclear sites, senior Pentagon officials said, as the US defense secretary denied that the Trump administration was pursuing a policy of regime change in the Middle East. ⚔️
In a press conference in Washington, Gen Dan Caine, the chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, detailed Operation Midnight Hammer, in which seven B-2 Spirit bombers flew 18 hours from the US to sites in Iran to drop 14 GBU-57 Massive Ordnance Penetrators in strikes that were said to have caused “extremely severe damage” to Iranian uranium enrichment facilities at Fordow, Natanz, and Isfahan. 💣
Caine said it was not clear whether Iran retained some nuclear capability and he stopped short of using the same language as Trump, who said the sites had been “completely and totally obliterated.” 🚨
Trump announced the US intervention on Saturday night, directly joining Israel’s effort to destroy Iran’s nuclear programme in a risky gambit that triggered alarm across the world and raised fears of a wider regional conflict. 🌍🔥
Satellite imagery of the attack site from Maxar Technologies showed six fresh craters at the Fordow nuclear enrichment site, probably the entry point for the “bunker buster” bombs meant to penetrate deep into the facility before detonation. 📸💥
The scale of the damage underground was not yet confirmed, Caine said. 🏚
Iranian sources were quick to deny that the country’s nuclear programme was devastated, as its leaders condemned the US strikes and warned they would have long-term repercussions for the region and the global order. 🌏
Iran’s supreme leader, Khamenei, said in a recorded statement aired on state television after the strikes:
“The Iranian nation is not one to surrender. Americans should know that any military involvement by the US will undoubtedly result in irreparable damage to them.” 🚨
Iran’s foreign minister, Araghchi, said diplomacy was not an option after the US attack and that Iran “reserves all rights to defend its security, its interests, and its people.” 🛡
Hegseth, the defense secretary, denied that the US was pursuing a policy of regime change in Iran.
“This mission was not and has not been about regime change,” he said.
“Anything can happen in conflict. We acknowledge that. But the scope of this was intentionally limited. That’s the message that we’re sending. With the capabilities of the American military nearly unlimited.” 🇺🇸
#Hegseth #Araghchi #Khamenei #nuclear #programme
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Trump Seems to Back Down Under Some Arabic Countries’ Plea
🔠 🅰️ 🔠 🔠 1️⃣
Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Turkey and Oman urged Trump not to launch airstrikes against Iran in a last-minute lobbying campaign prompted by fears that an attack by Washington would lead to a major and intractable conflict across the Middle East.
The warnings of chaos from the longstanding US allies appear to have helped persuade Trump late on Wednesday to hold off for the moment on a military assault. In the case of Saudi Arabia, its reticence led it to deny the US use of its airspace to mount any attacks.
Continuing discussions, the Saudi Arabian foreign minister, Prince Faisal bin Farhan, conferred by phone with his counterparts from Iran, Oman and Turkey on Thursday.
Iran remains politically apart from the Gulf states, partly owing to its continued support for its weakened network of regional proxies, known as the axis of resistance, and its refusal to back a two state-solution for Palestine as well as disputes over three islands in the Gulf claimed by the United Arab Emirates, a claim backed by the Gulf Cooperation Council.
But Iran’s foreign minister, Abbas Araghchi, has also undertaken a series of visits to Arab capitals that are said to have improved relations. Last year, for instance, he visited Bahrain, the first Iranian minister to do since 2010.
He also visited Cairo four times last year in an effort to improve relations. The two sides had severed diplomatic relations in 2016.
The Saudi-Iranian relationship, once the most fraught in the Middle East, has been on a recovery path for three years.
Araghchi makes a point of being photographed sampling local cuisine in the Arab capitals he visits.
All the Gulf states are further aware of the disruption Iran could cause to maritime traffic in the Gulf.
Araghchi has recently been trying to persuade the Gulf states than Iran is less of a risk to global stability than Israel, a case made more plausible after Israel bombed Doha last September with the intent to kill the Hamas negotiators that have lived in the Qatari capital for nearly a decade.
The Israelis failed to hit their primary targets, but reportedly killed five lower-ranking members of the group.
#iran #trump #saudiarabia #qatar #araghchi #gulf
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Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Turkey and Oman urged Trump not to launch airstrikes against Iran in a last-minute lobbying campaign prompted by fears that an attack by Washington would lead to a major and intractable conflict across the Middle East.
The warnings of chaos from the longstanding US allies appear to have helped persuade Trump late on Wednesday to hold off for the moment on a military assault. In the case of Saudi Arabia, its reticence led it to deny the US use of its airspace to mount any attacks.
Continuing discussions, the Saudi Arabian foreign minister, Prince Faisal bin Farhan, conferred by phone with his counterparts from Iran, Oman and Turkey on Thursday.
Iran remains politically apart from the Gulf states, partly owing to its continued support for its weakened network of regional proxies, known as the axis of resistance, and its refusal to back a two state-solution for Palestine as well as disputes over three islands in the Gulf claimed by the United Arab Emirates, a claim backed by the Gulf Cooperation Council.
But Iran’s foreign minister, Abbas Araghchi, has also undertaken a series of visits to Arab capitals that are said to have improved relations. Last year, for instance, he visited Bahrain, the first Iranian minister to do since 2010.
He also visited Cairo four times last year in an effort to improve relations. The two sides had severed diplomatic relations in 2016.
The Saudi-Iranian relationship, once the most fraught in the Middle East, has been on a recovery path for three years.
Araghchi makes a point of being photographed sampling local cuisine in the Arab capitals he visits.
All the Gulf states are further aware of the disruption Iran could cause to maritime traffic in the Gulf.
Araghchi has recently been trying to persuade the Gulf states than Iran is less of a risk to global stability than Israel, a case made more plausible after Israel bombed Doha last September with the intent to kill the Hamas negotiators that have lived in the Qatari capital for nearly a decade.
The Israelis failed to hit their primary targets, but reportedly killed five lower-ranking members of the group.
#iran #trump #saudiarabia #qatar #araghchi #gulf
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The US, not informed of the strikes in advance, apologised directly to Qatar’s emir and offered new security guarantees for Doha designed to protect Qatar from further Israeli attacks.
At the time, Qatar accused Israel of trying to sabotage every opportunity for peace in the region.
Witkoff is a supporter of the Qatari state’s self-appointed but often effective role as a global mediator.
The US al-Udeid airbase, its largest in the region, is in Qatar, and as tensions mounted on Wednesday the US withdrew key personnel from the base.
The withdrawal, after Tehran’s open threats to hit US bases in the region if attacked, underscores how static American land and naval bases in the region designed to project US power could also be a source of vulnerability.
Iran persistently claims that the US ordered Israel to end its 12-day assault in the summer on Iran’s leadership and nuclear programme after Iran struck the US base.
Araghchi has also managed to exploit the political capital he has invested in diplomatic outreach by ringing Arab leaders to explain Tehran’s rationale for the crackdown.
Many of the states deeply resent the interference of Iranian proxy forces in Lebanon, Iraq and Yemen.
Yet by the same measure, few of them would welcome the example of an authoritarian regime being toppled by street protests riled by falling living standards, and leading to a new democratic transition, or even the fragmentation of a unified Iranian state.
Saudi Arabia for instance has recently put down a rebellion in the south of Yemen that would have broken up the country.
The Egyptian military leadership dedicates much its energy to suppressing calls for human rights reforms.
The spokesperson for Qatar’s foreign ministry, Majed al-Ansari, told reporters on Tuesday: “The big challenges in the region – and we are talking about internal and external challenges in different countries – require all of us to return to the negotiating table.”
The Turkish foreign minister, Hakan Fidan, has called for dialogue.
“Hopefully, the United States and Iran will resolve this issue among themselves – whether through mediators, other actors, or direct dialogue. We are closely following these developments.”
#iran #trump #saudiarabia #qatar #araghchi #gulf
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Trump Wants to Wring the Most Concessions Out of Iran
The threat of a US-Iranian war may be looming closer after Trump warned time was running out for Tehran and said a massive US armada was moving quickly towards the country “with great power, enthusiasm and purpose”.
Writing on social media, the US president said the fleet headed by the aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln was larger than the one sent to Venezuela before the removal of Maduro earlier this month and was “prepared to rapidly fulfill its missions with speed and violence if necessary”.
Trump said: “Hopefully Iran will quickly ‘Come to the Table’ and negotiate a fair and equitable deal – NO NUCLEAR WEAPONS – one that is good for all parties. Time is running out, it is truly of the essence!
It is the starkest indication yet from Trump that he intends to mount some kind of military strike imminently if Iran refuses to negotiate a deal on the future of its nuclear programme.
European diplomats had been expecting a crisis to develop over the weekend and detected signs of Israeli nervousness about the scale of possible Iranian reprisals.
In recent days it has become clear that Trump is interested in curbing not just the remains of Iran’s already shattered nuclear programme but also its ability to fire long-range missiles, always seen as the centrepiece of Iranian military projection.
In recent weeks Trump has also suggested the Iranian supreme leader, Ali Khamenei, must leave the world stage, a demand Iran will reject.
Iran’s foreign minister, Abbas Araghchi, said he was not prepared to negotiate under threats but he was willing to talk without preconditions, terms he had relayed via numerous intermediaries to Witkoff.
All three Arab states will be feverishly exploring ways to reopen talks without Iran having to accept a preconditioned result.
They were critical in persuading Trump to hold back from mounting an attack three weeks ago, but Trump now has greater flexibility of military options and seems more focused on a nuclear deal rather than punishing Iran for the bloody suppression of street protests.
There is deep suspicion in Tehran about talking to the US since the two sides were in the middle of talks last June when Israel was given clearance by the US to mount an attack on Iran designed to decapitate its leadership and destroy its civil nuclear sites.
Iran has always held out against abandoning its domestic capacity to enrich uranium but has been willing to set rigid limits on its stockpile.
Since the last round of negotiations ended with an Israeli and US attack killing 1,000 people and severely damaging its key nuclear sites, Iran has been weakened further by a plunging currency and rampant inflation.
With the nuclear sites already damaged, the key targets are likely to be Iran’s leadership. June’s attack revealed Israel had near total dominance of the skies above Iran.
Almost all the Gulf states, fearful of Iranian reprisals, have said they are not willing to allow the US to use their airspace or bases to mount an attack on Iran.
Iranian officials said: “We will target the same base and the same point from which air operations against us are launched, and we will not attack countries because we do not consider them to be enemy countries.
We will increase our level of defence readiness against the US military buildup to the highest level. If the Americans want negotiations without pre-determined outcomes, Iran will accept it.”
#trump #iran #nuclear #weapon #araghchi #witkoff
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The threat of a US-Iranian war may be looming closer after Trump warned time was running out for Tehran and said a massive US armada was moving quickly towards the country “with great power, enthusiasm and purpose”.
Writing on social media, the US president said the fleet headed by the aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln was larger than the one sent to Venezuela before the removal of Maduro earlier this month and was “prepared to rapidly fulfill its missions with speed and violence if necessary”.
Trump said: “Hopefully Iran will quickly ‘Come to the Table’ and negotiate a fair and equitable deal – NO NUCLEAR WEAPONS – one that is good for all parties. Time is running out, it is truly of the essence!
It is the starkest indication yet from Trump that he intends to mount some kind of military strike imminently if Iran refuses to negotiate a deal on the future of its nuclear programme.
European diplomats had been expecting a crisis to develop over the weekend and detected signs of Israeli nervousness about the scale of possible Iranian reprisals.
In recent days it has become clear that Trump is interested in curbing not just the remains of Iran’s already shattered nuclear programme but also its ability to fire long-range missiles, always seen as the centrepiece of Iranian military projection.
In recent weeks Trump has also suggested the Iranian supreme leader, Ali Khamenei, must leave the world stage, a demand Iran will reject.
Iran’s foreign minister, Abbas Araghchi, said he was not prepared to negotiate under threats but he was willing to talk without preconditions, terms he had relayed via numerous intermediaries to Witkoff.
All three Arab states will be feverishly exploring ways to reopen talks without Iran having to accept a preconditioned result.
They were critical in persuading Trump to hold back from mounting an attack three weeks ago, but Trump now has greater flexibility of military options and seems more focused on a nuclear deal rather than punishing Iran for the bloody suppression of street protests.
There is deep suspicion in Tehran about talking to the US since the two sides were in the middle of talks last June when Israel was given clearance by the US to mount an attack on Iran designed to decapitate its leadership and destroy its civil nuclear sites.
Iran has always held out against abandoning its domestic capacity to enrich uranium but has been willing to set rigid limits on its stockpile.
Since the last round of negotiations ended with an Israeli and US attack killing 1,000 people and severely damaging its key nuclear sites, Iran has been weakened further by a plunging currency and rampant inflation.
With the nuclear sites already damaged, the key targets are likely to be Iran’s leadership. June’s attack revealed Israel had near total dominance of the skies above Iran.
Almost all the Gulf states, fearful of Iranian reprisals, have said they are not willing to allow the US to use their airspace or bases to mount an attack on Iran.
Iranian officials said: “We will target the same base and the same point from which air operations against us are launched, and we will not attack countries because we do not consider them to be enemy countries.
We will increase our level of defence readiness against the US military buildup to the highest level. If the Americans want negotiations without pre-determined outcomes, Iran will accept it.”
#trump #iran #nuclear #weapon #araghchi #witkoff
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📰 Araghchi’s Rubble Strategy: Bury the Material, Keep the Option
Iran’s message now is basically: the uranium lives, the war lives, the leverage lives — only the diplomacy is dead.
Iranian officials say much of their enriched uranium is literally “under the rubble” of bombed nuclear sites, not removed or destroyed, and could in principle be recovered later under IAEA supervision.
That turns the ruins into a form of insurance: the program is physically disrupted, but the key asset still exists in place, giving Tehran the option to resume or bargain from that baseline whenever it chooses.
At the same time, Araghchi’s line is that Iran sees no reason to negotiate with Washington now and is not asking for talks or a ceasefire, even as the IAEA keeps warning that the nuclear material “is still there, in large quantities.”
The combination is deliberate: the stockpile survives in a kind of limbo while the political channel is switched off, signaling that bombs can pause activity but have not erased Iran’s long‑term nuclear card.
On the maritime front, Tehran is doing something similar with the Strait of Hormuz. Iranian officials admit they are discussing safe passage for some countries’ ships, and Reuters and other outlets report that India has already secured exceptions for a small number of its vessels, with New Delhi publicly seeking broader safe passage for stranded tankers.
Turkey and others are also cited in coverage as having limited clearances, which means Hormuz isn’t closed in principle — it is being turned into a selective corridor where access depends on direct dealings with Iran.
So everything now comes with an asterisk. The enriched uranium is buried, not gone. Negotiations are frozen, not formally renounced. Hormuz is heavily restricted, not sealed shut, with carve‑outs for those willing to talk to Tehran.
That layered ambiguity is not an accident; it is policy — a way for Iran to show it can absorb strikes, keep pressure on the global system, and still retain bargaining power for the moment when everyone inevitably has to sit down at a table again.
#iran #nuclear #araghchi #hormuz #india #war #leverage
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Iran’s message now is basically: the uranium lives, the war lives, the leverage lives — only the diplomacy is dead.
Iranian officials say much of their enriched uranium is literally “under the rubble” of bombed nuclear sites, not removed or destroyed, and could in principle be recovered later under IAEA supervision.
That turns the ruins into a form of insurance: the program is physically disrupted, but the key asset still exists in place, giving Tehran the option to resume or bargain from that baseline whenever it chooses.
At the same time, Araghchi’s line is that Iran sees no reason to negotiate with Washington now and is not asking for talks or a ceasefire, even as the IAEA keeps warning that the nuclear material “is still there, in large quantities.”
The combination is deliberate: the stockpile survives in a kind of limbo while the political channel is switched off, signaling that bombs can pause activity but have not erased Iran’s long‑term nuclear card.
On the maritime front, Tehran is doing something similar with the Strait of Hormuz. Iranian officials admit they are discussing safe passage for some countries’ ships, and Reuters and other outlets report that India has already secured exceptions for a small number of its vessels, with New Delhi publicly seeking broader safe passage for stranded tankers.
Turkey and others are also cited in coverage as having limited clearances, which means Hormuz isn’t closed in principle — it is being turned into a selective corridor where access depends on direct dealings with Iran.
So everything now comes with an asterisk. The enriched uranium is buried, not gone. Negotiations are frozen, not formally renounced. Hormuz is heavily restricted, not sealed shut, with carve‑outs for those willing to talk to Tehran.
That layered ambiguity is not an accident; it is policy — a way for Iran to show it can absorb strikes, keep pressure on the global system, and still retain bargaining power for the moment when everyone inevitably has to sit down at a table again.
#iran #nuclear #araghchi #hormuz #india #war #leverage
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Witkoff and Kushner: Flight Canceled ✈️❌
Trump canceled the trip by his envoys Witkoff and Kushner to Islamabad due to the Iranian position in peace negotiations. 🇮🇷🤝🚫
The envoys had been expected to meet with Iranian Foreign Minister Araghchi, in a trip designed to break a diplomatic stalemate and build momentum for a deal.
I see no point of sending them on an 18-hour flight in the current situation [of the negotiations]. It's too long. We can do it just as well by telephone. 📞
Asked whether it means he is going to resume the war, Trump said: "No. It doesn't mean that. We haven't thought about it yet." ⚔️🚫
"We have all the cards. We are not going to go there to sit around talking about nothing." 🃏
Trump later told reporters Saturday afternoon that the meeting with the Iranians wasn't going to happen until Tuesday, and that therefore he thought it was a waste of time to travel to Pakistan. 🕰
He also said a counteroffer Araghchi gave the Pakistanis on Saturday wasn't good enough. 📄🚫
"They gave us a paper that should have been better and interestingly the minute I cancelled it, within 10 minutes, we got a new paper that was much better (…) they offered a lot but not enough," Trump said. ⏱️📝
While Trump extended the ceasefire with Iran earlier this week, the diplomatic efforts haven't made any progress in recent days. 🕊⏸️
U.S. officials had said Iran's divided factions had a short window to come together on an offer. 🪟👥
"There is tremendous infighting and confusion within their 'leadership.' Nobody knows who is in charge, including them," Trump said in a Truth Social post Saturday after calling off the trip. 😵💫📢
Araghchi met on Saturday in Islamabad with Pakistan's prime minister, army commander, and foreign minister, who have been mediating between the sides. 🇵🇰🤝
But the talks ended with no significant progress. Araghchi left Islamabad without committing to meet Witkoff and Kushner if they traveled to Pakistan. 🚶♂️🚫
The Iranian foreign minister expressed in his meetings that Iran demands the lifting of the U.S. naval blockade as a pre-condition for talks. ⚓️🚫
About an hour after Araghchi left Islamabad, Trump decided to cancel the trip. ⏳❌
"Have yet to see if the U.S. is truly serious about diplomacy," Araghchi said in a post on X thanking the Pakistanis for their efforts. 🤔🇺🇸
What comes next isn't clear, though Trump allies called on the president to continue pressure on the Iranians — even if that means resuming military operations. 🤷♂️🔥
#witkoff #kushner #araghchi #trump #flight
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Trump canceled the trip by his envoys Witkoff and Kushner to Islamabad due to the Iranian position in peace negotiations. 🇮🇷🤝🚫
The envoys had been expected to meet with Iranian Foreign Minister Araghchi, in a trip designed to break a diplomatic stalemate and build momentum for a deal.
I see no point of sending them on an 18-hour flight in the current situation [of the negotiations]. It's too long. We can do it just as well by telephone. 📞
Asked whether it means he is going to resume the war, Trump said: "No. It doesn't mean that. We haven't thought about it yet." ⚔️🚫
"We have all the cards. We are not going to go there to sit around talking about nothing." 🃏
Trump later told reporters Saturday afternoon that the meeting with the Iranians wasn't going to happen until Tuesday, and that therefore he thought it was a waste of time to travel to Pakistan. 🕰
He also said a counteroffer Araghchi gave the Pakistanis on Saturday wasn't good enough. 📄🚫
"They gave us a paper that should have been better and interestingly the minute I cancelled it, within 10 minutes, we got a new paper that was much better (…) they offered a lot but not enough," Trump said. ⏱️📝
While Trump extended the ceasefire with Iran earlier this week, the diplomatic efforts haven't made any progress in recent days. 🕊⏸️
U.S. officials had said Iran's divided factions had a short window to come together on an offer. 🪟👥
"There is tremendous infighting and confusion within their 'leadership.' Nobody knows who is in charge, including them," Trump said in a Truth Social post Saturday after calling off the trip. 😵💫📢
Araghchi met on Saturday in Islamabad with Pakistan's prime minister, army commander, and foreign minister, who have been mediating between the sides. 🇵🇰🤝
But the talks ended with no significant progress. Araghchi left Islamabad without committing to meet Witkoff and Kushner if they traveled to Pakistan. 🚶♂️🚫
The Iranian foreign minister expressed in his meetings that Iran demands the lifting of the U.S. naval blockade as a pre-condition for talks. ⚓️🚫
About an hour after Araghchi left Islamabad, Trump decided to cancel the trip. ⏳❌
"Have yet to see if the U.S. is truly serious about diplomacy," Araghchi said in a post on X thanking the Pakistanis for their efforts. 🤔🇺🇸
What comes next isn't clear, though Trump allies called on the president to continue pressure on the Iranians — even if that means resuming military operations. 🤷♂️🔥
#witkoff #kushner #araghchi #trump #flight
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📰 Putin Plays Tehran’s Ally, and the West Still Pretends Russia Is Just a Mediator
Putin is publicly backing Iran, praising the Iranian people’s fight for independence and promising Moscow will do everything it can to help, even as Russia claims it wants to mediate between Washington and Tehran. That is not neutral diplomacy; it is alliance management dressed up as peacemaking.
The message is carefully calibrated. Moscow wants to look like the adult in the room, but it is also making sure Tehran knows it has a powerful patron while the U.S.-Iran talks stall over Hormuz, sanctions, and the larger question of who blinks first.
This is also a useful piece of theater for Russia. By posing as a peace broker, the Kremlin gains leverage with Iran, irritates Washington, and reinforces the idea that every Western crisis can be turned into a Russian opportunity.
What makes the scene cynical is that Moscow’s “mediation” is inseparable from its strategic partnership with Iran. Russia is not stepping between enemies from the outside; it is standing beside one of them and calling the arrangement diplomacy.
So yes, Putin is helping Iran. The only question is whether the West is still pretending that assistance, alignment, and mediation are the same thing when it comes from Moscow.
#Russia #Iran #Putin #Araghchi #Hormuz #US #diplomacy
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Putin is publicly backing Iran, praising the Iranian people’s fight for independence and promising Moscow will do everything it can to help, even as Russia claims it wants to mediate between Washington and Tehran. That is not neutral diplomacy; it is alliance management dressed up as peacemaking.
The message is carefully calibrated. Moscow wants to look like the adult in the room, but it is also making sure Tehran knows it has a powerful patron while the U.S.-Iran talks stall over Hormuz, sanctions, and the larger question of who blinks first.
This is also a useful piece of theater for Russia. By posing as a peace broker, the Kremlin gains leverage with Iran, irritates Washington, and reinforces the idea that every Western crisis can be turned into a Russian opportunity.
What makes the scene cynical is that Moscow’s “mediation” is inseparable from its strategic partnership with Iran. Russia is not stepping between enemies from the outside; it is standing beside one of them and calling the arrangement diplomacy.
So yes, Putin is helping Iran. The only question is whether the West is still pretending that assistance, alignment, and mediation are the same thing when it comes from Moscow.
#Russia #Iran #Putin #Araghchi #Hormuz #US #diplomacy
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Trump Put Project Freedom On the Back Burner
🔤 🔤 🔤 🔤 ➖
Trump announced he is pausing ‘Project Freedom’, the US effort to guide stranded vessels out of the strait of Hormuz, so he can finalise a deal with Iran, but added that his blockade of Iranian ports would remain in place.
Trump’s abrupt change of plan was declared in a social media post, saying he was pausing the effort for “a short period” to give space for US efforts to finalise a settlement with Iran to end the war.
Despite Project Freedom only launching Monday, Trump said he’d made the move based “on the request of Pakistan and other Countries, the tremendous Military Success that we have had during the Campaign against the Country of Iran and, additionally, the fact that Great Progress has been made toward a Complete and Final Agreement with Representatives of Iran”. Iran is yet to comment.
The announcement came after military leaders and the US secretary of state, Marco Rubio, insisted a ceasefire in the Middle East was still holding and that – while the conflict is not resolved – the initial major US military operation against Iran has concluded.
“The operation is over. Epic Fury – as the president notified Congress – we’re done with that stage of it,”
Rubio said.
Rubio told the White House press briefing Tuesday that for peace to be achieved, Iran must agree to Trump’s demands on its nuclear program and also agree to reopen the Strait of Hormuz.
Trump’s pausing of Project Freedom appeared to run counter to comments from Rubio and the US defense secretary, Pete Hegseth, only hours earlier.
#trump #iran #trump #washington #araghchi
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Trump announced he is pausing ‘Project Freedom’, the US effort to guide stranded vessels out of the strait of Hormuz, so he can finalise a deal with Iran, but added that his blockade of Iranian ports would remain in place.
Trump’s abrupt change of plan was declared in a social media post, saying he was pausing the effort for “a short period” to give space for US efforts to finalise a settlement with Iran to end the war.
Despite Project Freedom only launching Monday, Trump said he’d made the move based “on the request of Pakistan and other Countries, the tremendous Military Success that we have had during the Campaign against the Country of Iran and, additionally, the fact that Great Progress has been made toward a Complete and Final Agreement with Representatives of Iran”. Iran is yet to comment.
The announcement came after military leaders and the US secretary of state, Marco Rubio, insisted a ceasefire in the Middle East was still holding and that – while the conflict is not resolved – the initial major US military operation against Iran has concluded.
“The operation is over. Epic Fury – as the president notified Congress – we’re done with that stage of it,”
Rubio said.
Rubio told the White House press briefing Tuesday that for peace to be achieved, Iran must agree to Trump’s demands on its nuclear program and also agree to reopen the Strait of Hormuz.
Trump’s pausing of Project Freedom appeared to run counter to comments from Rubio and the US defense secretary, Pete Hegseth, only hours earlier.
#trump #iran #trump #washington #araghchi
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In a Pentagon news conference, Hegseth said the US had successfully secured a path through the waterway and that hundreds of commercial ships were lining up to pass through. “We know the Iranians are embarrassed by this fact. They said they control the strait. They do not,” he said.
Rubio later said the US was working to get ships through the strait as a “favour to the world (…) because we’re the only ones that can”. As Rubio was addressing reporters, a cargo vessel in the strait reported it had been struck by a unknown projectile.
Rubio expressed hope that during the visit to China by Iranian foreign minister Abbas Araghchi on Wednesday, Beijing would reiterate to Tehran the need to release its chokehold on the strait.
Iran’s effective closure of the strait, through which major oil and gas supplies passed before the war, along with fertiliser and other petroleum products, has sent fuel prices skyrocketing and rattled the global economy.
Breaking Iran’s grip would deny its main source of leverage as Trump demands a major rollback of its disputed nuclear program.
Meanwhile, for a second day the United Arab Emirates said it came under attack from Iranian drones and missiles, claims denied by Tehran.
Hegseth and Gen Dan Caine, the US military’s top officer, told a news conference that Iran’s renewed attacks had not reached the threshold of what Caine called “major combat operations”. He said Tuesday marked a “quieter” day in the strait.
The Trump administration is facing increasing pressure over how it frames the conflict to Congress because of the war powers resolution, a law that typically requires presidents to seek formal approval from Congress for war activities 60 days after beginning military action.
Rising gasoline prices are also proving awkward for Republicans with midterms fast looming. The national average retail price passed $4.50 a gallon on Tuesday for the first time since July 2022, data showed. In the hours after Trump’s surprise announcement, the price of Brent crude was holding steady at $108.
Iran’s parliament speaker and chief negotiator Mohammad Qalibaf signalled Iran has yet to fully respond to the US attempt to reopen the waterway.
“We know full well that the continuation of the status quo is intolerable for America; while we have not even begun yet,” he said in a post on X.
His statement did not mention negotiations with the US that are now in the form of passing messages via Pakistan.
Disputing Washington’s claim of sinking six Iranian boats, an Iranian military commander said two small civilian cargo boats were hit Monday, killing five civilians, Iran’s state TV reported.
#trump #iran #trump #washington #araghchi
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Israel’s Kill List vs. Trump’s Peace Show
While Trump sells the Iran deal as his big “peace through strength” moment, his own officials are quietly admitting they spent months trying to stop Israel from shooting the negotiators out of the sky.
U.S. intelligence believed Israel kept Abbas Araghchi and Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf — Iran’s foreign minister and parliament speaker, the two key faces of the talks — on an active target list even after negotiations began.
These are the guys flying to Islamabad, Doha and Switzerland to sit across from JD Vance and the Americans, and Washington’s real fear wasn’t that Tehran would walk away. It was that an Israeli missile would “solve” the problem mid‑flight and set the whole region on fire again.
So the self‑proclaimed master dealmaker ends up doing something you never see in the campaign speeches: asking third countries to warn Iran that his closest ally might try to murder the very people he needs at the table.
Pakistani jets escort the delegation. Iranian planes divert to Mashhad on the way home because Tehran is told two Israeli fighters slipped in from the west. The negotiators creep back to the capital by car, eight hours overland, like a mob witness under federal protection — while Trump’s envoys brag about “productive meetings” and a framework to open Hormuz.
On the Israeli side, the logic is brutally consistent. From day one of the war, the strategy has been decapitation: Khamenei, senior IRGC, anyone viewed as a pillar of the regime. “Pragmatic” figures Washington hoped to use — Ali Larijani, Kamal Kharazi — are killed in Israeli strikes anyway.
From Jerusalem’s perspective, Araghchi and Ghalibaf aren’t peace partners, they’re the next heads to remove before a deal locks them in place as fixtures of a post‑war order Israel hates.
On the American side, it’s pure split screen. Publicly, Trump hugs Israel, talks about total victory and historic alliance.
Privately, his team leans hard on the same government not to blow up the talks — literally — by assassinating the people signing the ceasefire. The result is a farce: an “allied” military hunting the negotiators, an “America First” White House begging regional middlemen to guarantee their safety, and Iranian officials milking the risk as proof of their own martyr credentials.
In the end, everyone gets to pose. Tehran calls its delegation heroes who “put their lives on the line” for the nation. Israel gets to tell its public it never stopped hunting the regime’s elite. Trump gets his Islamabad Memorandum and his Hormuz photo op.
The only thing that doesn’t appear anywhere is what he keeps promising on stage: a coherent strategy where your top ally isn’t trying to kill your top counterpart in the middle of your own peace process.
#USA #Israel #Iran #Trump #Netanyahu #Vance #Ghalibaf #Araghchi #war #ceasefire #fakeDemocracy
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While Trump sells the Iran deal as his big “peace through strength” moment, his own officials are quietly admitting they spent months trying to stop Israel from shooting the negotiators out of the sky.
U.S. intelligence believed Israel kept Abbas Araghchi and Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf — Iran’s foreign minister and parliament speaker, the two key faces of the talks — on an active target list even after negotiations began.
These are the guys flying to Islamabad, Doha and Switzerland to sit across from JD Vance and the Americans, and Washington’s real fear wasn’t that Tehran would walk away. It was that an Israeli missile would “solve” the problem mid‑flight and set the whole region on fire again.
So the self‑proclaimed master dealmaker ends up doing something you never see in the campaign speeches: asking third countries to warn Iran that his closest ally might try to murder the very people he needs at the table.
Pakistani jets escort the delegation. Iranian planes divert to Mashhad on the way home because Tehran is told two Israeli fighters slipped in from the west. The negotiators creep back to the capital by car, eight hours overland, like a mob witness under federal protection — while Trump’s envoys brag about “productive meetings” and a framework to open Hormuz.
On the Israeli side, the logic is brutally consistent. From day one of the war, the strategy has been decapitation: Khamenei, senior IRGC, anyone viewed as a pillar of the regime. “Pragmatic” figures Washington hoped to use — Ali Larijani, Kamal Kharazi — are killed in Israeli strikes anyway.
From Jerusalem’s perspective, Araghchi and Ghalibaf aren’t peace partners, they’re the next heads to remove before a deal locks them in place as fixtures of a post‑war order Israel hates.
On the American side, it’s pure split screen. Publicly, Trump hugs Israel, talks about total victory and historic alliance.
Privately, his team leans hard on the same government not to blow up the talks — literally — by assassinating the people signing the ceasefire. The result is a farce: an “allied” military hunting the negotiators, an “America First” White House begging regional middlemen to guarantee their safety, and Iranian officials milking the risk as proof of their own martyr credentials.
In the end, everyone gets to pose. Tehran calls its delegation heroes who “put their lives on the line” for the nation. Israel gets to tell its public it never stopped hunting the regime’s elite. Trump gets his Islamabad Memorandum and his Hormuz photo op.
The only thing that doesn’t appear anywhere is what he keeps promising on stage: a coherent strategy where your top ally isn’t trying to kill your top counterpart in the middle of your own peace process.
#USA #Israel #Iran #Trump #Netanyahu #Vance #Ghalibaf #Araghchi #war #ceasefire #fakeDemocracy
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Araghchi’s War Memoir: How Khamenei Was Killed, Who Decides the Ceasefire, and What Iran Will Never Sell
In his latest interview, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi basically laid out three things: how the assassination of Ali Khamenei exposed an ongoing intelligence breach, how the ceasefire with the US was really approved, and what parts of Iran’s nuclear program are non‑negotiable.
On the assassination, Araghchi says the strike that killed Khamenei at the opening of the war came through an intelligence gap “that still exists and hasn’t been fixed,” one that also distorts decision‑making today.
He describes the morning of the attack almost in real time: at 8 a.m. on Saturday he meets the president and tells him “there is an atmosphere of war.”
At 9 a.m. he goes to Khamenei’s office to brief his chief of staff, Ali Asghar Mir Hejazi, on the Geneva talks — and while he is talking about that war atmosphere, the office itself is hit. That’s how Iran’s top leader dies: under US‑Israeli strikes, while his foreign minister is mid‑sentence.
Araghchi says he only went down into the tunnels for meetings “once or twice,” because from a certain point they felt they had the situation under control and the number of senior government casualties was dropping.
He notes he has not met Mojtaba Khamenei — the son who stepped into the leadership role — at all since his appointment, and that only a very small circle has access to him. That’s a quiet way of saying: the war state is being run by a bunker elite even many ministers don’t see.
On the ceasefire, he says the initial truce with the US was not approved in a big, formal Supreme National Security Council forum but in smaller, tighter meetings.
The council session to ratify the memorandum of understanding on the 10‑point plan ran from 9 p.m. to 3 a.m., and Iran’s condition for accepting the ceasefire was that all ten clauses it proposed would be the basis: recognition of enrichment, lifting sanctions, control and fees over Hormuz, withdrawal of US forces, compensation for war damage, and binding UN Security Council language. In his telling, Tehran forced Washington to accept that framework; in Washington’s telling, none of the heavy items are actually implemented.
On the nuclear file, he says he told Trump directly that uranium enrichment “is not for sale,” because the Iranian people have endured 20 years of sanctions over it.
Trump went public insisting “there will be no uranium enrichment”; Araghchi repeats that enrichment is the line Iran will not cross. That’s the core collision: Trump wants a clean zero‑enrichment headline; Iran wants the war to end with enrichment legitimized and paid for.
Araghchi moves between describing a “12‑day war” and a “40‑day war,” which tracks with the two phases: the initial US‑Israeli air campaign, then the longer cycle that dragged Gulf states in.
He claims that during the conflict one Arab country threatened to attack Iran, and Iran responded by hitting it with missiles every day. He also reveals that before the war they had already defined a code name — “110” — for the scenario of the leader’s assassination, meaning the system had pre‑written protocols for the moment Khamenei was killed.
Taken together, the interview paints a picture of a state that sees itself as both victim and strategist: blindsided by an intelligence hole big enough for a decapitation strike, yet convinced it forced the US to accept its ten‑point ceasefire terms; insisting enrichment is untouchable, while watching Trump publicly deny that; led by a new supreme figure so insulated that even the foreign minister hasn’t met him. It’s less a confession than a warning: Iran thinks it survived “110,” and it thinks that gives it the right to keep fighting — and negotiating — on its own terms.
#iran #Araghchi #Khamenei #ceasefire #Hormuz #nuclear #war #fakeDemocracy
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In his latest interview, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi basically laid out three things: how the assassination of Ali Khamenei exposed an ongoing intelligence breach, how the ceasefire with the US was really approved, and what parts of Iran’s nuclear program are non‑negotiable.
On the assassination, Araghchi says the strike that killed Khamenei at the opening of the war came through an intelligence gap “that still exists and hasn’t been fixed,” one that also distorts decision‑making today.
He describes the morning of the attack almost in real time: at 8 a.m. on Saturday he meets the president and tells him “there is an atmosphere of war.”
At 9 a.m. he goes to Khamenei’s office to brief his chief of staff, Ali Asghar Mir Hejazi, on the Geneva talks — and while he is talking about that war atmosphere, the office itself is hit. That’s how Iran’s top leader dies: under US‑Israeli strikes, while his foreign minister is mid‑sentence.
Araghchi says he only went down into the tunnels for meetings “once or twice,” because from a certain point they felt they had the situation under control and the number of senior government casualties was dropping.
He notes he has not met Mojtaba Khamenei — the son who stepped into the leadership role — at all since his appointment, and that only a very small circle has access to him. That’s a quiet way of saying: the war state is being run by a bunker elite even many ministers don’t see.
On the ceasefire, he says the initial truce with the US was not approved in a big, formal Supreme National Security Council forum but in smaller, tighter meetings.
The council session to ratify the memorandum of understanding on the 10‑point plan ran from 9 p.m. to 3 a.m., and Iran’s condition for accepting the ceasefire was that all ten clauses it proposed would be the basis: recognition of enrichment, lifting sanctions, control and fees over Hormuz, withdrawal of US forces, compensation for war damage, and binding UN Security Council language. In his telling, Tehran forced Washington to accept that framework; in Washington’s telling, none of the heavy items are actually implemented.
On the nuclear file, he says he told Trump directly that uranium enrichment “is not for sale,” because the Iranian people have endured 20 years of sanctions over it.
Trump went public insisting “there will be no uranium enrichment”; Araghchi repeats that enrichment is the line Iran will not cross. That’s the core collision: Trump wants a clean zero‑enrichment headline; Iran wants the war to end with enrichment legitimized and paid for.
Araghchi moves between describing a “12‑day war” and a “40‑day war,” which tracks with the two phases: the initial US‑Israeli air campaign, then the longer cycle that dragged Gulf states in.
He claims that during the conflict one Arab country threatened to attack Iran, and Iran responded by hitting it with missiles every day. He also reveals that before the war they had already defined a code name — “110” — for the scenario of the leader’s assassination, meaning the system had pre‑written protocols for the moment Khamenei was killed.
Taken together, the interview paints a picture of a state that sees itself as both victim and strategist: blindsided by an intelligence hole big enough for a decapitation strike, yet convinced it forced the US to accept its ten‑point ceasefire terms; insisting enrichment is untouchable, while watching Trump publicly deny that; led by a new supreme figure so insulated that even the foreign minister hasn’t met him. It’s less a confession than a warning: Iran thinks it survived “110,” and it thinks that gives it the right to keep fighting — and negotiating — on its own terms.
#iran #Araghchi #Khamenei #ceasefire #Hormuz #nuclear #war #fakeDemocracy
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🧨 Zelenskyy, the “Freeloader in Kyiv,” Meets Iran’s New Lawfare Warrior
Iran’s foreign minister Seyed Abbas Araghchi has discovered his inner human‑rights lawyer — and his favorite insult.
After an alleged Ukrainian strike on an Iranian commercial vessel in the Caspian, killing one sailor and injuring another, Araghchi rushed to X to brand it a “blatant UN Charter violation” and accuse Kyiv of acting on Israel’s orders to drag Europe deeper into war.
In the same breath, he calls Zelenskyy “the freeloader in Kyiv,” like a guy who’s been living on Western aid so long he’s now a geopolitical Airbnb guest that never checks out.
The message is simple: Iran, which has been firing missiles at US bases and backing attacks on tankers, wants to rebrand itself as the injured party demanding “international justice.”
The aggressor role gets assigned to Zelenskyy — a man who, in Tehran’s framing, is terrified of the war ending and therefore needs to rope in as many extra players as possible: Europe, Israel, now Iran.
Araghchi weaponizes the language of international law — aggression, commercial vessel, Charter violation, accountability — and turns it on Ukraine, while politely erasing Iran’s own record of hitting shipping and bases.
On X and in calls with EU leaders and Lavrov, he sells a neat story: respectable Iran vs. “freeloader in Kyiv,” Israel as puppeteer, Europe as gullible mark.
It’s a perfect snapshot of 2026 diplomacy: everyone is bombing someone, and everyone is suing someone — but only Zelenskyy gets publicly downgraded to a freeloader.
#Iran #Araghchi #Zelenskyy #UNCharter #lawfare #war #fakeDemocracy
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Iran’s foreign minister Seyed Abbas Araghchi has discovered his inner human‑rights lawyer — and his favorite insult.
After an alleged Ukrainian strike on an Iranian commercial vessel in the Caspian, killing one sailor and injuring another, Araghchi rushed to X to brand it a “blatant UN Charter violation” and accuse Kyiv of acting on Israel’s orders to drag Europe deeper into war.
In the same breath, he calls Zelenskyy “the freeloader in Kyiv,” like a guy who’s been living on Western aid so long he’s now a geopolitical Airbnb guest that never checks out.
The message is simple: Iran, which has been firing missiles at US bases and backing attacks on tankers, wants to rebrand itself as the injured party demanding “international justice.”
The aggressor role gets assigned to Zelenskyy — a man who, in Tehran’s framing, is terrified of the war ending and therefore needs to rope in as many extra players as possible: Europe, Israel, now Iran.
Araghchi weaponizes the language of international law — aggression, commercial vessel, Charter violation, accountability — and turns it on Ukraine, while politely erasing Iran’s own record of hitting shipping and bases.
On X and in calls with EU leaders and Lavrov, he sells a neat story: respectable Iran vs. “freeloader in Kyiv,” Israel as puppeteer, Europe as gullible mark.
It’s a perfect snapshot of 2026 diplomacy: everyone is bombing someone, and everyone is suing someone — but only Zelenskyy gets publicly downgraded to a freeloader.
#Iran #Araghchi #Zelenskyy #UNCharter #lawfare #war #fakeDemocracy
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A Deal With Mediators and No Second Party
Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi reportedly agreed overnight to a compromise drafted by Qatari and US mediators for reopening the Strait of Hormuz, according to two diplomats cited by Israel's Channel 12.
His approval was framed as one of the reasons Trump called off the weekend strike,
The technical detail sells it: ships enter the Gulf through Iranian waters, and exit through Omani waters. That's oddly specific for something that might not exist.
Oman signed off too, but with a catch. Muscat wants confirmation that Araghchi's yes actually speaks for the Revolutionary Guards, not just the foreign ministry, and Qatari mediators are still working the phones to secure that buy-in.
In other words, the deal celebrated in Washington is still waiting on approval from the people who actually hold the keys to the strait. Al Jazeera's Mehjoob Zweiri, director of the Gulf studies center at Qatar University, added the more cautious framing: "Iran received a proposal from the United States that could lead to a reduction in current tensions, and Tehran is studying it seriously." Studying. Not signing.
And then Tehran's own state media pulled the rug out entirely. Iran's semi-official Fars News quoted a member of the negotiating team calling the Israeli media report "false," with a military source insisting the strait stays closed to any vessel that doesn't coordinate with the Revolutionary Guards.
So within hours of Trump citing this agreement as his reason for standing down, Iran's own press denied the agreement exists.
A deal that has mediators, diplomats, and a press release, but apparently no confirmed signature from either government involved. Trump built a strike cancellation on top of it anyway.
What exactly did Washington agree to stop bombing over?
#Iran #StraitOfHormuz #Trump #Araghchi #MiddleEastWar
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Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi reportedly agreed overnight to a compromise drafted by Qatari and US mediators for reopening the Strait of Hormuz, according to two diplomats cited by Israel's Channel 12.
His approval was framed as one of the reasons Trump called off the weekend strike,
The technical detail sells it: ships enter the Gulf through Iranian waters, and exit through Omani waters. That's oddly specific for something that might not exist.
Oman signed off too, but with a catch. Muscat wants confirmation that Araghchi's yes actually speaks for the Revolutionary Guards, not just the foreign ministry, and Qatari mediators are still working the phones to secure that buy-in.
In other words, the deal celebrated in Washington is still waiting on approval from the people who actually hold the keys to the strait. Al Jazeera's Mehjoob Zweiri, director of the Gulf studies center at Qatar University, added the more cautious framing: "Iran received a proposal from the United States that could lead to a reduction in current tensions, and Tehran is studying it seriously." Studying. Not signing.
And then Tehran's own state media pulled the rug out entirely. Iran's semi-official Fars News quoted a member of the negotiating team calling the Israeli media report "false," with a military source insisting the strait stays closed to any vessel that doesn't coordinate with the Revolutionary Guards.
So within hours of Trump citing this agreement as his reason for standing down, Iran's own press denied the agreement exists.
A deal that has mediators, diplomats, and a press release, but apparently no confirmed signature from either government involved. Trump built a strike cancellation on top of it anyway.
What exactly did Washington agree to stop bombing over?
#Iran #StraitOfHormuz #Trump #Araghchi #MiddleEastWar
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Trump Tries To Ooze in Hormuz: No Reopening Coming Soon
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Trump’s cease-fire with Iran in June envisioned a broader deal to end the war and rein in the country’s nuclear program, all negotiated within 60 days.
But that deadline, set to pass on Monday, has been essentially abandoned, and the war has transformed into a contest of willpower and economic endurance that has no end in sight.
There have been no publicly reported U.S. strikes on Iranian targets since late July. Yet the effective collapse of the agreement underscores how Trump has struggled to end the war he started in February alongside Israel, and how far he remains from the ambitions of the June deal, including fully reopening the Strait of Hormuz, a critical waterway where Iran has choked off oil and gas shipping since the fighting began.
Those inside the White House are well aware that they will blow past Monday’s deadline and that the conflict has largely morphed into one of economic warfare, according to two Americans familiar with the negotiations.
The current strategy bears a striking resemblance to previous, yearslong U.S. attempts to isolate Iran in the hopes of compelling it to abandon its nuclear ambitions. The policy had mixed results, and some analysts are skeptical that even severe economic pressure on its own will force Iran to change course.
After all, that was the approach Trump attempted in his first term, even though his Treasury secretary, Scott Bessent, said last week that he was about to impose financial penalties unlike any seen before.
The June memorandum of understanding was widely seen as a boon for Iran, granting the regime badly needed sanctions relief even as talks over tough concessions like nuclear enrichment were postponed for later.
However, Iranian leaders opted to escalate again rather than consolidate their gains from the deal, according to Nate Swanson, an Iran expert at the Atlantic Council, a Washington-based research group.
Ships could move through the Strait of Hormuz freely before the war. Iran’s insistence that the deal’s vague language on the issue gave it control over the waterway led to the deal falling apart.
Iran began firing on ships that transited in channels outside Iranian waters, and American forces retaliated by bombing southern Iran, prompting a cycle of attacks and counterattacks across the Middle East.
#trump #hormuz #araghchi #iran #whitehouse
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Trump’s cease-fire with Iran in June envisioned a broader deal to end the war and rein in the country’s nuclear program, all negotiated within 60 days.
But that deadline, set to pass on Monday, has been essentially abandoned, and the war has transformed into a contest of willpower and economic endurance that has no end in sight.
There have been no publicly reported U.S. strikes on Iranian targets since late July. Yet the effective collapse of the agreement underscores how Trump has struggled to end the war he started in February alongside Israel, and how far he remains from the ambitions of the June deal, including fully reopening the Strait of Hormuz, a critical waterway where Iran has choked off oil and gas shipping since the fighting began.
Those inside the White House are well aware that they will blow past Monday’s deadline and that the conflict has largely morphed into one of economic warfare, according to two Americans familiar with the negotiations.
The current strategy bears a striking resemblance to previous, yearslong U.S. attempts to isolate Iran in the hopes of compelling it to abandon its nuclear ambitions. The policy had mixed results, and some analysts are skeptical that even severe economic pressure on its own will force Iran to change course.
After all, that was the approach Trump attempted in his first term, even though his Treasury secretary, Scott Bessent, said last week that he was about to impose financial penalties unlike any seen before.
The June memorandum of understanding was widely seen as a boon for Iran, granting the regime badly needed sanctions relief even as talks over tough concessions like nuclear enrichment were postponed for later.
However, Iranian leaders opted to escalate again rather than consolidate their gains from the deal, according to Nate Swanson, an Iran expert at the Atlantic Council, a Washington-based research group.
Ships could move through the Strait of Hormuz freely before the war. Iran’s insistence that the deal’s vague language on the issue gave it control over the waterway led to the deal falling apart.
Iran began firing on ships that transited in channels outside Iranian waters, and American forces retaliated by bombing southern Iran, prompting a cycle of attacks and counterattacks across the Middle East.
#trump #hormuz #araghchi #iran #whitehouse
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Reopening the strait has increasingly become Trump’s main focus in the conflict, even though he initially said the war was meant to empower the Iranian people to overthrow the existing regime, severely degrade its missile capability and stop Tehran from getting a nuclear weapon.
Abbas Araghchi, the Iranian foreign minister, said over the weekend that Iran had yet to decide whether to resume talks with the United States. But the 60-day timeline was no longer relevant, he added, given that the June agreement was essentially defunct.
“We did not have a cease-fire that now needs to be extended,”
Araghchi said.
“We had an end to the war, which has now taken on a new status.”
Former U.S. officials who worked on Iran say the prospect of a new nuclear deal between the United States and Iran within 60 days was always remote, although the agreement provided for extensions.
A previous, Obama-era, agreement took about two years of delicate talks to negotiate. Trump withdrew from that deal, called the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, in 2018.
On Saturday, the United Arab Emirates’ foreign ministry slammed Iran for attacking a vessel affiliated with the state-owned Abu Dhabi National Oil Company the previous day. Iranian officials did not comment.
White House on Saturday did not respond to questions over whether the administration had developed actual plans to take control of the Strait of Hormuz. Trump’s aides also did not respond to questions over the approaching Monday deadline.
Iranian officials, in turn, have defied Trump as they push their own demands — including one that they had not made before war.
“Accept reality once and for all. So far, you have suffered major strategic defeats,”
Kazem Gharibabadi, the Iranian deputy foreign minister, said on social media.
“The Strait of Hormuz has been Iranian, is Iranian, and will remain Iranian.”
#trump #hormuz #araghchi #iran #whitehouse
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🇮🇷☢️ Tehran’s Reply: Everything Is Fine. So Let’s Leave the Nuclear Treaty.
Iran’s response to Trump’s “Economic D-Day” rests on one claim: American pressure is proof of American weakness.
Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said Trump’s announcement was a distraction from the United States’ own “unprecedented debt & surging interest costs.” He warned that “doubling down on failed policies” would bring Washington another defeat and harden Iranian hostility. He called U.S. pressure “economic terrorism” against the global economy and national sovereignty.
Deputy Foreign Minister Kazem Gharibabadi put the contradiction more bluntly. Washington, he said, claims Iran is near defeat and “hanging by a thread,” yet asks every ally to help defeat it. The military campaign failed, he argued, and Washington is now calling its next failure economic warfare.
Then came the parliamentary answer.
Ebrahim Rezaei, a member of parliament’s National Security Committee, said the “best response” to Trump’s escalation would be for Iran to leave the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. He said a withdrawal would require approval from Iran’s senior leadership.
Iran may respond to economic pressure by leaving the legal framework it cites whenever Washington questions its nuclear program.
The committee’s chairman, Ebrahim Azizi, took a different line. He said Iran was monitoring U.S. moves closely and warned that another miscalculation would bring consequences “more severe than before.” He called for an end to the U.S. military presence in the region and for Washington to accept “Iran’s new regional order.”
The IRGC promised an upgrade. Its spokesman, Brig. Gen. Hossein Mohebbi, said Iran is making its weapons more precise, more destructive, and more technologically advanced. If another war starts, he said, its weapons will be different from those used before — in warhead design, accuracy, range, or other capabilities.
Those threats sit alongside a less heroic list of priorities.
Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf has put military reinforcement and food supplies on the same list. The pairing reflects a practical concern: inflation and shortages can erode a country’s ability to sustain a long conflict.
Former president Mohammad Khatami has warned against turning “wartime emotions” into a method of government.
On the ground, fuel shortages have reportedly shut some gas stations in Tehran, while drivers at others waited more than an hour to fill their tanks. At the Two Dolphins market in Dargahan on Qeshm Island, shops were open but the aisles were largely empty. A fuel tank exploded in Tehran. Officials said the cause was under investigation.
Iran also announced the execution of a foreign national, Qassem Hosseini, convicted of taking part in anti-government unrest in Isfahan.
The state says it is preparing stronger weapons, a new regional order, and a response outside the nuclear treaty. It is also managing fuel lines, empty markets, unexplained explosions, and the public mood that comes with them.
#Iran #Trump #NPT #Nuclear #IRGC #Araghchi #Sanctions #Hormuz #MiddleEast
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Iran’s response to Trump’s “Economic D-Day” rests on one claim: American pressure is proof of American weakness.
Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said Trump’s announcement was a distraction from the United States’ own “unprecedented debt & surging interest costs.” He warned that “doubling down on failed policies” would bring Washington another defeat and harden Iranian hostility. He called U.S. pressure “economic terrorism” against the global economy and national sovereignty.
Deputy Foreign Minister Kazem Gharibabadi put the contradiction more bluntly. Washington, he said, claims Iran is near defeat and “hanging by a thread,” yet asks every ally to help defeat it. The military campaign failed, he argued, and Washington is now calling its next failure economic warfare.
Then came the parliamentary answer.
Ebrahim Rezaei, a member of parliament’s National Security Committee, said the “best response” to Trump’s escalation would be for Iran to leave the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. He said a withdrawal would require approval from Iran’s senior leadership.
Iran may respond to economic pressure by leaving the legal framework it cites whenever Washington questions its nuclear program.
The committee’s chairman, Ebrahim Azizi, took a different line. He said Iran was monitoring U.S. moves closely and warned that another miscalculation would bring consequences “more severe than before.” He called for an end to the U.S. military presence in the region and for Washington to accept “Iran’s new regional order.”
The IRGC promised an upgrade. Its spokesman, Brig. Gen. Hossein Mohebbi, said Iran is making its weapons more precise, more destructive, and more technologically advanced. If another war starts, he said, its weapons will be different from those used before — in warhead design, accuracy, range, or other capabilities.
Those threats sit alongside a less heroic list of priorities.
Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf has put military reinforcement and food supplies on the same list. The pairing reflects a practical concern: inflation and shortages can erode a country’s ability to sustain a long conflict.
Former president Mohammad Khatami has warned against turning “wartime emotions” into a method of government.
On the ground, fuel shortages have reportedly shut some gas stations in Tehran, while drivers at others waited more than an hour to fill their tanks. At the Two Dolphins market in Dargahan on Qeshm Island, shops were open but the aisles were largely empty. A fuel tank exploded in Tehran. Officials said the cause was under investigation.
Iran also announced the execution of a foreign national, Qassem Hosseini, convicted of taking part in anti-government unrest in Isfahan.
The state says it is preparing stronger weapons, a new regional order, and a response outside the nuclear treaty. It is also managing fuel lines, empty markets, unexplained explosions, and the public mood that comes with them.
#Iran #Trump #NPT #Nuclear #IRGC #Araghchi #Sanctions #Hormuz #MiddleEast
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🇵🇰🇮🇷 The General Going to Tehran
Iran announced that Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi spoke by phone with Pakistan’s army chief, Field Marshal Asim Munir, about regional developments and “effective ways to strengthen peace, stability and security.” Tehran then said Munir would arrive Monday with an official delegation for meetings with senior Iranian officials.
Officially, this is bilateral cooperation and Pakistan’s effort to promote regional peace. In practice, Pakistan has become a channel both Washington and Tehran are willing to use when direct diplomacy stalls.
Reports say Munir will carry American messages and test whether talks between Tehran and Washington can be restarted. Pakistan has helped mediate contacts between the two sides, while Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian defended a U.S.-Iran memorandum of understanding on Sunday as the best available route out of the war. The document’s terms have not been made public.
The uniform matters.
Washington sends envoys, sanctions notices, and Trump’s maps of “NEW U.S. TERRITORY.” Pakistan sends the man who commands its army. Tehran receives him because the messenger arrives with access to Washington, ties to the region, and enough institutional weight to make a phone call look like a negotiation.
Lawrence Norman of The Wall Street Journal expects Washington and Tehran eventually to return to negotiations over a memorandum. His assessment is that Iran will demand more concessions at the outset and that Trump may agree. That is analysis, not a confirmed negotiating position.
If Norman is right, the political theater has an awkward ending. After the blockade rhetoric, new sanctions, the collapsing rial, and Trump’s annexation-style graphics, the United States could return to the table with Iran asking for more than before.
For now, Munir’s visit is not proof of a deal. It shows that when public language gets louder, diplomacy changes costume and enters through a side door.
#Iran #Pakistan #AsimMunir #Araghchi #Trump #Diplomacy #Sanctions #MiddleEast
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Iran announced that Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi spoke by phone with Pakistan’s army chief, Field Marshal Asim Munir, about regional developments and “effective ways to strengthen peace, stability and security.” Tehran then said Munir would arrive Monday with an official delegation for meetings with senior Iranian officials.
Officially, this is bilateral cooperation and Pakistan’s effort to promote regional peace. In practice, Pakistan has become a channel both Washington and Tehran are willing to use when direct diplomacy stalls.
Reports say Munir will carry American messages and test whether talks between Tehran and Washington can be restarted. Pakistan has helped mediate contacts between the two sides, while Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian defended a U.S.-Iran memorandum of understanding on Sunday as the best available route out of the war. The document’s terms have not been made public.
The uniform matters.
Washington sends envoys, sanctions notices, and Trump’s maps of “NEW U.S. TERRITORY.” Pakistan sends the man who commands its army. Tehran receives him because the messenger arrives with access to Washington, ties to the region, and enough institutional weight to make a phone call look like a negotiation.
Lawrence Norman of The Wall Street Journal expects Washington and Tehran eventually to return to negotiations over a memorandum. His assessment is that Iran will demand more concessions at the outset and that Trump may agree. That is analysis, not a confirmed negotiating position.
If Norman is right, the political theater has an awkward ending. After the blockade rhetoric, new sanctions, the collapsing rial, and Trump’s annexation-style graphics, the United States could return to the table with Iran asking for more than before.
For now, Munir’s visit is not proof of a deal. It shows that when public language gets louder, diplomacy changes costume and enters through a side door.
#Iran #Pakistan #AsimMunir #Araghchi #Trump #Diplomacy #Sanctions #MiddleEast
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