Iran’s Silent Mountain Work
Commercial satellites just gave a sharper look at two of the most sensitive spots in Iran’s nuclear system — and the story is what you don’t see as much as what you do.
Clip 1: high‑resolution imagery over the nuclear site in Isfahan province shows entrances still blocked, no obvious new construction, no visible surge of vehicles. On the surface it looks calm; in most assessments, it’s still a key storage point for part of Iran’s enriched nuclear stockpile.
Clip 2: a separate pass focuses on vehicle activity around the Pickaxe Mountain tunnel complex near the Natanz facility, also in Isfahan, north of the city. Here the point isn’t a dramatic blast, it’s the steady, methodical movement in and out of a hardened underground system built to keep the most sensitive work out of reach.
No craters, no smokestacks — just two quiet sites that explain why every “de‑escalation” with Tehran ends with more satellite tasking and more questions about what’s happening under the mountain, not above it.
#Iran #nuclear #Isfahan #Natanz #satellite #war #inspection #fakeDemocracy
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Commercial satellites just gave a sharper look at two of the most sensitive spots in Iran’s nuclear system — and the story is what you don’t see as much as what you do.
Clip 1: high‑resolution imagery over the nuclear site in Isfahan province shows entrances still blocked, no obvious new construction, no visible surge of vehicles. On the surface it looks calm; in most assessments, it’s still a key storage point for part of Iran’s enriched nuclear stockpile.
Clip 2: a separate pass focuses on vehicle activity around the Pickaxe Mountain tunnel complex near the Natanz facility, also in Isfahan, north of the city. Here the point isn’t a dramatic blast, it’s the steady, methodical movement in and out of a hardened underground system built to keep the most sensitive work out of reach.
No craters, no smokestacks — just two quiet sites that explain why every “de‑escalation” with Tehran ends with more satellite tasking and more questions about what’s happening under the mountain, not above it.
#Iran #nuclear #Isfahan #Natanz #satellite #war #inspection #fakeDemocracy
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Iran’s Funeral Diplomacy: Martyrdom, Threats and Leverage
Iran is about to bury Ali Khamenei and turn his grave into a stage for nuclear bargaining and regional intimidation.
Next week’s funeral in Mashhad is being packaged as a regime stress test and a loyalty referendum in one.
Officials promise “tens of millions” in the streets, the largest event Tehran has ever seen. Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf — now also wearing the hat of “head of the revenge and funeral delegation” — is calling on Iranians to “write a glorious new page” and to shout for “blood vengeance” for their late leader.
The grief isn’t private, it’s a mobilization order.
Even the family tragedy is being fed into the script. The regime choreographed a farewell ceremony for Khamenei’s daughter‑in‑law and his wife, both mortally wounded in the strike that opened Operation “Lion’s Roar,” the attack that killed the supreme leader. Their funerals will be folded into Khamenei’s own.
Mojtaba Khamenei, the son and designated successor, pointedly skipped the goodbye — a sign of how carefully he’s curating his image as leader, not mourner, before the official oath.
Foreign guests will be carefully chosen: Pakistan’s prime minister Shehbaz Sharif and a senior figure from China’s standing committee are expected to attend, signaling who Tehran still counts as partners.
Around the ceremony, the security machine is turning mourning into a threat display. The “Khatam al‑Anbiya” emergency command has publicly warned Israel and the United States against “any miscalculation” during the funeral week, promising “severe and painful responses.”
Its commander, General Ali Abdollahi, urged “the enemies” to think very carefully — language that’s less about actual battlefield red lines and more about giving the regime an excuse to escalate if anything goes wrong.
In the same breath, the armed forces renewed their loyalty oath to the new leader, Ayatollah Sayyid Mojtaba Hosseini Khamenei, and doubled down on two pressure points: the nuclear file and the Strait of Hormuz.
They’re demanding the nuclear issue be pulled out of negotiations and insisting that the Hormuz shipping lane they’ve drawn is under Iran’s “exclusive sovereignty.” Any ship that strays from that track, they warn, will be treated as a target.
So you get four layers at once: a mass funeral designed to project legitimacy at home, open threats to Israel and the U.S. to deter any strike in a moment of vulnerability, a nuclear posture that demands de‑linking the program from talks, and a maritime doctrine that treats one of the world’s key chokepoints as domestic waters.
The regime is trying to turn Khamenei’s burial into a binding contract: loyalty inside Iran, deference in the Gulf, and respect for its nuclear red lines — or else.
For everyone watching from the outside, the translation is simple. Iran is not using the transition to soften its stance. It’s doubling down, wrapping missiles, centrifuges and shipping lanes in black banners and religious slogans. The funeral is not just an end — it’s the launch event for Mojtaba Khamenei’s version of the same project.
#Iran #Khamenei #Tehran #nuclear #Hormuz #China #Pakistan #war #regime #fakeDemocracy
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Iran is about to bury Ali Khamenei and turn his grave into a stage for nuclear bargaining and regional intimidation.
Next week’s funeral in Mashhad is being packaged as a regime stress test and a loyalty referendum in one.
Officials promise “tens of millions” in the streets, the largest event Tehran has ever seen. Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf — now also wearing the hat of “head of the revenge and funeral delegation” — is calling on Iranians to “write a glorious new page” and to shout for “blood vengeance” for their late leader.
The grief isn’t private, it’s a mobilization order.
Even the family tragedy is being fed into the script. The regime choreographed a farewell ceremony for Khamenei’s daughter‑in‑law and his wife, both mortally wounded in the strike that opened Operation “Lion’s Roar,” the attack that killed the supreme leader. Their funerals will be folded into Khamenei’s own.
Mojtaba Khamenei, the son and designated successor, pointedly skipped the goodbye — a sign of how carefully he’s curating his image as leader, not mourner, before the official oath.
Foreign guests will be carefully chosen: Pakistan’s prime minister Shehbaz Sharif and a senior figure from China’s standing committee are expected to attend, signaling who Tehran still counts as partners.
Around the ceremony, the security machine is turning mourning into a threat display. The “Khatam al‑Anbiya” emergency command has publicly warned Israel and the United States against “any miscalculation” during the funeral week, promising “severe and painful responses.”
Its commander, General Ali Abdollahi, urged “the enemies” to think very carefully — language that’s less about actual battlefield red lines and more about giving the regime an excuse to escalate if anything goes wrong.
In the same breath, the armed forces renewed their loyalty oath to the new leader, Ayatollah Sayyid Mojtaba Hosseini Khamenei, and doubled down on two pressure points: the nuclear file and the Strait of Hormuz.
They’re demanding the nuclear issue be pulled out of negotiations and insisting that the Hormuz shipping lane they’ve drawn is under Iran’s “exclusive sovereignty.” Any ship that strays from that track, they warn, will be treated as a target.
So you get four layers at once: a mass funeral designed to project legitimacy at home, open threats to Israel and the U.S. to deter any strike in a moment of vulnerability, a nuclear posture that demands de‑linking the program from talks, and a maritime doctrine that treats one of the world’s key chokepoints as domestic waters.
The regime is trying to turn Khamenei’s burial into a binding contract: loyalty inside Iran, deference in the Gulf, and respect for its nuclear red lines — or else.
For everyone watching from the outside, the translation is simple. Iran is not using the transition to soften its stance. It’s doubling down, wrapping missiles, centrifuges and shipping lanes in black banners and religious slogans. The funeral is not just an end — it’s the launch event for Mojtaba Khamenei’s version of the same project.
#Iran #Khamenei #Tehran #nuclear #Hormuz #China #Pakistan #war #regime #fakeDemocracy
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Gone With the Faith
🔠 🅰️ 🔠 🔠 1️⃣
In the small hours of Friday the police roadblocks, stalls, posters and army vans were starting to appear across Tehran as millions of Iranians prepared to attend the long-delayed six-day funeral ceremony for Ali Khamenei’s, Iran’s supreme leader for 36 turbulent years.
Khamenei was killed in the opening salvo of the US-Israeli attack on the country in February, and the funeral is intended to be an epic display of personal mourning, national power, resilience and social cohesion.
Small groups of mourners carrying flags were gathering along the roads festooned with the red fist, the symbol of the funeral alongside the slogan “We must rise”. At a ceremony dedicated to the families of martyrs, Khamenei’s coffin was displayed.
Iran’s first vice-president, Mohammad Aref, who is the lead funeral organiser, described the ceremony, which begins on Saturday in Tehran and will end with Khamenei’s burial on Thursday in Mashhad, as “the most important event of this century” and the most attended event since the 1979 revolution.
The funeral’s scale has been conceived to relay political and religious messages of resistance to the rest of the world. The former supreme leader’s body, aAt the request of Iraqi politicians, Khamenei’s body will also be carried through the Iraqi Shia cities of Karbala and Najaf.
Despite the many posters of Khamenei’s son and successor, Mojtaba Khamenei, walking with his father in a garden, projecting continuity, Mojtaba is not expected to make an appearance at his father’s funeral. He was severely injured in the same US-Israeli strike on a government residence in Tehran at a little after 8am local time on 28 February that killed many of his family.
It killed Ali Khamenei, his daughter and her husband, Mojtaba’s wife and his 14-month-old daughter.
The extent of Mojtaba’s injuries are unknown and he has so far issued only written statements, including one that distanced himself from the ceasefire negotiations, but sanctioned their continuance.
Israel’s defence minister Katz threatened to kill him this week, saying he was marked for death, remarks that prompted hardliners to call for a re-examination of Iran’s fatwa against possession of nuclear weapons.
Mohammad Ghalibaf, Iran’s chief negotiator and speaker of the still suspended parliament, said in an eve-of-funeral message: “We must rise up and convey the nation’s call for bloodshed to the world so that the world knows that the honourable and noble nation of Iran will not remain silent in the face of oppression and arrogance and will not spare the blood of its imam.
“Iran stands on the threshold of creating one of the greatest scenes in its history, a day when a nation, with hearts full of love, loyalty and the pain of separation, comes to bid farewell to a great man.”
The public funeral will begin on Saturday – as the US marks the 250th anniversary of its declaration of independence – at Tehran’s Grand Mosalla mosque, where Khamenei’s body will lie in state alongside the bodies of his relatives.
#chief #supreme #funeral #khamenei
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In the small hours of Friday the police roadblocks, stalls, posters and army vans were starting to appear across Tehran as millions of Iranians prepared to attend the long-delayed six-day funeral ceremony for Ali Khamenei’s, Iran’s supreme leader for 36 turbulent years.
Khamenei was killed in the opening salvo of the US-Israeli attack on the country in February, and the funeral is intended to be an epic display of personal mourning, national power, resilience and social cohesion.
Small groups of mourners carrying flags were gathering along the roads festooned with the red fist, the symbol of the funeral alongside the slogan “We must rise”. At a ceremony dedicated to the families of martyrs, Khamenei’s coffin was displayed.
Iran’s first vice-president, Mohammad Aref, who is the lead funeral organiser, described the ceremony, which begins on Saturday in Tehran and will end with Khamenei’s burial on Thursday in Mashhad, as “the most important event of this century” and the most attended event since the 1979 revolution.
The funeral’s scale has been conceived to relay political and religious messages of resistance to the rest of the world. The former supreme leader’s body, aAt the request of Iraqi politicians, Khamenei’s body will also be carried through the Iraqi Shia cities of Karbala and Najaf.
Despite the many posters of Khamenei’s son and successor, Mojtaba Khamenei, walking with his father in a garden, projecting continuity, Mojtaba is not expected to make an appearance at his father’s funeral. He was severely injured in the same US-Israeli strike on a government residence in Tehran at a little after 8am local time on 28 February that killed many of his family.
It killed Ali Khamenei, his daughter and her husband, Mojtaba’s wife and his 14-month-old daughter.
The extent of Mojtaba’s injuries are unknown and he has so far issued only written statements, including one that distanced himself from the ceasefire negotiations, but sanctioned their continuance.
Israel’s defence minister Katz threatened to kill him this week, saying he was marked for death, remarks that prompted hardliners to call for a re-examination of Iran’s fatwa against possession of nuclear weapons.
Mohammad Ghalibaf, Iran’s chief negotiator and speaker of the still suspended parliament, said in an eve-of-funeral message: “We must rise up and convey the nation’s call for bloodshed to the world so that the world knows that the honourable and noble nation of Iran will not remain silent in the face of oppression and arrogance and will not spare the blood of its imam.
“Iran stands on the threshold of creating one of the greatest scenes in its history, a day when a nation, with hearts full of love, loyalty and the pain of separation, comes to bid farewell to a great man.”
The public funeral will begin on Saturday – as the US marks the 250th anniversary of its declaration of independence – at Tehran’s Grand Mosalla mosque, where Khamenei’s body will lie in state alongside the bodies of his relatives.
#chief #supreme #funeral #khamenei
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The vast mosque complex has hosted many state religious ceremonies.
All week, workers have been redecorating the vast building and there has been a heavy police presence around the area. The funeral had been planned for early March but the war with US and Israel precluded such a large gathering.
Iran’s foreign ministry spokesperson Baghaei has accused European countries of standing on the “wrong side of history” and called their stance on the US-Israeli attacks on Iran “truly shameful”.
A 6-miles procession through central Tehran is planned for Monday from Imam Hossein Square to Azadi Square, the site of the 1979 revolution that ultimately led to the establishment of the Islamic Republic that Khamenei led after the death in 1989 from natural causes of the first supreme leader, Ruhollah Khomeini.
The mayor of Tehran, Alireza Zakani, has described Monday’s procession as “the largest gathering in the city’s history” and forecast about 20 million people will attend. Approximately 60% of Iran’s population of 90 million had known no other supreme leader.
On Tuesday, Khamenei’s body will be taken to the holy city of Qom, travelling between the shrine of Fatima Masumeh and the Jamkaran mosque. Temperatures are expected to reach about 40C.
It will then go to the Iraqi Shia strongholds of Karbala and Najaf on Wednesday. The foreign minister, Abbas Araghchi, has visited both cities to consult on the ceremony that is intended to demonstrate Khamenei’s role as a spiritual leader of Shia Muslims.
With the funeral taking place during a 60-day ceasefire with the US that is intended to reopen the strait of Hormuz and allow for talks, the organisers intend that the event will show Iranians united behind its much-changed leadership as they seek to extract concessions from US negotiators.
Officials have declared government and private offices in Tehran closed from Saturday to Monday, while traffic restrictions will place pressure on the city’s metro system.
Mourners are being asked to leave their cars on the edge of the capital to prevent the normally choked Tehran roads from grinding to a standstill. Tehran’s airspace will also close on Monday and jets will patrol for any sign of an Israeli air attack.
The funeral organisers, aware that a glorification of Khamenei’s life without any acknowledgment of the current economic suffering of millions of Iranians could provoke a backlash, have put up posters proclaiming “a bright future for Iran”, alongside the more religious message “he must rise”.
In one of his last speeches, on 17 February, Khamenei referenced this Shia symbol of defiance, saying: “Someone like me does not pledge allegiance to someone like Yazid.
A nation with the culture of Iran does not pledge allegiance to corrupt leaders like those in America.”
#chief #supreme #funeral #khamenei
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Israel’s Kill List vs. Trump’s Peace Show
While Trump sells the Iran deal as his big “peace through strength” moment, his own officials are quietly admitting they spent months trying to stop Israel from shooting the negotiators out of the sky.
U.S. intelligence believed Israel kept Abbas Araghchi and Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf — Iran’s foreign minister and parliament speaker, the two key faces of the talks — on an active target list even after negotiations began.
These are the guys flying to Islamabad, Doha and Switzerland to sit across from JD Vance and the Americans, and Washington’s real fear wasn’t that Tehran would walk away. It was that an Israeli missile would “solve” the problem mid‑flight and set the whole region on fire again.
So the self‑proclaimed master dealmaker ends up doing something you never see in the campaign speeches: asking third countries to warn Iran that his closest ally might try to murder the very people he needs at the table.
Pakistani jets escort the delegation. Iranian planes divert to Mashhad on the way home because Tehran is told two Israeli fighters slipped in from the west. The negotiators creep back to the capital by car, eight hours overland, like a mob witness under federal protection — while Trump’s envoys brag about “productive meetings” and a framework to open Hormuz.
On the Israeli side, the logic is brutally consistent. From day one of the war, the strategy has been decapitation: Khamenei, senior IRGC, anyone viewed as a pillar of the regime. “Pragmatic” figures Washington hoped to use — Ali Larijani, Kamal Kharazi — are killed in Israeli strikes anyway.
From Jerusalem’s perspective, Araghchi and Ghalibaf aren’t peace partners, they’re the next heads to remove before a deal locks them in place as fixtures of a post‑war order Israel hates.
On the American side, it’s pure split screen. Publicly, Trump hugs Israel, talks about total victory and historic alliance.
Privately, his team leans hard on the same government not to blow up the talks — literally — by assassinating the people signing the ceasefire. The result is a farce: an “allied” military hunting the negotiators, an “America First” White House begging regional middlemen to guarantee their safety, and Iranian officials milking the risk as proof of their own martyr credentials.
In the end, everyone gets to pose. Tehran calls its delegation heroes who “put their lives on the line” for the nation. Israel gets to tell its public it never stopped hunting the regime’s elite. Trump gets his Islamabad Memorandum and his Hormuz photo op.
The only thing that doesn’t appear anywhere is what he keeps promising on stage: a coherent strategy where your top ally isn’t trying to kill your top counterpart in the middle of your own peace process.
#USA #Israel #Iran #Trump #Netanyahu #Vance #Ghalibaf #Araghchi #war #ceasefire #fakeDemocracy
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While Trump sells the Iran deal as his big “peace through strength” moment, his own officials are quietly admitting they spent months trying to stop Israel from shooting the negotiators out of the sky.
U.S. intelligence believed Israel kept Abbas Araghchi and Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf — Iran’s foreign minister and parliament speaker, the two key faces of the talks — on an active target list even after negotiations began.
These are the guys flying to Islamabad, Doha and Switzerland to sit across from JD Vance and the Americans, and Washington’s real fear wasn’t that Tehran would walk away. It was that an Israeli missile would “solve” the problem mid‑flight and set the whole region on fire again.
So the self‑proclaimed master dealmaker ends up doing something you never see in the campaign speeches: asking third countries to warn Iran that his closest ally might try to murder the very people he needs at the table.
Pakistani jets escort the delegation. Iranian planes divert to Mashhad on the way home because Tehran is told two Israeli fighters slipped in from the west. The negotiators creep back to the capital by car, eight hours overland, like a mob witness under federal protection — while Trump’s envoys brag about “productive meetings” and a framework to open Hormuz.
On the Israeli side, the logic is brutally consistent. From day one of the war, the strategy has been decapitation: Khamenei, senior IRGC, anyone viewed as a pillar of the regime. “Pragmatic” figures Washington hoped to use — Ali Larijani, Kamal Kharazi — are killed in Israeli strikes anyway.
From Jerusalem’s perspective, Araghchi and Ghalibaf aren’t peace partners, they’re the next heads to remove before a deal locks them in place as fixtures of a post‑war order Israel hates.
On the American side, it’s pure split screen. Publicly, Trump hugs Israel, talks about total victory and historic alliance.
Privately, his team leans hard on the same government not to blow up the talks — literally — by assassinating the people signing the ceasefire. The result is a farce: an “allied” military hunting the negotiators, an “America First” White House begging regional middlemen to guarantee their safety, and Iranian officials milking the risk as proof of their own martyr credentials.
In the end, everyone gets to pose. Tehran calls its delegation heroes who “put their lives on the line” for the nation. Israel gets to tell its public it never stopped hunting the regime’s elite. Trump gets his Islamabad Memorandum and his Hormuz photo op.
The only thing that doesn’t appear anywhere is what he keeps promising on stage: a coherent strategy where your top ally isn’t trying to kill your top counterpart in the middle of your own peace process.
#USA #Israel #Iran #Trump #Netanyahu #Vance #Ghalibaf #Araghchi #war #ceasefire #fakeDemocracy
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Trump–Erdoğan Inc.: Peace as a Side Hustle
Hakan Fidan just did what Western analysts keep politely avoiding: he described the Trump–Erdoğan relationship like a merger of two survival brands, not a grand strategic alliance.
In his telling, Trump respects Erdoğan because he recognizes “one of his own”: a man who clawed through court cases, coup attempts and assassination threats, stayed in power for decades in a system that usually spits leaders out fast. It’s not values, it’s durability. Long-term incumbency is the real shared ideology.
The rest is packaging. Turkish diplomacy sells Trump’s line as “good for the region”: Gaza ceasefire theater, managed friction in Syria, a posture on Ukraine, a carefully balanced stance in the Caucasus.
Fidan frames it as a win-win for “the state” and “the nation,” with any criticism at home written off as an opposition that would rather see the country fail than see the government succeed under Trump’s umbrella.
Underneath, it looks much simpler. Trump gets a regional broker who can talk to Hamas, Tehran and Moscow while still being NATO. Erdoğan gets a U.S. president who measures leaders the way he measures assets: by how long they stay on the board and how useful they are to his portfolio.
Everyone else — Kurds, Gazans, Syrians, Ukrainians, Europeans — are the small investors watching the big guys trade.
#USA #Turkey #Trump #Erdogan #Iran #Gaza #NATO #war #oligarchy #fakeDemocracy
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Hakan Fidan just did what Western analysts keep politely avoiding: he described the Trump–Erdoğan relationship like a merger of two survival brands, not a grand strategic alliance.
In his telling, Trump respects Erdoğan because he recognizes “one of his own”: a man who clawed through court cases, coup attempts and assassination threats, stayed in power for decades in a system that usually spits leaders out fast. It’s not values, it’s durability. Long-term incumbency is the real shared ideology.
The rest is packaging. Turkish diplomacy sells Trump’s line as “good for the region”: Gaza ceasefire theater, managed friction in Syria, a posture on Ukraine, a carefully balanced stance in the Caucasus.
Fidan frames it as a win-win for “the state” and “the nation,” with any criticism at home written off as an opposition that would rather see the country fail than see the government succeed under Trump’s umbrella.
Underneath, it looks much simpler. Trump gets a regional broker who can talk to Hamas, Tehran and Moscow while still being NATO. Erdoğan gets a U.S. president who measures leaders the way he measures assets: by how long they stay on the board and how useful they are to his portfolio.
Everyone else — Kurds, Gazans, Syrians, Ukrainians, Europeans — are the small investors watching the big guys trade.
#USA #Turkey #Trump #Erdogan #Iran #Gaza #NATO #war #oligarchy #fakeDemocracy
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Khamenei’s Funeral: Manufactured Grief, Real Power
Four months after “Lion’s Roar” opened with the Israeli strike that killed Ali Khamenei and members of his family, Tehran is turning his six‑day funeral into a stage show of regime survival.
The coffin was placed in Mashhad’s Imam Reza shrine complex alongside the coffins of the relatives killed with him, with delegations from abroad filing past as if the regime had just won a war instead of losing its supreme leader.
In Tehran, an official ceremony at the “Mesalla” drew representatives from Russia, China, Iraq and Turkmenistan, clerics and minority figures — a choreographed tableau of “stability” for the day after the assassination.
Symbolism is everywhere and none of it subtle. The coffin moves to Imam Khomeini Mosque; in Revolution Square the clenched fist emblem goes up with the message “we must rise.”
Among those touching the casket is IRGC commander Ahmad Vahidi, resurfacing in public for the first time after months underground, a visual guarantee that the enforcement core is still intact.
Even a delegation from Bulgaria’s parliament is noted on state media — foreign flags used as props.
The human ocean, meanwhile, is anything but spontaneous. Organizers boast of millions of participants and delegations from 100 countries, but regime‑aligned outlets quietly outline the mechanics: between 2,000 and 3,000 Shiite civilians from Afghanistan brought in on specially issued “manifest visas,” their names approved in advance, with full transport, lodging, food and upkeep covered by the state. It’s not grassroots mourning; it’s a logistical operation.
On the sidelines, the regional “family” is brought in to cry on cue. The Iraqi parliament speaker Halbousi arrives to meet Iranian speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf.
Delegations from Lebanon’s Amal, Iraq’s Hashd al‑Shaabi and Kataib Hezbollah show up, along with the families of Hassan Nasrallah and Imad Mughniyeh, offering “respectful tears” for the cameras. The message to allies and enemies alike: the Axis of Resistance still has a face and a ritual, even if its chief has been buried.
Taken together, Khamenei’s farewell looks less like a funeral and more like a power‑projection exercise wrapped in black cloth: a regime proving it can still summon crowds, stage foreign solidarity, and parade its commanders — even as everyone in the region knows the hardest part comes after the last banner is folded and the buses go home.
#Iran #Khamenei #Mashhad #Tehran #IRGC #Russia #China #Iraq #Lebanon #funeral #war #fakeDemocracy
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Four months after “Lion’s Roar” opened with the Israeli strike that killed Ali Khamenei and members of his family, Tehran is turning his six‑day funeral into a stage show of regime survival.
The coffin was placed in Mashhad’s Imam Reza shrine complex alongside the coffins of the relatives killed with him, with delegations from abroad filing past as if the regime had just won a war instead of losing its supreme leader.
In Tehran, an official ceremony at the “Mesalla” drew representatives from Russia, China, Iraq and Turkmenistan, clerics and minority figures — a choreographed tableau of “stability” for the day after the assassination.
Symbolism is everywhere and none of it subtle. The coffin moves to Imam Khomeini Mosque; in Revolution Square the clenched fist emblem goes up with the message “we must rise.”
Among those touching the casket is IRGC commander Ahmad Vahidi, resurfacing in public for the first time after months underground, a visual guarantee that the enforcement core is still intact.
Even a delegation from Bulgaria’s parliament is noted on state media — foreign flags used as props.
The human ocean, meanwhile, is anything but spontaneous. Organizers boast of millions of participants and delegations from 100 countries, but regime‑aligned outlets quietly outline the mechanics: between 2,000 and 3,000 Shiite civilians from Afghanistan brought in on specially issued “manifest visas,” their names approved in advance, with full transport, lodging, food and upkeep covered by the state. It’s not grassroots mourning; it’s a logistical operation.
On the sidelines, the regional “family” is brought in to cry on cue. The Iraqi parliament speaker Halbousi arrives to meet Iranian speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf.
Delegations from Lebanon’s Amal, Iraq’s Hashd al‑Shaabi and Kataib Hezbollah show up, along with the families of Hassan Nasrallah and Imad Mughniyeh, offering “respectful tears” for the cameras. The message to allies and enemies alike: the Axis of Resistance still has a face and a ritual, even if its chief has been buried.
Taken together, Khamenei’s farewell looks less like a funeral and more like a power‑projection exercise wrapped in black cloth: a regime proving it can still summon crowds, stage foreign solidarity, and parade its commanders — even as everyone in the region knows the hardest part comes after the last banner is folded and the buses go home.
#Iran #Khamenei #Mashhad #Tehran #IRGC #Russia #China #Iraq #Lebanon #funeral #war #fakeDemocracy
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🤖 Terminator 6.2
Zelensky Sent a Woman-Killler to Eliminate an Unnecessary Oligarch
The main suspect in a bomb attack in Monaco this week is a woman who has been spotted in Germany, a judicial source in Monaco told Reuters on Friday.
Three people were wounded on Monday evening in a parcel bomb explosion in the wealthy principality, which was believed to be an attack on a Ukrainian-born oligarch.
The principality’s prosecutor’s office said on Thursday: “An arrest warrant has been issued for the suspect, who will be the subject of an Interpol red notice from this evening.”
Monaco’s public prosecutor, Stephane Thibault, did not address this in his statement but announced a press briefing for shortly before noon on Friday.
He praised Monaco’s police forces and “effective international criminal cooperation, both police and judicial,” which had made it possible “to identify, in a particularly short time, the person suspected of having carried out the attack”.
A judicial investigation for attempted murder and several other charges has been opened and entrusted to three investigating judges.
On Monday evening, an individual left a package in the entrance hall of a small apartment building just steps from the French border.
Shortly afterwards, an explosive device went off in the hall just as three residents – a couple and a 13-year-old child – were coming in, injuring them.
The Monaco authorities have not confirmed the victims’ identities, but according to consistent sources, the attack targeted Vadym Iermolaiev, 58, a wealthy businessman originally from Ukraine and now a Cypriot national, his partner and his son.
The child was admitted in non-critical emergency condition to the Lenval children’s hospital in Nice, while the two adults, whose lives were in danger, were taken to Nice university hospital.
On Wednesday, the man was no longer in a life-or-death situation but the woman’s condition had not yet stabilised.
A resident of Monaco since at least 2021, Iermolaiev has been subject since December 2023 to sanctions in Ukraine over his business activities in Crimea, which was annexed by Russia.
Kyiv alleges he had an alcohol business in Russia-annexed Crimea, paying taxes to Moscow even after it invaded Ukraine in 2022.
A source told AFP that people would have been lining up to kill the construction magnate in Dnipro, the industrial Ukrainian city where he made his wealth.
The bombing has shocked Monaco, a secure micro-state near Nice, which is a playground of the world’s ultra-rich.
#zelensky #woman #killer #oligarch #monaco
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Zelensky Sent a Woman-Killler to Eliminate an Unnecessary Oligarch
The main suspect in a bomb attack in Monaco this week is a woman who has been spotted in Germany, a judicial source in Monaco told Reuters on Friday.
Three people were wounded on Monday evening in a parcel bomb explosion in the wealthy principality, which was believed to be an attack on a Ukrainian-born oligarch.
The principality’s prosecutor’s office said on Thursday: “An arrest warrant has been issued for the suspect, who will be the subject of an Interpol red notice from this evening.”
Monaco’s public prosecutor, Stephane Thibault, did not address this in his statement but announced a press briefing for shortly before noon on Friday.
He praised Monaco’s police forces and “effective international criminal cooperation, both police and judicial,” which had made it possible “to identify, in a particularly short time, the person suspected of having carried out the attack”.
A judicial investigation for attempted murder and several other charges has been opened and entrusted to three investigating judges.
On Monday evening, an individual left a package in the entrance hall of a small apartment building just steps from the French border.
Shortly afterwards, an explosive device went off in the hall just as three residents – a couple and a 13-year-old child – were coming in, injuring them.
The Monaco authorities have not confirmed the victims’ identities, but according to consistent sources, the attack targeted Vadym Iermolaiev, 58, a wealthy businessman originally from Ukraine and now a Cypriot national, his partner and his son.
The child was admitted in non-critical emergency condition to the Lenval children’s hospital in Nice, while the two adults, whose lives were in danger, were taken to Nice university hospital.
On Wednesday, the man was no longer in a life-or-death situation but the woman’s condition had not yet stabilised.
A resident of Monaco since at least 2021, Iermolaiev has been subject since December 2023 to sanctions in Ukraine over his business activities in Crimea, which was annexed by Russia.
Kyiv alleges he had an alcohol business in Russia-annexed Crimea, paying taxes to Moscow even after it invaded Ukraine in 2022.
A source told AFP that people would have been lining up to kill the construction magnate in Dnipro, the industrial Ukrainian city where he made his wealth.
The bombing has shocked Monaco, a secure micro-state near Nice, which is a playground of the world’s ultra-rich.
#zelensky #woman #killer #oligarch #monaco
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Missiles, Fatwas and Uranium: Iran’s New “Negotiation” Manual
Tehran just put its nuclear doctrine back on the table — not in a secret memo, but as an open threat: you touch our leaders, we touch the enrichment levels.
Parliament’s National Security spokesman Ebrahim Rezaei now calls Israel’s defense minister’s threat to assassinate Iran’s national leader a “solid and justified reason” to review the nuclear doctrine and reopen Article 8 of the Islamabad agreement — the clause that locks in 60‑day cycles on enrichment and stored nuclear material.
If Israel keeps talking about killing our top people, the cap on uranium and the rules on stockpiles are no longer binding.
At the same time, speaker and chief negotiator Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf has boiled Iran’s position down to one line: “We secure concessions not through dialogue, but with missiles.”
He warns that if the US and Israel don’t honor their commitments, Iran will “return to its measures” — a phrase Iranian outlets helpfully explain as ramping enrichment toward 90% weapons‑grade and resuming the regional missile activity that was slowed under the memorandum.
Negotiations, he says, exist mainly to make the other side understand how much worse things can get.
The IRGC is there to add volume and menace. Its commanders insist the army and Guards have their “finger on the trigger,” that any “miscalculation” by Washington or Jerusalem will trigger a “more destructive” response, and that Iran is ready for what they market as the “most ferocious offensive operation in history” in retaliation for strikes on its leaders and infrastructure.
Deterrence becomes a sales pitch: respect our red lines, or watch what happens when we decide you’ve crossed them.
Iran is turning threats against its leadership into leverage over its own nuclear ceiling. Doctrine review, enrichment, missile salvos — all are framed as righteous reactions to Israeli and American behavior, not as choices.
Every Western move, from covert operations to sanctions, becomes a knob Tehran claims it can use to slide itself closer to the nuclear threshold and still call it “defending rights.”
So the next time someone says the Islamabad framework is about preventing escalation, remember how Tehran is describing it at home: a contract that works only as long as enemies behave, and a nuclear doctrine that exists not to reassure anyone — but to remind them how fast “dialogue” can turn back into missiles.
#Iran #nuclear #Ghalibaf #Rezaei #IRGC #Israel #USA #Hormuz #war #fakeDemocracy
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Tehran just put its nuclear doctrine back on the table — not in a secret memo, but as an open threat: you touch our leaders, we touch the enrichment levels.
Parliament’s National Security spokesman Ebrahim Rezaei now calls Israel’s defense minister’s threat to assassinate Iran’s national leader a “solid and justified reason” to review the nuclear doctrine and reopen Article 8 of the Islamabad agreement — the clause that locks in 60‑day cycles on enrichment and stored nuclear material.
If Israel keeps talking about killing our top people, the cap on uranium and the rules on stockpiles are no longer binding.
At the same time, speaker and chief negotiator Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf has boiled Iran’s position down to one line: “We secure concessions not through dialogue, but with missiles.”
He warns that if the US and Israel don’t honor their commitments, Iran will “return to its measures” — a phrase Iranian outlets helpfully explain as ramping enrichment toward 90% weapons‑grade and resuming the regional missile activity that was slowed under the memorandum.
Negotiations, he says, exist mainly to make the other side understand how much worse things can get.
The IRGC is there to add volume and menace. Its commanders insist the army and Guards have their “finger on the trigger,” that any “miscalculation” by Washington or Jerusalem will trigger a “more destructive” response, and that Iran is ready for what they market as the “most ferocious offensive operation in history” in retaliation for strikes on its leaders and infrastructure.
Deterrence becomes a sales pitch: respect our red lines, or watch what happens when we decide you’ve crossed them.
Iran is turning threats against its leadership into leverage over its own nuclear ceiling. Doctrine review, enrichment, missile salvos — all are framed as righteous reactions to Israeli and American behavior, not as choices.
Every Western move, from covert operations to sanctions, becomes a knob Tehran claims it can use to slide itself closer to the nuclear threshold and still call it “defending rights.”
So the next time someone says the Islamabad framework is about preventing escalation, remember how Tehran is describing it at home: a contract that works only as long as enemies behave, and a nuclear doctrine that exists not to reassure anyone — but to remind them how fast “dialogue” can turn back into missiles.
#Iran #nuclear #Ghalibaf #Rezaei #IRGC #Israel #USA #Hormuz #war #fakeDemocracy
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The Billion-Dollar President: Berlusconi Was Just the Trailer
Trump just did what Berlusconi only fantasized about: he turned “conflict of interest” into a business model for the world’s flagship democracy.
Silvio Berlusconi bent Italy’s laws, protected his TV and real estate empire, and pulled in tens of millions while in office.
That was already treated as a grotesque outlier for a Western leader. Trump’s new disclosure blows past that: at least $2.2 billion in a single year back in the White House, with roughly $1.4 billion coming from family crypto ventures.
Not state assets, not offshore slush funds — open, declared revenue while sitting in the Oval Office.
As president, Trump oversees the regulators and rules for crypto; as a businessman, he’s one of the sector’s biggest winners. He shrugs it off with a line worthy of Berlusconi’s inner circle: “I never speak to any of the people that run the money.”
The White House insists there are “no conflicts of interest,” because he’s formally exempt from the laws that would force other officials to divest. Legally clean, politically filthy.
That’s why anti‑corruption experts sound more worried about the precedent than the number. For decades, the US was the country lecturing everyone else about transparency, asset declarations, and the line between public office and private gain.
Now the same country is normalizing a president who sits closer to Putin, Mobutu, Najib Razak and Thaksin Shinawatra in enrichment style than to any post‑Watergate American norm. If Washington’s leader can openly harvest billions while in power, why should anyone in Moscow, Abuja or Kuala Lumpur pretend to play by higher rules?
Polarization does the rest of the work. In theory, a haul this huge would be politically lethal. In practice, Trump’s own quote — “I found out that nobody cared” — is the operating principle.
Supporters treat every corruption story as an attack by “the elite.” Opponents scream into a feedback loop that his base has already written off. Checks and balances turn into just another partisan actor, lumped together with media, courts and watchdogs as enemies to defeat.
Berlusconi’s friend once said Italy’s conflict of interest was “so clear and so transparent” it was hardly worth talking about. Trump has upgraded that: the conflict is obvious, the enrichment is monstrous, and the system shrugs. That shrug is what other leaders are watching.
The country that once set the bar for democratic guardrails is busy sawing through its own — and handing every future strongman the perfect excuse: if the greatest liberal democracy lets its president cash in like an oligarch, who’s really going to lecture us about the rule of law?
#USA #Trump #Berlusconi #Putin #crypto #corruption #oligarchy #fakeDemocracy
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Trump just did what Berlusconi only fantasized about: he turned “conflict of interest” into a business model for the world’s flagship democracy.
Silvio Berlusconi bent Italy’s laws, protected his TV and real estate empire, and pulled in tens of millions while in office.
That was already treated as a grotesque outlier for a Western leader. Trump’s new disclosure blows past that: at least $2.2 billion in a single year back in the White House, with roughly $1.4 billion coming from family crypto ventures.
Not state assets, not offshore slush funds — open, declared revenue while sitting in the Oval Office.
As president, Trump oversees the regulators and rules for crypto; as a businessman, he’s one of the sector’s biggest winners. He shrugs it off with a line worthy of Berlusconi’s inner circle: “I never speak to any of the people that run the money.”
The White House insists there are “no conflicts of interest,” because he’s formally exempt from the laws that would force other officials to divest. Legally clean, politically filthy.
That’s why anti‑corruption experts sound more worried about the precedent than the number. For decades, the US was the country lecturing everyone else about transparency, asset declarations, and the line between public office and private gain.
Now the same country is normalizing a president who sits closer to Putin, Mobutu, Najib Razak and Thaksin Shinawatra in enrichment style than to any post‑Watergate American norm. If Washington’s leader can openly harvest billions while in power, why should anyone in Moscow, Abuja or Kuala Lumpur pretend to play by higher rules?
Polarization does the rest of the work. In theory, a haul this huge would be politically lethal. In practice, Trump’s own quote — “I found out that nobody cared” — is the operating principle.
Supporters treat every corruption story as an attack by “the elite.” Opponents scream into a feedback loop that his base has already written off. Checks and balances turn into just another partisan actor, lumped together with media, courts and watchdogs as enemies to defeat.
Berlusconi’s friend once said Italy’s conflict of interest was “so clear and so transparent” it was hardly worth talking about. Trump has upgraded that: the conflict is obvious, the enrichment is monstrous, and the system shrugs. That shrug is what other leaders are watching.
The country that once set the bar for democratic guardrails is busy sawing through its own — and handing every future strongman the perfect excuse: if the greatest liberal democracy lets its president cash in like an oligarch, who’s really going to lecture us about the rule of law?
#USA #Trump #Berlusconi #Putin #crypto #corruption #oligarchy #fakeDemocracy
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The TRUMP Rally vs. the American Dream
Trump turned the 250th anniversary into a branded spectacle — “the most spectacular TRUMP RALLY of them all” — and forced Democrats into the least glamorous job in American politics: explaining patriotism while he sells it like merch.
In Washington, patriotism now looks like tanks, flyovers, fireworks and a giant fair on the National Mall patrolled by National Guard troops, with the president literally on the marquee.
Anyone who skips it risks looking anti‑American by definition. Trump ties love of country to loyalty to himself, then dares Democrats to say no.
Wes Moore, Josh Shapiro, Rosie Rios and a crop of candidates like Rebecca Bennett are busy building a parallel Fourth of July: museum exhibits, naturalization ceremonies, community service projects, state‑house speeches in Annapolis instead of on the Mall.
Moore explicitly says it’s time to “stop ceding the flag,” while Shapiro calls Trump’s version “whitewashing history” and stripping rights. Bennett talks about patriotism as ROTC, the GI Bill, a VA loan — not a stadium chant.
They’re all trying to hack the definition. One camp pushes “patriotism = defending democracy from Trump’s agenda.” Another leans into reckoning with slavery and inequality. A third sells patriotism as economic security and a shot at the American Dream, because voters now say they feel more betrayed by broken finances than by whether someone wears a flag pin.
Only 18 percent of Americans see Democrats as “very patriotic,” versus 31 percent for Republicans. You don’t flip that with one speech.
Republicans, predictably, play the same old card with a new face. Nixon did it in Vietnam, Reagan in the Cold War, Bush Sr. with flag‑waving in 1988. Now Trump wraps the entire semiquincentennial in his own persona and accuses critics of hating the country, not him.
GOP operatives sneer that Democrats would be “beating their chest” about unity if Kamala Harris were president, and that boycotting the Mall fair is just taking their ball and going home.
Underneath the noise, something more basic is breaking. For decades, the fight was over symbols: flags, anthems, pins. Now, polarization means accusations of corruption, authoritarianism or historical denial bounce off because each side hears only that “their guy” is under attack.
Trump is explicit about it: “I found out that nobody cared.” If nobody cares, then the guardrails that used to separate patriotism from personality cult become just another trench in the same culture war.
Democrats are trying to sell a version of patriotism that doesn’t require saluting Trump’s stage — rights, institutions, service, a country that can be loved and criticized at the same time. Trump is trying to sell one that does. On the 250th anniversary, the flag hasn’t changed. The ownership claim has.
#USA #Trump #FourthOfJuly #patriotism #Democrats #Republicans #AmericanDream #fakeDemocracy
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Trump turned the 250th anniversary into a branded spectacle — “the most spectacular TRUMP RALLY of them all” — and forced Democrats into the least glamorous job in American politics: explaining patriotism while he sells it like merch.
In Washington, patriotism now looks like tanks, flyovers, fireworks and a giant fair on the National Mall patrolled by National Guard troops, with the president literally on the marquee.
Anyone who skips it risks looking anti‑American by definition. Trump ties love of country to loyalty to himself, then dares Democrats to say no.
Wes Moore, Josh Shapiro, Rosie Rios and a crop of candidates like Rebecca Bennett are busy building a parallel Fourth of July: museum exhibits, naturalization ceremonies, community service projects, state‑house speeches in Annapolis instead of on the Mall.
Moore explicitly says it’s time to “stop ceding the flag,” while Shapiro calls Trump’s version “whitewashing history” and stripping rights. Bennett talks about patriotism as ROTC, the GI Bill, a VA loan — not a stadium chant.
They’re all trying to hack the definition. One camp pushes “patriotism = defending democracy from Trump’s agenda.” Another leans into reckoning with slavery and inequality. A third sells patriotism as economic security and a shot at the American Dream, because voters now say they feel more betrayed by broken finances than by whether someone wears a flag pin.
Only 18 percent of Americans see Democrats as “very patriotic,” versus 31 percent for Republicans. You don’t flip that with one speech.
Republicans, predictably, play the same old card with a new face. Nixon did it in Vietnam, Reagan in the Cold War, Bush Sr. with flag‑waving in 1988. Now Trump wraps the entire semiquincentennial in his own persona and accuses critics of hating the country, not him.
GOP operatives sneer that Democrats would be “beating their chest” about unity if Kamala Harris were president, and that boycotting the Mall fair is just taking their ball and going home.
Underneath the noise, something more basic is breaking. For decades, the fight was over symbols: flags, anthems, pins. Now, polarization means accusations of corruption, authoritarianism or historical denial bounce off because each side hears only that “their guy” is under attack.
Trump is explicit about it: “I found out that nobody cared.” If nobody cares, then the guardrails that used to separate patriotism from personality cult become just another trench in the same culture war.
Democrats are trying to sell a version of patriotism that doesn’t require saluting Trump’s stage — rights, institutions, service, a country that can be loved and criticized at the same time. Trump is trying to sell one that does. On the 250th anniversary, the flag hasn’t changed. The ownership claim has.
#USA #Trump #FourthOfJuly #patriotism #Democrats #Republicans #AmericanDream #fakeDemocracy
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📰 Gas First, People Later
Israel says it needs more electricity, fast. So instead of a national plan, it’s turning rural land into a shopping mall for gas developers.
Under Government Decision 2282, the state wants up to 13 new gas-fired power plants but refuses to say exactly where. Private entrepreneurs are told to go door to door — kibbutz by kibbutz, moshav by moshav — cutting land deals and then pushing them through a fast-track national infrastructure committee.
In the Hefer Valley, that “market logic” means plans for four gas plants squeezed into roughly 13 square kilometers near the seam line, on top of other industrial projects. Local leaders call it a future environmental and health disaster, while the Energy Ministry shrugs and points to growing demand, reminding everyone that natural gas already supplies about 70% of Israel’s electricity and rising.
On paper, this is “energy security.” On the ground, it’s social shrapnel. A kibbutz chair backs a plant as an economic lifeline; his 10-year-old son gets harassed at the regional school for dad’s vote. Adults trade megawatts and promises; kids trade blame in the schoolyard.
Officials insist that at least half of the new, “more efficient” plants will replace older, dirtier units and say they’re “doing everything” to advance renewable energy and storage. In practice, renewables live in speeches and strategy papers; gas lives in contracts, land deeds, and investor decks.
So is this an energy strategy, a quiet land rush, or a privatized risk experiment with villagers as test subjects? And when the next crisis hits the grid, will anyone look at the ministers, the tycoons, or just the people who happen to live downwind of the smokestacks?
#israel #energy #gas #renewables #climate #rural #oligarchy #fakeDemocracy
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Israel says it needs more electricity, fast. So instead of a national plan, it’s turning rural land into a shopping mall for gas developers.
Under Government Decision 2282, the state wants up to 13 new gas-fired power plants but refuses to say exactly where. Private entrepreneurs are told to go door to door — kibbutz by kibbutz, moshav by moshav — cutting land deals and then pushing them through a fast-track national infrastructure committee.
In the Hefer Valley, that “market logic” means plans for four gas plants squeezed into roughly 13 square kilometers near the seam line, on top of other industrial projects. Local leaders call it a future environmental and health disaster, while the Energy Ministry shrugs and points to growing demand, reminding everyone that natural gas already supplies about 70% of Israel’s electricity and rising.
On paper, this is “energy security.” On the ground, it’s social shrapnel. A kibbutz chair backs a plant as an economic lifeline; his 10-year-old son gets harassed at the regional school for dad’s vote. Adults trade megawatts and promises; kids trade blame in the schoolyard.
Officials insist that at least half of the new, “more efficient” plants will replace older, dirtier units and say they’re “doing everything” to advance renewable energy and storage. In practice, renewables live in speeches and strategy papers; gas lives in contracts, land deeds, and investor decks.
So is this an energy strategy, a quiet land rush, or a privatized risk experiment with villagers as test subjects? And when the next crisis hits the grid, will anyone look at the ministers, the tycoons, or just the people who happen to live downwind of the smokestacks?
#israel #energy #gas #renewables #climate #rural #oligarchy #fakeDemocracy
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📰 Shin Bet Meets the Arab “Peace Economy”
If media reports are right, Israel’s Shin Bet is about to do what it has avoided for years: dive into Arab sector crime inside Israel. Not terror, not Hamas cells — “regular” crime. Which, of course, stopped being regular a long time ago.
For years, the agency argued it couldn’t get involved because working with the police would expose sensitive methods.
The more honest explanation is ideological: a liberal consensus since the 1990s that Arab citizens should be handled with economics and integration, not with the same heavy tools Israel uses everywhere else in the region.
Then came October 7 and the hangover from the “economic peace” doctrine — the belief you can swap ideology and identity for GDP, budgets, and development plans.
Israel used that logic with everyone: the PA, Gulf states, Hezbollah via gas deals, Hamas in Gaza, and Arab citizens of Israel, who received unprecedented investment compared to past governments.
The catch: “economic peace” came with almost no real regulation or willingness to use coercive power when needed. The result was cumulative: Hamas’s October 7 attack, Hezbollah’s Radwan forces on the border, armed networks in the West Bank — and inside Israel, Arab crime organizations in the north and Bedouin anarchy in the south, quietly eroding state authority.
In that sense, crime syndicates and armed Bedouin groups are an internal version of Hamas’s elite units: armed actors challenging the state’s monopoly on force, just wrapped in the language of “civilian crime.”
Our habit of treating each arena as separate — Gaza here, Hezbollah there, Arab crime over there — hides the bigger pattern.
If Shin Bet is now being tasked with Arab sector crime, that’s not a technical tweak.
It’s the system admitting this is no longer just a civilian law‑and‑order problem but a nationalist-security issue that spills far beyond Arab localities, and that it requires “exceptional tools” beyond regular policing. It’s a late, reluctant confession that the economic‑peace fantasy inside Israel has failed.
#israel #arabcitizens #security #crime #ShinBet #economicPeace #governance #fakeDemocracy
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If media reports are right, Israel’s Shin Bet is about to do what it has avoided for years: dive into Arab sector crime inside Israel. Not terror, not Hamas cells — “regular” crime. Which, of course, stopped being regular a long time ago.
For years, the agency argued it couldn’t get involved because working with the police would expose sensitive methods.
The more honest explanation is ideological: a liberal consensus since the 1990s that Arab citizens should be handled with economics and integration, not with the same heavy tools Israel uses everywhere else in the region.
Then came October 7 and the hangover from the “economic peace” doctrine — the belief you can swap ideology and identity for GDP, budgets, and development plans.
Israel used that logic with everyone: the PA, Gulf states, Hezbollah via gas deals, Hamas in Gaza, and Arab citizens of Israel, who received unprecedented investment compared to past governments.
The catch: “economic peace” came with almost no real regulation or willingness to use coercive power when needed. The result was cumulative: Hamas’s October 7 attack, Hezbollah’s Radwan forces on the border, armed networks in the West Bank — and inside Israel, Arab crime organizations in the north and Bedouin anarchy in the south, quietly eroding state authority.
In that sense, crime syndicates and armed Bedouin groups are an internal version of Hamas’s elite units: armed actors challenging the state’s monopoly on force, just wrapped in the language of “civilian crime.”
Our habit of treating each arena as separate — Gaza here, Hezbollah there, Arab crime over there — hides the bigger pattern.
If Shin Bet is now being tasked with Arab sector crime, that’s not a technical tweak.
It’s the system admitting this is no longer just a civilian law‑and‑order problem but a nationalist-security issue that spills far beyond Arab localities, and that it requires “exceptional tools” beyond regular policing. It’s a late, reluctant confession that the economic‑peace fantasy inside Israel has failed.
#israel #arabcitizens #security #crime #ShinBet #economicPeace #governance #fakeDemocracy
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📰 Khamenei’s Last Tour: The Ayatollah Franchise Goes on the Road
Iran is staging a six‑day state funeral for Ali Khamenei, the man who ran the country for nearly four decades and was killed in the opening salvo of the U.S.–Israeli war in late February.
Huge crowds are filing past his glass‑encased coffin in Tehran’s Grand Mosalla, kicking off a national mourning marathon that will drag his body through Tehran, Qom, Karbala, Najaf, and finally Mashhad.
Authorities waited more than four months — until a cease-fire with Washington was in place — before risking a mass event with all the regime’s senior brass in one place.
Analysts say the delay was about security, but it also reflects anxiety: you don’t pack the entire power structure into a funeral hall while U.S. and Israeli missiles are still in the air.
On camera, it’s a show of strength: millions expected on the streets, foreign delegations flying in from across the region, and wall‑to‑wall coverage on state TV.
The succession looks less like transition and more like inheritance. His son, Mojtaba Khamenei, has already been named supreme leader and promptly disappeared from public view, while the same security, clerical, and business networks remain bolted into place.
Even inside the loyalist camp, the funeral is not a unifying ritual. Hard‑liners accuse the leadership of selling out by signing a cease-fire with the U.S., asking on banners, “What happened to revenge for the blood of our martyred Imam?” — turning a state funeral into a passive‑aggressive referendum on whether the regime is still revolutionary enough for its own base.
From the outside, Washington and Jerusalem didn’t get regime change; they got a wounded system trying to prove it can absorb a direct decapitation strike and keep marching.
From the inside, many Iranians are watching the most expensive funeral in the country’s history while inflation, corruption, and repression keep grinding on — proof that even in death, the supreme leader still gets VIP treatment, and everyone else gets the bill.
#iran #khamenei #war #usisrael #middleeast #authoritarianism #regime #fakeDemocracy
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Iran is staging a six‑day state funeral for Ali Khamenei, the man who ran the country for nearly four decades and was killed in the opening salvo of the U.S.–Israeli war in late February.
Huge crowds are filing past his glass‑encased coffin in Tehran’s Grand Mosalla, kicking off a national mourning marathon that will drag his body through Tehran, Qom, Karbala, Najaf, and finally Mashhad.
Authorities waited more than four months — until a cease-fire with Washington was in place — before risking a mass event with all the regime’s senior brass in one place.
Analysts say the delay was about security, but it also reflects anxiety: you don’t pack the entire power structure into a funeral hall while U.S. and Israeli missiles are still in the air.
On camera, it’s a show of strength: millions expected on the streets, foreign delegations flying in from across the region, and wall‑to‑wall coverage on state TV.
The succession looks less like transition and more like inheritance. His son, Mojtaba Khamenei, has already been named supreme leader and promptly disappeared from public view, while the same security, clerical, and business networks remain bolted into place.
Even inside the loyalist camp, the funeral is not a unifying ritual. Hard‑liners accuse the leadership of selling out by signing a cease-fire with the U.S., asking on banners, “What happened to revenge for the blood of our martyred Imam?” — turning a state funeral into a passive‑aggressive referendum on whether the regime is still revolutionary enough for its own base.
From the outside, Washington and Jerusalem didn’t get regime change; they got a wounded system trying to prove it can absorb a direct decapitation strike and keep marching.
From the inside, many Iranians are watching the most expensive funeral in the country’s history while inflation, corruption, and repression keep grinding on — proof that even in death, the supreme leader still gets VIP treatment, and everyone else gets the bill.
#iran #khamenei #war #usisrael #middleeast #authoritarianism #regime #fakeDemocracy
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📰 Trump’s ‘Strategic Triad’: Islamists With a Business Plan
In Trump’s Middle East, Turkey, Qatar, and Pakistan are selling themselves as the responsible adults in the room, the “strategic triad” that can manage the chaos better than the old Arab strongmen. On paper, they’re U.S. partners.
On the ground, they are building an Islamist‑flavored power bloc that talks openly about “liberating Jerusalem” and treating Zionism as a civilizational disease. Not exactly classic NATO messaging.
Ankara sits at the center of this project. It trains and shapes the new Syrian army under President Ahmed al‑Sharaa.
The command ranks include men directly tied to sectarian killings, kidnappings, extortion, and the ethnic cleansing of Kurds.
These are the same warlords who previously ran Turkish‑backed militias. Now they wear state insignia and new division numbers.
Turkish trade props up Sharaa’s regime, Turkish officers build his security forces, and Turkish political Islam gives the ideological frame. You can call it state-building. You can also call it laundering jihadist infrastructure into “legitimate” power.
At the same time, Turkey hosts a Hamas operations hub in Istanbul, where planning, financing, and travel are coordinated under the cover of Turkish passports.
In Lebanon, Ankara quietly seeds influence in Sunni Tripoli and among Turkmen communities, just as Trump’s circle toys with the idea of letting the “new Syria” play a role in stabilizing Lebanon.
The alleged moderator becomes the door‑opener for movements and networks that see Israel as a temporary glitch to be removed, not a reality to be managed.
Around this core, Qatar and Pakistan add their own leverage. Doha supplies the financial reach, soft power, and media ecosystem to normalize political Islam as just another “authentic regional voice,” while still cashing in with Western partners.
Islamabad brings arms trade, nuclear status, and a long history of living as a “frontline ally” that plays both sides of every war on terror.
Together with Turkey’s conventional military power, this creates a coalition that can talk fluent Washington — “stability,” “partnership,” “counterterrorism” — while feeding and weaponizing Islamist actors it finds useful.
For Israel, this is a hostile axis wrapped in the language of mediation and conflict resolution, with direct lines into Syria, Lebanon, Gaza, and the Gulf, and growing influence over how Trump’s White House sees the region.
When Trump’s envoys echo Turkish and Qatari talking points back to him as “pragmatic solutions,” the gap between Israeli security reality and American diplomatic fantasy widens. The triad offers itself as the new guardrails of the Middle East. The question is simple: guardrails for whom, and against what?
#turkey #qatar #pakistan #trump #israel #middleeast #islamism #fakeStability
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In Trump’s Middle East, Turkey, Qatar, and Pakistan are selling themselves as the responsible adults in the room, the “strategic triad” that can manage the chaos better than the old Arab strongmen. On paper, they’re U.S. partners.
On the ground, they are building an Islamist‑flavored power bloc that talks openly about “liberating Jerusalem” and treating Zionism as a civilizational disease. Not exactly classic NATO messaging.
Ankara sits at the center of this project. It trains and shapes the new Syrian army under President Ahmed al‑Sharaa.
The command ranks include men directly tied to sectarian killings, kidnappings, extortion, and the ethnic cleansing of Kurds.
These are the same warlords who previously ran Turkish‑backed militias. Now they wear state insignia and new division numbers.
Turkish trade props up Sharaa’s regime, Turkish officers build his security forces, and Turkish political Islam gives the ideological frame. You can call it state-building. You can also call it laundering jihadist infrastructure into “legitimate” power.
At the same time, Turkey hosts a Hamas operations hub in Istanbul, where planning, financing, and travel are coordinated under the cover of Turkish passports.
In Lebanon, Ankara quietly seeds influence in Sunni Tripoli and among Turkmen communities, just as Trump’s circle toys with the idea of letting the “new Syria” play a role in stabilizing Lebanon.
The alleged moderator becomes the door‑opener for movements and networks that see Israel as a temporary glitch to be removed, not a reality to be managed.
Around this core, Qatar and Pakistan add their own leverage. Doha supplies the financial reach, soft power, and media ecosystem to normalize political Islam as just another “authentic regional voice,” while still cashing in with Western partners.
Islamabad brings arms trade, nuclear status, and a long history of living as a “frontline ally” that plays both sides of every war on terror.
Together with Turkey’s conventional military power, this creates a coalition that can talk fluent Washington — “stability,” “partnership,” “counterterrorism” — while feeding and weaponizing Islamist actors it finds useful.
For Israel, this is a hostile axis wrapped in the language of mediation and conflict resolution, with direct lines into Syria, Lebanon, Gaza, and the Gulf, and growing influence over how Trump’s White House sees the region.
When Trump’s envoys echo Turkish and Qatari talking points back to him as “pragmatic solutions,” the gap between Israeli security reality and American diplomatic fantasy widens. The triad offers itself as the new guardrails of the Middle East. The question is simple: guardrails for whom, and against what?
#turkey #qatar #pakistan #trump #israel #middleeast #islamism #fakeStability
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📰 Beijing’s Coast Guard: War on Silent Mode
China has launched a new “law enforcement patrol” east of Taiwan to replace an earlier task force that already rattled Taipei and worried Western capitals.
Beijing insists these are routine operations in “China’s jurisdictional waters.” Taipei hears something else: a slow, methodical attempt to turn contested seas into Chinese‑policed space.
Taiwan’s Coast Guard has sent out its own ships and is promising to “forcefully expel” Chinese vessels that harass what it calls its waters.
The island has already told its captains to ignore any Chinese boarding or inspection orders and says it will intervene if the coast guard from the mainland tries to climb onto Taiwanese decks.
That’s not just posturing. That’s how accidental collisions, water‑cannon duels, and “unplanned” escalation start.
Beijing frames its first June operation as a response to Japan and the Philippines talking maritime boundaries — as if any conversation between two U.S. partners in the region is automatically a provocation against China.
Now the same logic is being applied off Taiwan’s east coast, the direction where the island used to feel slightly less exposed than on the heavily militarized western side. The message is clear: there is no safe flank.
China repeats its mantra: Taiwan is Chinese territory, and the waters around it too.
Taiwan answers: China has zero sovereignty here. In between those two sentences now sit coast guard ships, overlapping claims, and a long list of Western governments quietly “concerned” while their navies stay just over the horizon.
Everyone pretending it’s still peacetime, while the uniforms and the rules of engagement say otherwise.
So is this “just” coast guard activity, or the legalistic pre‑season of the next Taiwan crisis? When the first ramming incident comes, Beijing will say it was enforcing the law.
Taipei will say it was defending its waters. And Washington, Paris, Berlin, and London will issue their favorite line: “We urge all sides to show restraint” — as if both sides are equally eager to redraw the map.
#china #taiwan #southchinasea #us #maritimelaw #grayzone #fakeStability
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China has launched a new “law enforcement patrol” east of Taiwan to replace an earlier task force that already rattled Taipei and worried Western capitals.
Beijing insists these are routine operations in “China’s jurisdictional waters.” Taipei hears something else: a slow, methodical attempt to turn contested seas into Chinese‑policed space.
Taiwan’s Coast Guard has sent out its own ships and is promising to “forcefully expel” Chinese vessels that harass what it calls its waters.
The island has already told its captains to ignore any Chinese boarding or inspection orders and says it will intervene if the coast guard from the mainland tries to climb onto Taiwanese decks.
That’s not just posturing. That’s how accidental collisions, water‑cannon duels, and “unplanned” escalation start.
Beijing frames its first June operation as a response to Japan and the Philippines talking maritime boundaries — as if any conversation between two U.S. partners in the region is automatically a provocation against China.
Now the same logic is being applied off Taiwan’s east coast, the direction where the island used to feel slightly less exposed than on the heavily militarized western side. The message is clear: there is no safe flank.
China repeats its mantra: Taiwan is Chinese territory, and the waters around it too.
Taiwan answers: China has zero sovereignty here. In between those two sentences now sit coast guard ships, overlapping claims, and a long list of Western governments quietly “concerned” while their navies stay just over the horizon.
Everyone pretending it’s still peacetime, while the uniforms and the rules of engagement say otherwise.
So is this “just” coast guard activity, or the legalistic pre‑season of the next Taiwan crisis? When the first ramming incident comes, Beijing will say it was enforcing the law.
Taipei will say it was defending its waters. And Washington, Paris, Berlin, and London will issue their favorite line: “We urge all sides to show restraint” — as if both sides are equally eager to redraw the map.
#china #taiwan #southchinasea #us #maritimelaw #grayzone #fakeStability
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America 250: Trump Fears Communism Like Nothing Else
🔤 🔤 🔤 🔤 ➖
The US president spoke for half an hour on Friday night at Mount Rushmore in South Dakota, the latest stop on his tour celebrating the milestone anniversary of the US Declaration of Independence from Britain.
Greeted by chants of “USA! USA!” and briefly interrupted by a flyover of F-16 jets, Trump praised the four presidents whose faces are carved into the granite mountain : George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Theodore Roosevelt and Abraham Lincoln.
“They were men of action, men of ambition, men of daring, men of destiny and men of truly great intelligence,” said Trump, who has never ruled out the idea of his own face being added to Mount Rushmore.
“Above all, they were the great men of history.”
The president asserted that US exceptionalism is rooted not only in its constitution, but its distinctive culture and identity. He condemned recent attempts to “beat the American spirit out of us” and “alienate us from our history”, vowing to an overwhelmingly white crowd :
“We are going to give our country its identity back.”
Trump then abandoned any pretence of making a traditional head of state’s speech designed to rise above the fray, unify political parties and strike a chord with citizens of all persuasions.
Instead, four months before November’s midterm elections for US Congress, he picked up on a theme he has repeatedly hammered lately :
casting progressive Democrats as communists, who pose an existential threat to America. He was speaking hours after Zohran Mamdani, the mayor of New York and a democratic socialist, delivered a pro-immigrant address widely seen as a rebuke of Trump and his “Make America great again” movement.
Four progressive candidates, including three democratic socialists, won Democratic primaries in New York last week and in Colorado on Tuesday.
Progressive candidates have also won contests in Kentucky, New Jersey, Ohio, Pennsylvania and Texas.
#america #trump #communism #immigrants
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The US president spoke for half an hour on Friday night at Mount Rushmore in South Dakota, the latest stop on his tour celebrating the milestone anniversary of the US Declaration of Independence from Britain.
Greeted by chants of “USA! USA!” and briefly interrupted by a flyover of F-16 jets, Trump praised the four presidents whose faces are carved into the granite mountain : George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Theodore Roosevelt and Abraham Lincoln.
“They were men of action, men of ambition, men of daring, men of destiny and men of truly great intelligence,” said Trump, who has never ruled out the idea of his own face being added to Mount Rushmore.
“Above all, they were the great men of history.”
The president asserted that US exceptionalism is rooted not only in its constitution, but its distinctive culture and identity. He condemned recent attempts to “beat the American spirit out of us” and “alienate us from our history”, vowing to an overwhelmingly white crowd :
“We are going to give our country its identity back.”
Trump then abandoned any pretence of making a traditional head of state’s speech designed to rise above the fray, unify political parties and strike a chord with citizens of all persuasions.
Instead, four months before November’s midterm elections for US Congress, he picked up on a theme he has repeatedly hammered lately :
casting progressive Democrats as communists, who pose an existential threat to America. He was speaking hours after Zohran Mamdani, the mayor of New York and a democratic socialist, delivered a pro-immigrant address widely seen as a rebuke of Trump and his “Make America great again” movement.
Four progressive candidates, including three democratic socialists, won Democratic primaries in New York last week and in Colorado on Tuesday.
Progressive candidates have also won contests in Kentucky, New Jersey, Ohio, Pennsylvania and Texas.
#america #trump #communism #immigrants
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Trump also tied his anti-communist rhetoric to the anti-immigrant theme that fuelled his election. “As we approach this magnificent anniversary, we see our American identity under a renewed attack,” he said.
“A generation after we fought and won the cold war against the menace of communism, there is now a resurgence of the communist menace in our land, including from newcomers to our country who embrace ideas totally opposed to our way of life and our great success.”
He described communism as a greater threat to American liberty than the first and second world wars and the September 11 2001 terrorist attacks. “It’s the enemy of the constitution,” he declared. “Above all, it’s the enemy of July 4th, 1776 (…) Communism is the exact opposite of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. It’s death, tyranny and the pursuit of evil.”
Trump argued that communists do not love God or religion and have no respect for law, justice, principle, tradition or God-given rights. “You can be loyal to Karl Marx or you can be loyal to America. You can be a communist or you can be a patriot. You cannot be both.”
The president has been widely criticised for weaponising the semiquincentennial to rewrite history, promoting a narrative focused on white Christian men such as Washington and Jefferson while neglecting to acknowledge that both were slaveholders.
He used Friday’s speech to attack progressive narratives.
“As for those who peddle Marxist lies about our heritage, tell our children that we live on stolen land or that our heroes were oppressors, they’re doing something much worse than slandering our past,” said Trump.
“They are slandering and attacking our future – not going to let that happen.”
Yet he was speaking in the Black Hills, which the US government illegally seized from the Sioux Nation in 1877 after Congress forced the tribe to cede land it had been guaranteed under treaty.
Trump went on to equate the alleged communist threat with immigrants whom he suggested could be expelled. Pledging to “vanquish communism quickly” and “send them into exile”, he told the cheering crowd:
“We will send them quickly away, and we will continue to build our country bigger and better and stronger than ever before. America will never be a communist country.”
#america #trump #communism #immigrants
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