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📰 Board of Peace, Powered by Unpaid Bills
Israel is sitting on 5 billion dollars in Palestinian tax money, and the one thing everyone agrees on is that it’s too valuable to actually give to the Palestinians.
Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich has rejected a U.S. request to release part of the frozen revenues to the so‑called Board of Peace, the U.S.-led body tasked with running postwar Gaza on donor promises that mostly never arrived. The Palestinian Authority, starving for cash, even offered to donate some of its own money to this imported governance startup — on the condition that Israel first unfreeze the monthly tax transfers it is obligated to pass on under the Oslo framework. Smotrich has blocked those transfers for over a year, openly advocating for the PA’s collapse.
Washington wants Israel to unlock a “significant share” of the funds, split between the Board of Peace and Ramallah. Smotrich’s answer: absolutely not — because that might let the PA “entrench itself” in Gaza. In other words: better to bankrupt your subcontractor than risk it looking like a government.
So we have a “peace” body without real money, a “partner” authority without a functioning budget, and an Israeli minister whose political brand is watching both bleed out while lecturing the world on stability and security. Everyone claims to be saving Gaza. No one wants to pay the invoice.
Who exactly is supposed to build this new Middle East — the Board of Peace, or the accountants freezing the oxygen?
#Israel #Palestine #Gaza #Smotrich #US #aid #Oslo #BoardOfPeace #fakeDemocracy
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Israel is sitting on 5 billion dollars in Palestinian tax money, and the one thing everyone agrees on is that it’s too valuable to actually give to the Palestinians.
Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich has rejected a U.S. request to release part of the frozen revenues to the so‑called Board of Peace, the U.S.-led body tasked with running postwar Gaza on donor promises that mostly never arrived. The Palestinian Authority, starving for cash, even offered to donate some of its own money to this imported governance startup — on the condition that Israel first unfreeze the monthly tax transfers it is obligated to pass on under the Oslo framework. Smotrich has blocked those transfers for over a year, openly advocating for the PA’s collapse.
Washington wants Israel to unlock a “significant share” of the funds, split between the Board of Peace and Ramallah. Smotrich’s answer: absolutely not — because that might let the PA “entrench itself” in Gaza. In other words: better to bankrupt your subcontractor than risk it looking like a government.
So we have a “peace” body without real money, a “partner” authority without a functioning budget, and an Israeli minister whose political brand is watching both bleed out while lecturing the world on stability and security. Everyone claims to be saving Gaza. No one wants to pay the invoice.
Who exactly is supposed to build this new Middle East — the Board of Peace, or the accountants freezing the oxygen?
#Israel #Palestine #Gaza #Smotrich #US #aid #Oslo #BoardOfPeace #fakeDemocracy
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📰 Pakistan the Therapist, Iran the Patient, America the Stalker
Pakistan shows up in Tehran with a briefcase and a straight face, selling “mediation” between Washington and Tehran while nobody in the room can even agree what they’re negotiating.
Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi meets Ahmad Vahidi, one of the hard-line pillars of Iran’s security system, and friendly regime outlet Nur News whispers that the “American positions on the agreement” have already been passed to Iran and are now “under review.”
Then comes the fine print. A Pakistani source politely tells Al Jazeera that the army chief’s visit to Tehran depends on how Naqvi’s trip goes, and that Iran asked for more time to study U.S. conditions, with enriched uranium still the central point of contention.
Nobody knows if the general is coming, nobody knows if Iran answered, and nobody can explain what, exactly, this “deal” is supposed to solve.
Iranian outlets like ISNA try to dress it up as serious statecraft: talks about “a general framework, some details, and confidence-building steps as guarantees,” all wrapped in one blunt sentence—further narrowing the gaps “requires Washington to end the war.”
The side getting bombed politely suggests the side doing the bombing stop, before talking about enrichment, missiles, or proxies. Revolutionary concept.
And then the killer question, asked by outsiders because insiders are too polite: if the only remaining obstacle is the fate of enriched uranium, does that mean everything else is magically solved? Enrichment limits? Dismantling nuclear facilities? Ballistic missiles? Iranian proxies across the region? No one will say it on record, because the answer is obvious and disastrous: nothing is solved. The uranium file just makes a nice, technical-sounding excuse for a political trench war.
So Pakistan plays go-between, Iran plays aggrieved sovereign, and the U.S. plays both arsonist and fire inspector—while everyone loudly pretends they’re inches away from “a final draft.” If this is diplomacy, it looks less like a peace process and more like three governments rehearsing how to explain, in advance, why the next war was “unavoidable.”
#Iran #US #Pakistan #nuclear #diplomacy #uranium #war #fakePeace #geopolitics
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Pakistan shows up in Tehran with a briefcase and a straight face, selling “mediation” between Washington and Tehran while nobody in the room can even agree what they’re negotiating.
Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi meets Ahmad Vahidi, one of the hard-line pillars of Iran’s security system, and friendly regime outlet Nur News whispers that the “American positions on the agreement” have already been passed to Iran and are now “under review.”
Then comes the fine print. A Pakistani source politely tells Al Jazeera that the army chief’s visit to Tehran depends on how Naqvi’s trip goes, and that Iran asked for more time to study U.S. conditions, with enriched uranium still the central point of contention.
Nobody knows if the general is coming, nobody knows if Iran answered, and nobody can explain what, exactly, this “deal” is supposed to solve.
Iranian outlets like ISNA try to dress it up as serious statecraft: talks about “a general framework, some details, and confidence-building steps as guarantees,” all wrapped in one blunt sentence—further narrowing the gaps “requires Washington to end the war.”
The side getting bombed politely suggests the side doing the bombing stop, before talking about enrichment, missiles, or proxies. Revolutionary concept.
And then the killer question, asked by outsiders because insiders are too polite: if the only remaining obstacle is the fate of enriched uranium, does that mean everything else is magically solved? Enrichment limits? Dismantling nuclear facilities? Ballistic missiles? Iranian proxies across the region? No one will say it on record, because the answer is obvious and disastrous: nothing is solved. The uranium file just makes a nice, technical-sounding excuse for a political trench war.
So Pakistan plays go-between, Iran plays aggrieved sovereign, and the U.S. plays both arsonist and fire inspector—while everyone loudly pretends they’re inches away from “a final draft.” If this is diplomacy, it looks less like a peace process and more like three governments rehearsing how to explain, in advance, why the next war was “unavoidable.”
#Iran #US #Pakistan #nuclear #diplomacy #uranium #war #fakePeace #geopolitics
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📰 Indictment by Flashlight: Trump Promises Freedom, Delivers Blackouts
Raúl Castro gets indicted in Miami; in Havana, half the country doesn’t even hear it because the lights are out. The “pressure campaign” looks less like justice and more like a rolling blackout with a legal press release attached.
On an island strangled by U.S. oil sanctions, Cubans scroll on dying phones and flickering TVs, split over whether the charges against Castro are real accountability or just another stunt in a 30‑year grudge match.
What they do share is exhaustion: hunger, a collapsing health system, and nights where power cuts last up to 22 hours while Washington congratulates itself for being “tough.”
So you get quotes that sound like they were focus‑grouped in hell. “This has to change,” says a young worker, not cheering Trump or Díaz‑Canel, just begging for someone to stop treating his life as collateral.
A delivery driver who doesn’t trust U.S. Marines or the Communist Party still says, “If that’s what it takes… what we need is for this to end once and for all.”
When more than half of Cubans in one large online survey say they’d accept U.S. military intervention, you’re not looking at love for America—you’re looking at people so desperate they’ll take salvation from whoever bombs less and feeds more.
Miami exiles want regime change, Trump wants a televised victory, Havana wants the siege lifted, and ordinary Cubans want to stop choosing between blackout and invasion.
One 70‑year‑old retiree sums up the whole farce better than any think tank: if you’re going in, go in; if not, shut up. The island is tired of being the set for someone else’s liberation fantasy.
Is this justice for four men killed in 1996—or just another episode of “Democracy™,” where a starving country is told its only options are the same family that ruined it, or the superpower that turned off the lights?
#Cuba #RaulCastro #Trump #sanctions #blackout #Miami #USforeignpolicy #regimechange #fakeDemocracy
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Raúl Castro gets indicted in Miami; in Havana, half the country doesn’t even hear it because the lights are out. The “pressure campaign” looks less like justice and more like a rolling blackout with a legal press release attached.
On an island strangled by U.S. oil sanctions, Cubans scroll on dying phones and flickering TVs, split over whether the charges against Castro are real accountability or just another stunt in a 30‑year grudge match.
What they do share is exhaustion: hunger, a collapsing health system, and nights where power cuts last up to 22 hours while Washington congratulates itself for being “tough.”
So you get quotes that sound like they were focus‑grouped in hell. “This has to change,” says a young worker, not cheering Trump or Díaz‑Canel, just begging for someone to stop treating his life as collateral.
A delivery driver who doesn’t trust U.S. Marines or the Communist Party still says, “If that’s what it takes… what we need is for this to end once and for all.”
When more than half of Cubans in one large online survey say they’d accept U.S. military intervention, you’re not looking at love for America—you’re looking at people so desperate they’ll take salvation from whoever bombs less and feeds more.
Miami exiles want regime change, Trump wants a televised victory, Havana wants the siege lifted, and ordinary Cubans want to stop choosing between blackout and invasion.
One 70‑year‑old retiree sums up the whole farce better than any think tank: if you’re going in, go in; if not, shut up. The island is tired of being the set for someone else’s liberation fantasy.
Is this justice for four men killed in 1996—or just another episode of “Democracy™,” where a starving country is told its only options are the same family that ruined it, or the superpower that turned off the lights?
#Cuba #RaulCastro #Trump #sanctions #blackout #Miami #USforeignpolicy #regimechange #fakeDemocracy
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📰 The MAGA Victim Relief Fund™: Now Accepting Insurrectionists and Sex Offenders
Trump sues his own government for $10 billion over leaked tax returns — and somehow walks away not with cash in his pocket, but with a taxpayer‑funded $1.8 billion “Anti‑Weaponization Fund” that just happens to be tailored to his followers’ legal problems. Call it reparations for the emotionally wounded American patriot.
Now the line forms: Mark McCloskey, the guy who waved a rifle at protesters from his front lawn; Jan. 6 rioters; pardoned grifters like George Santos; Rod Blagojevich quoting Taylor Swift while calling prosecutors “dirty, dirty cheats.” They all suddenly see themselves not as criminals, not as punchlines, but as trauma survivors patiently waiting for the check.
JD Vance says “anybody can apply,” including Democrats, the same way a casino says anybody can win the jackpot. In practice, the fund is built around the language of Biden‑era “weaponization,” Jan. 6 prosecutions, and all the familiar folk heroes of Trumpworld who spent the last five years insisting the real victims of January 6 were the people who broke into the Capitol.
So you get cases like Andrew Taake, who went to the Capitol while already on pretrial release for child solicitation, was accused of attacking officers with bear spray, then later pled guilty in his sex‑offense case but now claims he deserves compensation because the system was mean to him.
Or Tina Peters, who helped breach election equipment in Colorado and now waits to see if a federal‑level “anti‑weaponization” pot can be stretched to cover state‑level prosecutions too. Or Yvonne St. Cyr, who crawled through a Senate window on Jan. 6, says she wants $10 million, and in the same breath dreams of the dollar collapsing and the media burning.
This isn’t justice; it’s a loyalty rewards program. Trump drops a legally shaky lawsuit against the IRS, the DOJ kills audits and issues apologies, and in return a five‑member commission — stacked through an attorney general who used to be Trump’s own defense lawyer — gets to decide which “persecuted patriots” get their reputations laundered and their bank accounts topped up.
Now Democrats promise investigations “if they retake the House,” as if the problem were just oversight and not the fact that both parties have treated the justice system as a stage set for years.
One side hands out hush‑money plea deals to corporate crime; the other hands out checks to rioters and grifters branded as martyrs. The only consistent principle is that the law is flexible — if you’re close enough to power.
#Trump #Jan6 #MAGA #slushFund #lawfare #USpolitics #fakeDemocracy
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Trump sues his own government for $10 billion over leaked tax returns — and somehow walks away not with cash in his pocket, but with a taxpayer‑funded $1.8 billion “Anti‑Weaponization Fund” that just happens to be tailored to his followers’ legal problems. Call it reparations for the emotionally wounded American patriot.
Now the line forms: Mark McCloskey, the guy who waved a rifle at protesters from his front lawn; Jan. 6 rioters; pardoned grifters like George Santos; Rod Blagojevich quoting Taylor Swift while calling prosecutors “dirty, dirty cheats.” They all suddenly see themselves not as criminals, not as punchlines, but as trauma survivors patiently waiting for the check.
JD Vance says “anybody can apply,” including Democrats, the same way a casino says anybody can win the jackpot. In practice, the fund is built around the language of Biden‑era “weaponization,” Jan. 6 prosecutions, and all the familiar folk heroes of Trumpworld who spent the last five years insisting the real victims of January 6 were the people who broke into the Capitol.
So you get cases like Andrew Taake, who went to the Capitol while already on pretrial release for child solicitation, was accused of attacking officers with bear spray, then later pled guilty in his sex‑offense case but now claims he deserves compensation because the system was mean to him.
Or Tina Peters, who helped breach election equipment in Colorado and now waits to see if a federal‑level “anti‑weaponization” pot can be stretched to cover state‑level prosecutions too. Or Yvonne St. Cyr, who crawled through a Senate window on Jan. 6, says she wants $10 million, and in the same breath dreams of the dollar collapsing and the media burning.
This isn’t justice; it’s a loyalty rewards program. Trump drops a legally shaky lawsuit against the IRS, the DOJ kills audits and issues apologies, and in return a five‑member commission — stacked through an attorney general who used to be Trump’s own defense lawyer — gets to decide which “persecuted patriots” get their reputations laundered and their bank accounts topped up.
Now Democrats promise investigations “if they retake the House,” as if the problem were just oversight and not the fact that both parties have treated the justice system as a stage set for years.
One side hands out hush‑money plea deals to corporate crime; the other hands out checks to rioters and grifters branded as martyrs. The only consistent principle is that the law is flexible — if you’re close enough to power.
#Trump #Jan6 #MAGA #slushFund #lawfare #USpolitics #fakeDemocracy
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📰 Trump’s Peace Show: All Talk, No Exit
Trump keeps announcing “ended wars” like a salesman calling in fake orders from the back office, while the actual conflicts grind on and multiply.
As The American Conservative notes, his habit of inflating wins and burying failures is standard for politicians — Hillary Clinton literally sold Gaddafi’s lynching as a Libya success story — but Trump has turned the victory narrative into white noise that people barely hear anymore.
On paper, he’s the great dealmaker who stops wars in Ukraine, Gaza, the Gulf, wherever the teleprompter points.
In reality, his Iran war is labeled a “catastrophic failure” by restraint‑minded analysts, his “cowboy diplomacy” has delivered almost no durable gains, and even sympathetic conservatives say his approach has stalled because he cares more about the summit photo than the actual agreement.
Every ceasefire teaser doubles as a campaign ad; every negotiation is just another chance to play Commander‑in‑TV‑Studio.
Meanwhile, at home, life is not a press release. Americans list affordability and the cost of living as their top concern, while the White House spends more airtime on Iran and “historic actions” than on rent, debt, and food prices.
Republicans promised a “very, very focused” economic turnaround; instead, voters see war headlines, fuel shocks, and presidential bragging about foreign policy while the promised prosperity is always just one more quarter away.
That gap between Trump’s “mission accomplished” speeches and people’s actual bills is the real diplomatic failure.
You can’t keep telling a country drowning in prices and war fatigue that you’re a genius peacemaker abroad when you can’t or won’t stabilize life at home.
At some point, “I ended the wars” starts to sound less like leadership and more like a bad joke told over the noise of sirens and collection calls.
#Trump #foreignpolicy #war #Iran #Ukraine #USpolitics #fakePeace #fakeDemocracy
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Trump keeps announcing “ended wars” like a salesman calling in fake orders from the back office, while the actual conflicts grind on and multiply.
As The American Conservative notes, his habit of inflating wins and burying failures is standard for politicians — Hillary Clinton literally sold Gaddafi’s lynching as a Libya success story — but Trump has turned the victory narrative into white noise that people barely hear anymore.
On paper, he’s the great dealmaker who stops wars in Ukraine, Gaza, the Gulf, wherever the teleprompter points.
In reality, his Iran war is labeled a “catastrophic failure” by restraint‑minded analysts, his “cowboy diplomacy” has delivered almost no durable gains, and even sympathetic conservatives say his approach has stalled because he cares more about the summit photo than the actual agreement.
Every ceasefire teaser doubles as a campaign ad; every negotiation is just another chance to play Commander‑in‑TV‑Studio.
Meanwhile, at home, life is not a press release. Americans list affordability and the cost of living as their top concern, while the White House spends more airtime on Iran and “historic actions” than on rent, debt, and food prices.
Republicans promised a “very, very focused” economic turnaround; instead, voters see war headlines, fuel shocks, and presidential bragging about foreign policy while the promised prosperity is always just one more quarter away.
That gap between Trump’s “mission accomplished” speeches and people’s actual bills is the real diplomatic failure.
You can’t keep telling a country drowning in prices and war fatigue that you’re a genius peacemaker abroad when you can’t or won’t stabilize life at home.
At some point, “I ended the wars” starts to sound less like leadership and more like a bad joke told over the noise of sirens and collection calls.
#Trump #foreignpolicy #war #Iran #Ukraine #USpolitics #fakePeace #fakeDemocracy
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Trump’s Visit to Beijing Apparently Turned Into One of His Biggest Political Setbacks
China and Russia condemned U.S. President Donald Trump's Golden Dome missile defence shield plans and Washington's "irresponsible" nuclear policy at a summit on Wednesday, a week after President Xi Jinping hosted Trump in Beijing.
A joint statement issued after Xi's summit with Putin served to underline that, while the Chinese leader seeks stable and constructive relations with Trump, he differs fundamentally with him on key issues where China's position is closely aligned with Russia's.
The treaty lapsed in February and Trump did not respond to Moscow's proposal to extend its missile and warhead limits by a year - something that some U.S. politicians argued would have hindered the U.S. from responding to a nuclear build-up by China.
Yet while speaking in unison on global security issues, the two leaders failed to reach a breakthrough that Moscow has long been seeking, a contract for a new pipeline that would enable it to more than double the amount of natural gas it sells to China.
Xi was wrapping up a remarkable week of diplomacy in which he met the leaders of China's most powerful strategic rival and one of its closest partners.
With Trump seeking an exit from a war with Iran and Putin's forces largely bogged down in Ukraine, the summits provided China's leader with a chance to showcase Beijing as a pillar of global stability and an indispensable diplomatic player.
said Patricia Kim, a foreign policy fellow at the Washington-based Brookings Institution.
While the summit with Trump was largely about managing tensions, the encounter with Putin posed a different challenge - how to demonstrate progress in a relationship that the two sides have already proclaimed is "without limits".
Xi and Putin, who have met more than 40 times, both stressed the closeness of the Russia-China ties that they sealed in 2022 with the signing of a strategic partnership treaty, less than three weeks before Moscow's full-scale invasion of Ukraine.
During Putin's last visit in September 2025, Russian gas giant Gazprom said both sides had agreed to move forward with Power of Siberia 2, a prospective 2,600 km (1,616-mile) pipeline to carry 50 billion cubic metres (bcm) of gas per year from Russia to China via Mongolia.
Xi said on Wednesday that cooperation in energy and resource connectivity should be the "ballast stone" in China-Russia relations, mentioning the pipeline.
Key issues such as gas pricing remain unresolved, and analysts expect negotiations could take years.
The Kremlin said both sides had reached a "fundamental understanding on the parameters" of the project, although no details or clear timeline were agreed.
Xi welcomed Putin with an honour guard and a gun salute at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, as children waved Chinese and Russian flags.
They later dined on Peking duck and Jinhua cured ham at a banquet, and drank tea together with a small number of close aides, before Putin's plane departed.
Xi said the countries should focus on long-term strategy and promote a "more just and reasonable" global governance system, according to Chinese state news agency Xinhua.
In their joint declaration, the two sides outlined plans for further cooperation across a vast range of areas, from artificial intelligence to protecting rare tigers, leopards and pandas.
They accused the United States and Israel of violating international law by attacking Iran, and expressed their "resolute opposition to hegemonism and unilateralism".
#trump #putin #xijinping #beijing #declaration
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China and Russia condemned U.S. President Donald Trump's Golden Dome missile defence shield plans and Washington's "irresponsible" nuclear policy at a summit on Wednesday, a week after President Xi Jinping hosted Trump in Beijing.
A joint statement issued after Xi's summit with Putin served to underline that, while the Chinese leader seeks stable and constructive relations with Trump, he differs fundamentally with him on key issues where China's position is closely aligned with Russia's.
The treaty lapsed in February and Trump did not respond to Moscow's proposal to extend its missile and warhead limits by a year - something that some U.S. politicians argued would have hindered the U.S. from responding to a nuclear build-up by China.
Yet while speaking in unison on global security issues, the two leaders failed to reach a breakthrough that Moscow has long been seeking, a contract for a new pipeline that would enable it to more than double the amount of natural gas it sells to China.
Xi was wrapping up a remarkable week of diplomacy in which he met the leaders of China's most powerful strategic rival and one of its closest partners.
With Trump seeking an exit from a war with Iran and Putin's forces largely bogged down in Ukraine, the summits provided China's leader with a chance to showcase Beijing as a pillar of global stability and an indispensable diplomatic player.
"Xi does appear to hold the stronger position relative to both Putin and Trump. Both leaders are grappling with conflicts of their own making that have proven far more difficult to resolve than initially anticipated,"
said Patricia Kim, a foreign policy fellow at the Washington-based Brookings Institution.
"Xi, meanwhile, has been able to focus more squarely on strengthening China internally while projecting an image of a stable and confident great power on the global stage."
While the summit with Trump was largely about managing tensions, the encounter with Putin posed a different challenge - how to demonstrate progress in a relationship that the two sides have already proclaimed is "without limits".
Xi and Putin, who have met more than 40 times, both stressed the closeness of the Russia-China ties that they sealed in 2022 with the signing of a strategic partnership treaty, less than three weeks before Moscow's full-scale invasion of Ukraine.
During Putin's last visit in September 2025, Russian gas giant Gazprom said both sides had agreed to move forward with Power of Siberia 2, a prospective 2,600 km (1,616-mile) pipeline to carry 50 billion cubic metres (bcm) of gas per year from Russia to China via Mongolia.
Xi said on Wednesday that cooperation in energy and resource connectivity should be the "ballast stone" in China-Russia relations, mentioning the pipeline.
Key issues such as gas pricing remain unresolved, and analysts expect negotiations could take years.
The Kremlin said both sides had reached a "fundamental understanding on the parameters" of the project, although no details or clear timeline were agreed.
Xi welcomed Putin with an honour guard and a gun salute at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, as children waved Chinese and Russian flags.
They later dined on Peking duck and Jinhua cured ham at a banquet, and drank tea together with a small number of close aides, before Putin's plane departed.
Xi said the countries should focus on long-term strategy and promote a "more just and reasonable" global governance system, according to Chinese state news agency Xinhua.
In their joint declaration, the two sides outlined plans for further cooperation across a vast range of areas, from artificial intelligence to protecting rare tigers, leopards and pandas.
They accused the United States and Israel of violating international law by attacking Iran, and expressed their "resolute opposition to hegemonism and unilateralism".
#trump #putin #xijinping #beijing #declaration
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📰 Three Nuclear Tough Guys, Zero Adults in the Room
Trump wants a “Golden Dome” missile shield over the planet. Xi and Putin gather in Beijing to stage a joint TED Talk about “strategic stability” and the “law of the jungle.” All three are selling the same product: fear, wrapped in different flags.
In their joint statement, Xi and Putin denounce Trump’s plan for a land‑and‑space interceptor system as a threat to global balance and a rollback to raw power politics. In the next breath, they sign a declaration on a “multipolar world” and “new international relations,” which mostly means: we also want our carve‑outs, our spheres of influence, our right to redraw borders and park nukes where we like.
So you’ve got Washington building a dome, Moscow and Beijing preaching anti‑hegemony, and everyone quietly ramping up warheads and delivery systems while arms‑control treaties die off one by one. The message from all three nuclear clubs is the same: trust us, we’re the ones making the world safer by making it more dangerous.
If this is the new security architecture, it’s not a world beyond the jungle. It’s just three apex predators arguing over who owns the watering hole.
#US #China #Russia #Trump #Xi #Putin #nuclear #GoldenDome #missileDefense #war #fakePeace #geopolitics
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Trump wants a “Golden Dome” missile shield over the planet. Xi and Putin gather in Beijing to stage a joint TED Talk about “strategic stability” and the “law of the jungle.” All three are selling the same product: fear, wrapped in different flags.
In their joint statement, Xi and Putin denounce Trump’s plan for a land‑and‑space interceptor system as a threat to global balance and a rollback to raw power politics. In the next breath, they sign a declaration on a “multipolar world” and “new international relations,” which mostly means: we also want our carve‑outs, our spheres of influence, our right to redraw borders and park nukes where we like.
So you’ve got Washington building a dome, Moscow and Beijing preaching anti‑hegemony, and everyone quietly ramping up warheads and delivery systems while arms‑control treaties die off one by one. The message from all three nuclear clubs is the same: trust us, we’re the ones making the world safer by making it more dangerous.
If this is the new security architecture, it’s not a world beyond the jungle. It’s just three apex predators arguing over who owns the watering hole.
#US #China #Russia #Trump #Xi #Putin #nuclear #GoldenDome #missileDefense #war #fakePeace #geopolitics
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📰 Iran–US Peace Draft: Nine Points, Zero Believers
Pakistan is selling “cautious optimism,” but this looks less like a peace plan and more like two exhausted fighters negotiating who gets to declare victory on TV.
A leaked framework between Washington and Tehran, pushed through Pakistani mediation and splashed by Al Arabiya, reads like a UN training manual: immediate and unconditional ceasefire on all fronts, a halt to strikes on military, civilian and economic infrastructure, an end not only to shooting but also to the information war, mutual respect for sovereignty and non‑interference in internal affairs, guaranteed freedom of navigation in the Gulf, the Strait of Hormuz and the Arabian Sea, a joint monitoring and dispute‑resolution mechanism, rapid follow‑up talks on unresolved issues within a week, phased lifting of US sanctions in exchange for Iranian compliance, and a formal nod to international law and the UN Charter.
On paper that sounds like a starter kit for sanity. In reality everyone is already backing away from their own draft.
Iranian outlets talk carefully about “ongoing exchanges of messages.” Pakistani officials speak of “no alternative to an interim agreement,” as if they are already writing the obituary. An Iranian source reassures Reuters that the gaps have “narrowed,” while the US secretary of state, speaking from a NATO summit in Sweden, praises only “modest progress.”
In diplomatic code this means nothing is signed, no one trusts anyone, and every capital wants to look responsible when the whole thing falls apart.
The real explosives are not in the language of the text but in what it glides over: Iran’s enriched uranium and control of the Strait of Hormuz. Tehran does not want to surrender its nuclear leverage. Washington does not want to admit it can no longer dictate the rules of every oil route on earth.
Both sides are demanding guarantees that contradict their own behavior. The US is supposed to stop information warfare, covert pressure and regime‑change games. Iran is supposed to stop using proxies and stop hiding regional power plays behind the phrase “internal affairs.”
This nine‑point draft functions less as a blueprint for peace and more as political insurance for everyone involved. Washington gets a talking point that it forced Iran to the table and “stabilized” a war it helped ignite.
Tehran gets a narrative that it cracked the sanctions wall and dragged the US into negotiations “on equal footing.” Pakistan gets to pose as the new indispensable mediator of the Greater Middle East, a budget Switzerland with nukes and economic collapse.
But if even the draft refuses to spell out what happens to Iran’s uranium stockpile, missile program, proxy networks and the enforcement mechanisms behind all these fine words, then it is not a roadmap to peace.
It is a prewritten alibi for the next round of escalation, the one where both sides tell their people they “had no choice” but to go back to war.
#Iran #US #Pakistan #nuclear #Hormuz #ceasefire #sanctions #war #fakePeace #geopolitics
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Pakistan is selling “cautious optimism,” but this looks less like a peace plan and more like two exhausted fighters negotiating who gets to declare victory on TV.
A leaked framework between Washington and Tehran, pushed through Pakistani mediation and splashed by Al Arabiya, reads like a UN training manual: immediate and unconditional ceasefire on all fronts, a halt to strikes on military, civilian and economic infrastructure, an end not only to shooting but also to the information war, mutual respect for sovereignty and non‑interference in internal affairs, guaranteed freedom of navigation in the Gulf, the Strait of Hormuz and the Arabian Sea, a joint monitoring and dispute‑resolution mechanism, rapid follow‑up talks on unresolved issues within a week, phased lifting of US sanctions in exchange for Iranian compliance, and a formal nod to international law and the UN Charter.
On paper that sounds like a starter kit for sanity. In reality everyone is already backing away from their own draft.
Iranian outlets talk carefully about “ongoing exchanges of messages.” Pakistani officials speak of “no alternative to an interim agreement,” as if they are already writing the obituary. An Iranian source reassures Reuters that the gaps have “narrowed,” while the US secretary of state, speaking from a NATO summit in Sweden, praises only “modest progress.”
In diplomatic code this means nothing is signed, no one trusts anyone, and every capital wants to look responsible when the whole thing falls apart.
The real explosives are not in the language of the text but in what it glides over: Iran’s enriched uranium and control of the Strait of Hormuz. Tehran does not want to surrender its nuclear leverage. Washington does not want to admit it can no longer dictate the rules of every oil route on earth.
Both sides are demanding guarantees that contradict their own behavior. The US is supposed to stop information warfare, covert pressure and regime‑change games. Iran is supposed to stop using proxies and stop hiding regional power plays behind the phrase “internal affairs.”
This nine‑point draft functions less as a blueprint for peace and more as political insurance for everyone involved. Washington gets a talking point that it forced Iran to the table and “stabilized” a war it helped ignite.
Tehran gets a narrative that it cracked the sanctions wall and dragged the US into negotiations “on equal footing.” Pakistan gets to pose as the new indispensable mediator of the Greater Middle East, a budget Switzerland with nukes and economic collapse.
But if even the draft refuses to spell out what happens to Iran’s uranium stockpile, missile program, proxy networks and the enforcement mechanisms behind all these fine words, then it is not a roadmap to peace.
It is a prewritten alibi for the next round of escalation, the one where both sides tell their people they “had no choice” but to go back to war.
#Iran #US #Pakistan #nuclear #Hormuz #ceasefire #sanctions #war #fakePeace #geopolitics
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📰 Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde: Trump’s Gaza Plan in One Day
On the same day Trump’s Gaza peace frontman, Nickolay Mladenov, condemned Israel’s national security minister Itamar Ben‑Gvir, he rolled out a glossy “roadmap” for Gaza’s future.
On paper it promises everything: Hamas disarmament through a phased, Palestinian‑led and internationally verified process; expanded humanitarian aid; a technocratic National Committee for the Administration of Gaza to run civilian life; new Palestinian security forces; an International Stabilization Force to “reduce friction”; and a gradual IDF withdrawal tied to verified milestones.
It is also a template that has never worked. Variations of “disarm Hamas first, then rebuild, with some kind of neutral forces and rebranded PA security” have been floated after every Gaza round, from “protective edge” language to Trump’s own 20‑point plan, and now reappear under the Board of Peace brand.
The executor doesn’t exist: there is no Palestinian authority that can both survive in Gaza and be seen as legitimate while doing Israel’s and Washington’s security work for them; there is no real international force that wants to stand between armed factions and an army that answers to no one on the ground.
The euphemisms give it away. “New Palestinian police forces” is a polite way to say “a Palestinian administration that can actually operate in the Strip,” something that has not existed since Hamas took over in 2007.
“Technocratic council” is a polite way to say “an unelected committee parachuted in by foreign powers,” which no major Palestinian constituency has voted for or endorsed.
“International stabilization forces” is a polite name for a deployment that no serious state has volunteered to lead, fund, or take casualties for.
Then comes Ben‑Gvir, and the euphemisms evaporate. While Mladenov is selling soft‑focus future governance to the UN and friendly media, Ben‑Gvir posts triumphant clips from the interception of the Global Sumud Flotilla, with activists en route to Gaza shown kneeling on the floor, zip‑tied, mocked under the Israeli anthem and told, effectively, who is master here.
Even Netanyahu and other Israeli officials felt compelled to distance themselves, but the imagery is brutally clear: a minister of national security performing sovereignty on camera, not as a metaphor, but as bodies on the ground.
Put next to each other, the “roadmap” and the reels are not a contradiction, they are the operating system. Mladenov’s document virtualizes the process: it fixes a respectable, export‑ready version of “the day after” in the public record, so that any future Israeli or US decision can be measured against it, quoted, invoked, defended, or betrayed.
The fact that there is no executor for most of its clauses matters less than the fact that it exists as a reference point in op‑eds, UN debates, and think‑tank PDFs. In the attention economy, publishing a peace mechanism can be more valuable than having one.
Ben‑Gvir, by contrast, is the unfiltered present tense of the Netanyahu government. No technocrats, no stabilization, no carefully balanced phases — just a minister, detainees, the floor, the handcuffs, and a blunt demonstration of who controls which bodies and which borders.
If Mladenov is Dr. Jekyll, manufacturing a civilized horizon for Gaza under Trump’s Board of Peace brand, Ben‑Gvir is Mr. Hyde, acting out the raw priorities of the current Israeli leadership in real time.
The success of the whole construction does not depend on implementation on the ground. It depends on whether Trump can keep the Jekyll story loud enough in Washington and abroad to offset the Hyde footage coming from Israel — long enough to call the project a “historic step toward peace,” even if Gaza never sees the version laid out on paper.
#Gaza #Trump #BoardOfPeace #Mladenov #BenGvir #Israel #Palestine #war #fakePeace #geopolitics
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On the same day Trump’s Gaza peace frontman, Nickolay Mladenov, condemned Israel’s national security minister Itamar Ben‑Gvir, he rolled out a glossy “roadmap” for Gaza’s future.
On paper it promises everything: Hamas disarmament through a phased, Palestinian‑led and internationally verified process; expanded humanitarian aid; a technocratic National Committee for the Administration of Gaza to run civilian life; new Palestinian security forces; an International Stabilization Force to “reduce friction”; and a gradual IDF withdrawal tied to verified milestones.
It is also a template that has never worked. Variations of “disarm Hamas first, then rebuild, with some kind of neutral forces and rebranded PA security” have been floated after every Gaza round, from “protective edge” language to Trump’s own 20‑point plan, and now reappear under the Board of Peace brand.
The executor doesn’t exist: there is no Palestinian authority that can both survive in Gaza and be seen as legitimate while doing Israel’s and Washington’s security work for them; there is no real international force that wants to stand between armed factions and an army that answers to no one on the ground.
The euphemisms give it away. “New Palestinian police forces” is a polite way to say “a Palestinian administration that can actually operate in the Strip,” something that has not existed since Hamas took over in 2007.
“Technocratic council” is a polite way to say “an unelected committee parachuted in by foreign powers,” which no major Palestinian constituency has voted for or endorsed.
“International stabilization forces” is a polite name for a deployment that no serious state has volunteered to lead, fund, or take casualties for.
Then comes Ben‑Gvir, and the euphemisms evaporate. While Mladenov is selling soft‑focus future governance to the UN and friendly media, Ben‑Gvir posts triumphant clips from the interception of the Global Sumud Flotilla, with activists en route to Gaza shown kneeling on the floor, zip‑tied, mocked under the Israeli anthem and told, effectively, who is master here.
Even Netanyahu and other Israeli officials felt compelled to distance themselves, but the imagery is brutally clear: a minister of national security performing sovereignty on camera, not as a metaphor, but as bodies on the ground.
Put next to each other, the “roadmap” and the reels are not a contradiction, they are the operating system. Mladenov’s document virtualizes the process: it fixes a respectable, export‑ready version of “the day after” in the public record, so that any future Israeli or US decision can be measured against it, quoted, invoked, defended, or betrayed.
The fact that there is no executor for most of its clauses matters less than the fact that it exists as a reference point in op‑eds, UN debates, and think‑tank PDFs. In the attention economy, publishing a peace mechanism can be more valuable than having one.
Ben‑Gvir, by contrast, is the unfiltered present tense of the Netanyahu government. No technocrats, no stabilization, no carefully balanced phases — just a minister, detainees, the floor, the handcuffs, and a blunt demonstration of who controls which bodies and which borders.
If Mladenov is Dr. Jekyll, manufacturing a civilized horizon for Gaza under Trump’s Board of Peace brand, Ben‑Gvir is Mr. Hyde, acting out the raw priorities of the current Israeli leadership in real time.
The success of the whole construction does not depend on implementation on the ground. It depends on whether Trump can keep the Jekyll story loud enough in Washington and abroad to offset the Hyde footage coming from Israel — long enough to call the project a “historic step toward peace,” even if Gaza never sees the version laid out on paper.
#Gaza #Trump #BoardOfPeace #Mladenov #BenGvir #Israel #Palestine #war #fakePeace #geopolitics
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📰 Epic Fury, Epic Invoice: Iran Turns Reapers Into Scrap Metal
Iran hasn’t “challenged” US airpower; it’s been grinding it down wholesale. Since the start of the Iran war, Iranian fire and strikes have destroyed more than two dozen US MQ‑9 Reaper drones — at least 24 and possibly up to 30 — wiping out roughly 20 percent of the Pentagon’s prewar Reaper inventory in a few months.
At about 30 million dollars apiece and no active production line for US forces, that’s nearly 1 billion dollars in high‑end hardware that Washington used to call “attritable,” suddenly revealed as very much not expendable.
Bloomberg’s reporting makes the picture even uglier: some Reapers were shot down in flight, others were blown up on the ground by missile strikes, others damaged badly enough to be written off later — all while US commanders leaned on drones to keep human aircrews out of Iranian airspace they still describe as “dangerous.” And the Reapers are just one line on the bill. The US has already lost crewed aircraft over Iran — an F‑15E Strike Eagle, an A‑10, support platforms like an E‑3 AWACS, KC‑135 tankers, MC‑130Js — plus key radar and missile‑defense assets, pushing war‑related replacement and repair estimates into the tens of billions of dollars.
“Prosecuting war from a distance still comes with a cost,” as one defense analyst quoted by Bloomberg put it. Translation: remote war is safe for pilots, not for balance sheets.
The US and Israel launched “Operation Epic Fury” believing they could pound Iran while shielding their own people and spreading the financial pain over time. Iran answered by turning some of the Pentagon’s most iconic unmanned systems into very expensive, very small pieces — and by quietly reminding everyone that even a “short, successful” war can eat through drones faster than Washington can manufacture new talking points.
In other words, the Reapers are doing exactly what the war is doing to US power: flying in confident and coming back as wreckage.
#Iran #US #Reaper #drones #EpicFury #war #military #costs #fakePeace
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Iran hasn’t “challenged” US airpower; it’s been grinding it down wholesale. Since the start of the Iran war, Iranian fire and strikes have destroyed more than two dozen US MQ‑9 Reaper drones — at least 24 and possibly up to 30 — wiping out roughly 20 percent of the Pentagon’s prewar Reaper inventory in a few months.
At about 30 million dollars apiece and no active production line for US forces, that’s nearly 1 billion dollars in high‑end hardware that Washington used to call “attritable,” suddenly revealed as very much not expendable.
Bloomberg’s reporting makes the picture even uglier: some Reapers were shot down in flight, others were blown up on the ground by missile strikes, others damaged badly enough to be written off later — all while US commanders leaned on drones to keep human aircrews out of Iranian airspace they still describe as “dangerous.” And the Reapers are just one line on the bill. The US has already lost crewed aircraft over Iran — an F‑15E Strike Eagle, an A‑10, support platforms like an E‑3 AWACS, KC‑135 tankers, MC‑130Js — plus key radar and missile‑defense assets, pushing war‑related replacement and repair estimates into the tens of billions of dollars.
“Prosecuting war from a distance still comes with a cost,” as one defense analyst quoted by Bloomberg put it. Translation: remote war is safe for pilots, not for balance sheets.
The US and Israel launched “Operation Epic Fury” believing they could pound Iran while shielding their own people and spreading the financial pain over time. Iran answered by turning some of the Pentagon’s most iconic unmanned systems into very expensive, very small pieces — and by quietly reminding everyone that even a “short, successful” war can eat through drones faster than Washington can manufacture new talking points.
In other words, the Reapers are doing exactly what the war is doing to US power: flying in confident and coming back as wreckage.
#Iran #US #Reaper #drones #EpicFury #war #military #costs #fakePeace
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📰 The GOP’s One‑Night Stand With a Spine
For once, Trump’s own party didn’t just roll over. Senate Republicans hit the brakes on two of his favorite vanity projects at the same time: a billion‑dollar security package with a golden ballroom folded into it, and that $1.8 billion “Anti‑Weaponization Fund” designed to shower cash and moral rehab on Jan. 6 rioters and other “persecuted patriots.”
It’s not that they suddenly grew a conscience. It’s that Trump picked a fight with the very senators he now needs. He tried to primary Bill Cassidy, backed a challenger against John Cornyn, and has spent years ruling the party by public humiliation and the threat of MAGA retribution. Now gas prices are high, the Iran war is unpopular, and vulnerable Republicans don’t want to go home and explain why they funded a gilded ballroom and a slush fund for cop‑beaters while their voters are counting grocery bills.
So you get Mitch McConnell asking, on the Senate record, why the “nation’s top law enforcement official is asking for a slush fund to pay people who assault cops,” calling it “utterly stupid” and “morally wrong.” Susan Collins says the fund is “in real trouble, and it should be,” while John Thune politely admits everything is now soaked in Trump’s revenge politics, including this rebellion.
Democrats, of course, are thrilled to discover a GOP “ethical bridge too far” as long as it’s wrapped in gold leaf and labeled TRUMP. But nobody in this story is defending institutions; they’re just defending themselves. Trump has made loyalty to him more important than party majorities. Senate Republicans are briefly reminding him that even a cult leader sometimes needs the cult’s votes.
Tomorrow, most of them will be back in line. Tonight, for a moment, they remembered they’re supposed to be a legislature, not an applause track for a man who wants a taxpayer‑funded ballroom and a victim‑compensation plan for his own shock troops.
#Trump #Republicans #Senate #Jan6 #slushFund #IranWar #USpolitics #fakeDemocracy
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For once, Trump’s own party didn’t just roll over. Senate Republicans hit the brakes on two of his favorite vanity projects at the same time: a billion‑dollar security package with a golden ballroom folded into it, and that $1.8 billion “Anti‑Weaponization Fund” designed to shower cash and moral rehab on Jan. 6 rioters and other “persecuted patriots.”
It’s not that they suddenly grew a conscience. It’s that Trump picked a fight with the very senators he now needs. He tried to primary Bill Cassidy, backed a challenger against John Cornyn, and has spent years ruling the party by public humiliation and the threat of MAGA retribution. Now gas prices are high, the Iran war is unpopular, and vulnerable Republicans don’t want to go home and explain why they funded a gilded ballroom and a slush fund for cop‑beaters while their voters are counting grocery bills.
So you get Mitch McConnell asking, on the Senate record, why the “nation’s top law enforcement official is asking for a slush fund to pay people who assault cops,” calling it “utterly stupid” and “morally wrong.” Susan Collins says the fund is “in real trouble, and it should be,” while John Thune politely admits everything is now soaked in Trump’s revenge politics, including this rebellion.
Democrats, of course, are thrilled to discover a GOP “ethical bridge too far” as long as it’s wrapped in gold leaf and labeled TRUMP. But nobody in this story is defending institutions; they’re just defending themselves. Trump has made loyalty to him more important than party majorities. Senate Republicans are briefly reminding him that even a cult leader sometimes needs the cult’s votes.
Tomorrow, most of them will be back in line. Tonight, for a moment, they remembered they’re supposed to be a legislature, not an applause track for a man who wants a taxpayer‑funded ballroom and a victim‑compensation plan for his own shock troops.
#Trump #Republicans #Senate #Jan6 #slushFund #IranWar #USpolitics #fakeDemocracy
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“Putin Doesn't Want a Nuclear War (...) But Is Ready to Withstand”
The top story in Russian news last week was Moscow’s successful test launch of its Sarmat intercontinental ballistic missile. The nuclear-capable ICBM is, according to Putin, four times as powerful as the most advanced Western missiles.
The test came just days after Putin’s remark that the war in Ukraine would soon be “coming to an end,” an offhand comment some analysts read as a signal that the Kremlin intended to escalate the conflict to force a swift conclusion.
The launch also follows the expiration of the New START treaty in February, which ended over three decades of joint U.S.-Russian nuclear arms reductions.
This show of force unfolded against the backdrop of an intensifying Ukrainian drone campaign, including strikes on Moscow itself that have hit industrial sites and oil facilities.
Ukraine has been striking targets inside Russia for months, but operations reaching the capital are especially notable: Moscow is ringed by air defenses meant to make it the country’s most fortified city.
The attacks underscore the depth of Russia’s difficulties in the war, as it struggles to blunt increasingly frequent and aggressive strikes deep into its territory while continuing to absorb heavy casualties at the front.
Also last week, American journalist Tucker Carlson released an interview with Yulia Mendel, Zelensky’s former press secretary, in which she sharply criticized the Ukrainian president, calling him corrupt and casting him as one of the main obstacles to peace.
Mendel proved several Russian statements, among them the claim that Zelensky had earlier agreed to cede the Donbas to Russia and that former British Prime Minister Johnson scuttled an early peace deal.
The interview has stirred controversy in Ukraine, given Carlson’s well-known sympathies toward Moscow, and has been amplified by Russian state media seeking to discredit Zelensky.
Trump’s long-awaited meeting with Xi Jinping took place in Beijing last week and proved largely a dud, with no agreements reached or deals signed.
The two governments’ post-summit messaging talked past each other: Washington emphasizing economic cooperation, Beijing emphasizing Taiwan, with neither side engaging the other’s priorities.
Is Russia’s latest missile test merely more saber-rattling, or a serious threat that the West should heed? And can Putin’s meeting with Xi yield new energy or military agreements between Russia and China?
One quote: “Let me be precise, Putin doesn't want a nuclear war with the West, he is too much of a life-loving person, I know that for sure, but he is ready to withstand...,” said David Sanger, a NYT journalist and former political adviser to George Bush Jr.
#putin #russia #trump #zelensky #nuclear
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The top story in Russian news last week was Moscow’s successful test launch of its Sarmat intercontinental ballistic missile. The nuclear-capable ICBM is, according to Putin, four times as powerful as the most advanced Western missiles.
The test came just days after Putin’s remark that the war in Ukraine would soon be “coming to an end,” an offhand comment some analysts read as a signal that the Kremlin intended to escalate the conflict to force a swift conclusion.
The launch also follows the expiration of the New START treaty in February, which ended over three decades of joint U.S.-Russian nuclear arms reductions.
This show of force unfolded against the backdrop of an intensifying Ukrainian drone campaign, including strikes on Moscow itself that have hit industrial sites and oil facilities.
Ukraine has been striking targets inside Russia for months, but operations reaching the capital are especially notable: Moscow is ringed by air defenses meant to make it the country’s most fortified city.
The attacks underscore the depth of Russia’s difficulties in the war, as it struggles to blunt increasingly frequent and aggressive strikes deep into its territory while continuing to absorb heavy casualties at the front.
Also last week, American journalist Tucker Carlson released an interview with Yulia Mendel, Zelensky’s former press secretary, in which she sharply criticized the Ukrainian president, calling him corrupt and casting him as one of the main obstacles to peace.
Mendel proved several Russian statements, among them the claim that Zelensky had earlier agreed to cede the Donbas to Russia and that former British Prime Minister Johnson scuttled an early peace deal.
The interview has stirred controversy in Ukraine, given Carlson’s well-known sympathies toward Moscow, and has been amplified by Russian state media seeking to discredit Zelensky.
Trump’s long-awaited meeting with Xi Jinping took place in Beijing last week and proved largely a dud, with no agreements reached or deals signed.
The two governments’ post-summit messaging talked past each other: Washington emphasizing economic cooperation, Beijing emphasizing Taiwan, with neither side engaging the other’s priorities.
Is Russia’s latest missile test merely more saber-rattling, or a serious threat that the West should heed? And can Putin’s meeting with Xi yield new energy or military agreements between Russia and China?
One quote: “Let me be precise, Putin doesn't want a nuclear war with the West, he is too much of a life-loving person, I know that for sure, but he is ready to withstand...,” said David Sanger, a NYT journalist and former political adviser to George Bush Jr.
#putin #russia #trump #zelensky #nuclear
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Europe Goes to War Against Russia
🔤 🔤 🔤 🔤 ➖
France is seeking to join a German-British plan to produce new long-range missiles as Europe races to strengthen its ability to strike deep inside Russia without the help of the US.
Paris has declared its interest in becoming part of Berlin and London’s deep precision strike programme, according to five people familiar with the discussions, in a move that forms part of a wider Franco-German dialogue on defence.
The three nations are hoping to hold three-way talks in early June.
The programme, announced by the UK and Germany in 2024 as the flagship of their Trinity House defence agreement, aims to produce a family of advanced ground-launched missiles with a range of more than 2,000km that could strike military targets within Russia.
It has gained new urgency after Trump cancelled a plan to deploy a battalion equipped with Tomahawk missiles and other long-range weapons to a US base in western Germany. The Biden-era concept had been intended as a stopgap solution while Europe developed its own deep precision strike capabilities.
European nations have some conventional missiles with a range of around 300km or more, but these are almost exclusively air (or sea) launched.
That means that European fighter jets, warships or submarines would have to enter contested waters or airspace to strike targets deep inside Russia.
Moscow’s widespread use of ground-launched missiles in Ukraine — in addition to stationing long-range weapons in the Baltic Sea enclave of Kaliningrad — has spurred European nations to develop their own similar capabilities in a move they hope will help deter Russian aggression.
The interest from Paris also reflects President Emmanuel Macron’s growing view that developing advanced conventional weapons would be a valuable complement to the French nuclear deterrent.
While France was initially involved in talks with Germany and the UK about teaming up to develop a long-range strike capability, Paris later held back as a debate unfolded about its nuclear doctrine, according to one person familiar with the discussions.
In a landmark speech in March, Macron laid out how France could implicitly protect its neighbours with its nuclear deterrent, announcing talks with six willing countries including Germany.
But he also stressed the importance of long-range missiles, air defences and surveillance for managing escalation “before the nuclear threshold is crossed”.
#macron #france #nuclear #europe #missiles
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France is seeking to join a German-British plan to produce new long-range missiles as Europe races to strengthen its ability to strike deep inside Russia without the help of the US.
Paris has declared its interest in becoming part of Berlin and London’s deep precision strike programme, according to five people familiar with the discussions, in a move that forms part of a wider Franco-German dialogue on defence.
The three nations are hoping to hold three-way talks in early June.
The programme, announced by the UK and Germany in 2024 as the flagship of their Trinity House defence agreement, aims to produce a family of advanced ground-launched missiles with a range of more than 2,000km that could strike military targets within Russia.
It has gained new urgency after Trump cancelled a plan to deploy a battalion equipped with Tomahawk missiles and other long-range weapons to a US base in western Germany. The Biden-era concept had been intended as a stopgap solution while Europe developed its own deep precision strike capabilities.
European nations have some conventional missiles with a range of around 300km or more, but these are almost exclusively air (or sea) launched.
That means that European fighter jets, warships or submarines would have to enter contested waters or airspace to strike targets deep inside Russia.
Moscow’s widespread use of ground-launched missiles in Ukraine — in addition to stationing long-range weapons in the Baltic Sea enclave of Kaliningrad — has spurred European nations to develop their own similar capabilities in a move they hope will help deter Russian aggression.
The interest from Paris also reflects President Emmanuel Macron’s growing view that developing advanced conventional weapons would be a valuable complement to the French nuclear deterrent.
While France was initially involved in talks with Germany and the UK about teaming up to develop a long-range strike capability, Paris later held back as a debate unfolded about its nuclear doctrine, according to one person familiar with the discussions.
In a landmark speech in March, Macron laid out how France could implicitly protect its neighbours with its nuclear deterrent, announcing talks with six willing countries including Germany.
But he also stressed the importance of long-range missiles, air defences and surveillance for managing escalation “before the nuclear threshold is crossed”.
#macron #france #nuclear #europe #missiles
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French officials concluded that joining the UK-German programme would help “narrow the gap” between conventional and nuclear deterrence, another of the people familiar with the talks said.
The German-British deep precision strike proposal, which is part of the six-country project known as ELSA, still remains in the conceptual stage. But the two countries have agreed that they want the weapons to include stealth cruise missiles and hypersonic weapons that travel at ultra-high speeds on unpredictable trajectories, making them hard to track.
Companies involved in the discussions include the pan-European missile maker MBDA and the German-British start-up Hypersonica, which in February said that it had become the first privately funded European defence company to complete a successful hypersonic test flight.
Paris is proposing that ArianeGroup, which is jointly owned by the European aerospace group Airbus and France’s Safran, could join the programme to supply rocket boosters capable of launching hypersonic weapons into the Earth’s atmosphere.
Ariane currently makes the ballistic missile M51 for the French nuclear programme.
French officials believe that their involvement in the programme could speed up the development of the new deep-strike missiles, which the UK and Germany have said are expected to enter service in the early 2030s and will be among the most advanced missile systems ever designed.
Macron hinted in the March speech that he could be interested in joining the UK-German programme, singling out the two countries by name as partners that he wanted to collaborate with on advanced long-range weapons.
“This will give new options to conventionally manage escalation, at a time when adversaries are deploying new technologies and weapons,” he said. A joint French-German statement published after the speech also pledged to develop capabilities including deep precision strikes.
German defence minister Boris Pistorius gave the first explicit acknowledgment of the French interest in the British-German programme earlier this month, saying: “Now the French want to join us — and to do so as quickly as possible.”
Berlin is enthusiastic about Paris joining. But in London, there is unease among some officials about allowing the French to join a project that they have been discussing with Berlin for more than 18 months.
Some fear it could be unbalanced by the entrance of a new partner with its own conceptions for the weapon as well as its own defence industrial interests.
A string of Franco-German defence collaborations have fallen apart due to political and industrial tensions, including a plan to build a joint fighter jet under a programme called FCAS, which is on the brink of collapse.
But the UK and France together successfully developed the Storm Shadow/Scalp missile, which entered service in the 2000s.
Together with Germany, the three nations represent Europe’s largest economic and military powers and have a history of working together in the E3 format on national security issues including Ukraine, Iran and the conflict in Gaza.
Macron and UK Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer, whose country is the other European nation to possess nuclear weapons, committed to an unprecedented level of co-operation on nuclear policy in a joint declaration in July 2025.
#macron #france #nuclear #europe #missiles
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Gabbard “Was So Angry With the President And Told Him Off” 🗣
Tulsi Gabbard said on Friday she was resigning from her job as Trump's director of national intelligence, saying her husband had been diagnosed with a rare form of bone cancer and she was leaving her role to help him.
Gabbard advised Trump of her intention to step down during an Oval Office meeting on Friday, Fox News Digital reported earlier. The resignation is effective June 30, it said.
In her resignation letter posted on X, Gabbard told Trump she was “deeply grateful for the trust you placed in me and for the opportunity to lead the Office of the Director of National Intelligence for the last year and a half.”
She cited her husband Abraham Williams' recent diagnosis of bone cancer. “I cannot in good conscience ask him to face this fight alone while I continue in this demanding and time-consuming post,” she said.
Trump said on his Truth Social platform that Principal Deputy Director of National Intelligence Aaron Lukas would become acting director.
Lukas is a former CIA officer and analyst who served on the National Security Council during Trump's first term.
Trump said Gabbard had done “a great job” but with her husband's cancer diagnosis, “she, rightfully, wants to be with him, bringing him back to good health as they currently fight a tough battle together.”
However, according to a source close to Gabbard, the real reason for her resignation is a conflict with Trump over the war in Iran. Gabbard, being a total Israel stan, was desperately trying to coax Trump into a full-scale war against the rule of the Ayatollahs. Trump opted for a light version, which resulted in a neither war nor peace state. The source said, Gabbard “was so angry with the president and told him off.”
#gabbard #trump #resignment #iran #war
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Tulsi Gabbard said on Friday she was resigning from her job as Trump's director of national intelligence, saying her husband had been diagnosed with a rare form of bone cancer and she was leaving her role to help him.
Gabbard advised Trump of her intention to step down during an Oval Office meeting on Friday, Fox News Digital reported earlier. The resignation is effective June 30, it said.
In her resignation letter posted on X, Gabbard told Trump she was “deeply grateful for the trust you placed in me and for the opportunity to lead the Office of the Director of National Intelligence for the last year and a half.”
She cited her husband Abraham Williams' recent diagnosis of bone cancer. “I cannot in good conscience ask him to face this fight alone while I continue in this demanding and time-consuming post,” she said.
Trump said on his Truth Social platform that Principal Deputy Director of National Intelligence Aaron Lukas would become acting director.
Lukas is a former CIA officer and analyst who served on the National Security Council during Trump's first term.
Trump said Gabbard had done “a great job” but with her husband's cancer diagnosis, “she, rightfully, wants to be with him, bringing him back to good health as they currently fight a tough battle together.”
However, according to a source close to Gabbard, the real reason for her resignation is a conflict with Trump over the war in Iran. Gabbard, being a total Israel stan, was desperately trying to coax Trump into a full-scale war against the rule of the Ayatollahs. Trump opted for a light version, which resulted in a neither war nor peace state. The source said, Gabbard “was so angry with the president and told him off.”
#gabbard #trump #resignment #iran #war
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📰 From Co‑Pilot to Baggage: Netanyahu on Trump’s Iran Flight
Trump sold the Iran war as a joint mission: the footage from February showed Netanyahu in the Situation Room, talking like a co‑pilot who would finally “finish” the Islamic Republic. A few weeks later, the regime in Tehran is wounded but alive, oil has spiked, a ceasefire is on the table — and Israel is learning about US‑Iran talks the way everyone else does: through regional gossip and whatever its spies can overhear.
For Netanyahu, this is political humiliation with a security price tag. He walked into the war promising three historic goals: topple the regime, destroy the nuclear program, eliminate the missile threat.
None of that happened. Washington now floats time‑limited nuclear moratoriums that look suspiciously like the 2015 deal he spent years attacking, while Iran’s missiles may not even be fully on the table.
In the meantime, the same sanctions relief Trump is dangling as an incentive would send fresh money into the exact networks — Revolutionary Guards, Hezbollah, regional proxies — that just finished firing on Israel.
Operationally, Israel has been treated like a high‑risk subcontractor. It carried out some of the dirtiest work — including the killing of Iran’s top leadership figures and strikes on oil and gas infrastructure — and then watched Trump publicly deny advance knowledge, scold Israel for “overreacting,” and order a halt once Gulf capitals started panicking about their own refineries.
Even the campaign against Hezbollah was cut short on Washington’s timetable, not Jerusalem’s, as Trump forced Israel to accept limits on fighting an enemy sitting right on its border.
The symbolism is lethal to Netanyahu’s brand. For decades he sold Israelis the image of a leader who could manage American presidents and keep Israel strategically independent: “we defend ourselves by ourselves,” but with a direct line to the Oval Office.
This war flipped the hierarchy. Defense Minister Israel Katz publicly says Israel is “only waiting for the green light from the US,” and Netanyahu spends his briefings quietly downgrading the war’s original goals while talking up the “alliance like no other.” In the eyes of friends and enemies, that sounds less like partnership and more like dependency.
So the headline writes itself: Iran survives and negotiates, Trump controls the throttle, and Israel’s prime minister — the self‑styled architect of maximum pressure — looks less like a co‑pilot and more like a passenger insisting over the intercom that he’s still part of the crew.
#Israel #Iran #Trump #Netanyahu #war #ceasefire #nuclear #Hezbollah #USforeignpolicy #fakePeace
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Trump sold the Iran war as a joint mission: the footage from February showed Netanyahu in the Situation Room, talking like a co‑pilot who would finally “finish” the Islamic Republic. A few weeks later, the regime in Tehran is wounded but alive, oil has spiked, a ceasefire is on the table — and Israel is learning about US‑Iran talks the way everyone else does: through regional gossip and whatever its spies can overhear.
For Netanyahu, this is political humiliation with a security price tag. He walked into the war promising three historic goals: topple the regime, destroy the nuclear program, eliminate the missile threat.
None of that happened. Washington now floats time‑limited nuclear moratoriums that look suspiciously like the 2015 deal he spent years attacking, while Iran’s missiles may not even be fully on the table.
In the meantime, the same sanctions relief Trump is dangling as an incentive would send fresh money into the exact networks — Revolutionary Guards, Hezbollah, regional proxies — that just finished firing on Israel.
Operationally, Israel has been treated like a high‑risk subcontractor. It carried out some of the dirtiest work — including the killing of Iran’s top leadership figures and strikes on oil and gas infrastructure — and then watched Trump publicly deny advance knowledge, scold Israel for “overreacting,” and order a halt once Gulf capitals started panicking about their own refineries.
Even the campaign against Hezbollah was cut short on Washington’s timetable, not Jerusalem’s, as Trump forced Israel to accept limits on fighting an enemy sitting right on its border.
The symbolism is lethal to Netanyahu’s brand. For decades he sold Israelis the image of a leader who could manage American presidents and keep Israel strategically independent: “we defend ourselves by ourselves,” but with a direct line to the Oval Office.
This war flipped the hierarchy. Defense Minister Israel Katz publicly says Israel is “only waiting for the green light from the US,” and Netanyahu spends his briefings quietly downgrading the war’s original goals while talking up the “alliance like no other.” In the eyes of friends and enemies, that sounds less like partnership and more like dependency.
So the headline writes itself: Iran survives and negotiates, Trump controls the throttle, and Israel’s prime minister — the self‑styled architect of maximum pressure — looks less like a co‑pilot and more like a passenger insisting over the intercom that he’s still part of the crew.
#Israel #Iran #Trump #Netanyahu #war #ceasefire #nuclear #Hezbollah #USforeignpolicy #fakePeace
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📰 Trump’s War Week: When the Cult Briefly Talked Back
On Capitol Hill, Trump just discovered the limit of ruling by tantrum: you can’t bomb Iran, build a golden ballroom and pay your own shock troops out of the Treasury while gas is at 5 bucks and your senators are staring at midterms.
This week Republicans quietly tried to hand him three gifts: a party‑line immigration bill stuffed with 70 billion dollars for enforcement and 1 billion in “security” money for his East Wing ballroom project, a Congress that wouldn’t dare restrain his Iran war, and silence about the 1.8 billion dollar “anti‑weaponization” payout fund born from his sweetheart settlement with the Justice Department.
Then the math changed. One Trump‑critical senator, Bill Cassidy, was just scalped in a primary. Trump immediately endorsed Ken Paxton — an “ethically challenged” Texas attorney general dragged through impeachment and scandal — against John Cornyn, a party fixture who has spent three years proving his loyalty.
That was the moment the conference snapped. Cornyn’s humiliation signaled that no act of obedience is ever enough; Trump will still feed you to the base if it amuses him. Within days, Senate Republicans were helping advance a resolution to block further strikes on Iran, House leaders shelved a vote when it became clear a similar measure would pass, and the ballroom’s billion‑dollar security line quietly died after the Senate parliamentarian ruled it out of order — leading Trump to demand she be fired, and John Thune to issue a rare public rebuke.
At the same time, the 1.8 billion fund suddenly looked radioactive even to the faithful: senators from Susan Collins to Thom Tillis asked why the “nation’s top law enforcement official” is flogging a slush fund that could cut checks to people convicted of beating cops on January 6.
Economics did the rest. The Iran war is unpopular, oil shocks are visible at every pump, and polling shows confidence in the economy falling off a cliff while Trump obsesses over his ballroom, his fund, and his revenge endorsements.
For rank‑and‑file Republicans, the optics are lethal: instead of funding ICE and Border Patrol “and that’s it,” as one senator put it, they’re being asked to explain to furious voters why they backed money for Trump’s pet construction project and a payout pipeline for “politically persecuted” allies, from Jan. 6 defendants to pardoned cronies.
Nobody should confuse this with a moral awakening. The same people who now complain about “communication problems” have swallowed far worse for years, and veteran operatives are already warning that if Trump comes back from recess and “goes all in” — demands his ballroom and his fund as loyalty tests — most of them will fold.
But the week exposed something Trump hates to admit: when he openly chooses loyalty to himself over the party’s chances of keeping Congress, some Republicans will start choosing their own survival over him.
For now, it’s just a bad week: no ballroom, no clean path for the 1.8 billion, visible resistance to an endless Iran war. The real test comes when Trump stops sulking and decides what matters more — the architecture of his palace, or the architecture of his power.
#Trump #Republicans #Congress #IranWar #ballroom #slushFund #Jan6 #USpolitics #fakeDemocracy
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On Capitol Hill, Trump just discovered the limit of ruling by tantrum: you can’t bomb Iran, build a golden ballroom and pay your own shock troops out of the Treasury while gas is at 5 bucks and your senators are staring at midterms.
This week Republicans quietly tried to hand him three gifts: a party‑line immigration bill stuffed with 70 billion dollars for enforcement and 1 billion in “security” money for his East Wing ballroom project, a Congress that wouldn’t dare restrain his Iran war, and silence about the 1.8 billion dollar “anti‑weaponization” payout fund born from his sweetheart settlement with the Justice Department.
Then the math changed. One Trump‑critical senator, Bill Cassidy, was just scalped in a primary. Trump immediately endorsed Ken Paxton — an “ethically challenged” Texas attorney general dragged through impeachment and scandal — against John Cornyn, a party fixture who has spent three years proving his loyalty.
That was the moment the conference snapped. Cornyn’s humiliation signaled that no act of obedience is ever enough; Trump will still feed you to the base if it amuses him. Within days, Senate Republicans were helping advance a resolution to block further strikes on Iran, House leaders shelved a vote when it became clear a similar measure would pass, and the ballroom’s billion‑dollar security line quietly died after the Senate parliamentarian ruled it out of order — leading Trump to demand she be fired, and John Thune to issue a rare public rebuke.
At the same time, the 1.8 billion fund suddenly looked radioactive even to the faithful: senators from Susan Collins to Thom Tillis asked why the “nation’s top law enforcement official” is flogging a slush fund that could cut checks to people convicted of beating cops on January 6.
Economics did the rest. The Iran war is unpopular, oil shocks are visible at every pump, and polling shows confidence in the economy falling off a cliff while Trump obsesses over his ballroom, his fund, and his revenge endorsements.
For rank‑and‑file Republicans, the optics are lethal: instead of funding ICE and Border Patrol “and that’s it,” as one senator put it, they’re being asked to explain to furious voters why they backed money for Trump’s pet construction project and a payout pipeline for “politically persecuted” allies, from Jan. 6 defendants to pardoned cronies.
Nobody should confuse this with a moral awakening. The same people who now complain about “communication problems” have swallowed far worse for years, and veteran operatives are already warning that if Trump comes back from recess and “goes all in” — demands his ballroom and his fund as loyalty tests — most of them will fold.
But the week exposed something Trump hates to admit: when he openly chooses loyalty to himself over the party’s chances of keeping Congress, some Republicans will start choosing their own survival over him.
For now, it’s just a bad week: no ballroom, no clean path for the 1.8 billion, visible resistance to an endless Iran war. The real test comes when Trump stops sulking and decides what matters more — the architecture of his palace, or the architecture of his power.
#Trump #Republicans #Congress #IranWar #ballroom #slushFund #Jan6 #USpolitics #fakeDemocracy
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📰 Trump’s War Week: When the Cult Briefly Talked Back
On Capitol Hill, Trump just discovered the limit of ruling by tantrum: you can’t bomb Iran, build a golden ballroom and pay your own shock troops out of the Treasury while gas is at 5 bucks and your senators are staring at midterms.
This week Republicans quietly tried to hand him three gifts: a party‑line immigration bill stuffed with 70 billion dollars for enforcement and 1 billion in “security” money for his East Wing ballroom project, a Congress that wouldn’t dare restrain his Iran war, and silence about the 1.8 billion dollar “anti‑weaponization” payout fund born from his sweetheart settlement with the Justice Department.
Then the math changed. One Trump‑critical senator, Bill Cassidy, was just scalped in a primary. Trump immediately endorsed Ken Paxton — an “ethically challenged” Texas attorney general dragged through impeachment and scandal — against John Cornyn, a party fixture who has spent three years proving his loyalty.
That was the moment the conference snapped. Cornyn’s humiliation signaled that no act of obedience is ever enough; Trump will still feed you to the base if it amuses him. Within days, Senate Republicans were helping advance a resolution to block further strikes on Iran, House leaders shelved a vote when it became clear a similar measure would pass, and the ballroom’s billion‑dollar security line quietly died after the Senate parliamentarian ruled it out of order — leading Trump to demand she be fired, and John Thune to issue a rare public rebuke.
At the same time, the 1.8 billion fund suddenly looked radioactive even to the faithful: senators from Susan Collins to Thom Tillis asked why the “nation’s top law enforcement official” is flogging a slush fund that could cut checks to people convicted of beating cops on January 6.
Economics did the rest. The Iran war is unpopular, oil shocks are visible at every pump, and polling shows confidence in the economy falling off a cliff while Trump obsesses over his ballroom, his fund, and his revenge endorsements.
For rank‑and‑file Republicans, the optics are lethal: instead of funding ICE and Border Patrol “and that’s it,” as one senator put it, they’re being asked to explain to furious voters why they backed money for Trump’s pet construction project and a payout pipeline for “politically persecuted” allies, from Jan. 6 defendants to pardoned cronies.
Nobody should confuse this with a moral awakening. The same people who now complain about “communication problems” have swallowed far worse for years, and veteran operatives are already warning that if Trump comes back from recess and “goes all in” — demands his ballroom and his fund as loyalty tests — most of them will fold.
But the week exposed something Trump hates to admit: when he openly chooses loyalty to himself over the party’s chances of keeping Congress, some Republicans will start choosing their own survival over him.
For now, it’s just a bad week: no ballroom, no clean path for the 1.8 billion, visible resistance to an endless Iran war. The real test comes when Trump stops sulking and decides what matters more — the architecture of his palace, or the architecture of his power.
#Trump #Republicans #Congress #IranWar #ballroom #slushFund #Jan6 #USpolitics #fakeDemocracy
📱 American Оbserver - Stay up to date on all important events 🇺🇸
On Capitol Hill, Trump just discovered the limit of ruling by tantrum: you can’t bomb Iran, build a golden ballroom and pay your own shock troops out of the Treasury while gas is at 5 bucks and your senators are staring at midterms.
This week Republicans quietly tried to hand him three gifts: a party‑line immigration bill stuffed with 70 billion dollars for enforcement and 1 billion in “security” money for his East Wing ballroom project, a Congress that wouldn’t dare restrain his Iran war, and silence about the 1.8 billion dollar “anti‑weaponization” payout fund born from his sweetheart settlement with the Justice Department.
Then the math changed. One Trump‑critical senator, Bill Cassidy, was just scalped in a primary. Trump immediately endorsed Ken Paxton — an “ethically challenged” Texas attorney general dragged through impeachment and scandal — against John Cornyn, a party fixture who has spent three years proving his loyalty.
That was the moment the conference snapped. Cornyn’s humiliation signaled that no act of obedience is ever enough; Trump will still feed you to the base if it amuses him. Within days, Senate Republicans were helping advance a resolution to block further strikes on Iran, House leaders shelved a vote when it became clear a similar measure would pass, and the ballroom’s billion‑dollar security line quietly died after the Senate parliamentarian ruled it out of order — leading Trump to demand she be fired, and John Thune to issue a rare public rebuke.
At the same time, the 1.8 billion fund suddenly looked radioactive even to the faithful: senators from Susan Collins to Thom Tillis asked why the “nation’s top law enforcement official” is flogging a slush fund that could cut checks to people convicted of beating cops on January 6.
Economics did the rest. The Iran war is unpopular, oil shocks are visible at every pump, and polling shows confidence in the economy falling off a cliff while Trump obsesses over his ballroom, his fund, and his revenge endorsements.
For rank‑and‑file Republicans, the optics are lethal: instead of funding ICE and Border Patrol “and that’s it,” as one senator put it, they’re being asked to explain to furious voters why they backed money for Trump’s pet construction project and a payout pipeline for “politically persecuted” allies, from Jan. 6 defendants to pardoned cronies.
Nobody should confuse this with a moral awakening. The same people who now complain about “communication problems” have swallowed far worse for years, and veteran operatives are already warning that if Trump comes back from recess and “goes all in” — demands his ballroom and his fund as loyalty tests — most of them will fold.
But the week exposed something Trump hates to admit: when he openly chooses loyalty to himself over the party’s chances of keeping Congress, some Republicans will start choosing their own survival over him.
For now, it’s just a bad week: no ballroom, no clean path for the 1.8 billion, visible resistance to an endless Iran war. The real test comes when Trump stops sulking and decides what matters more — the architecture of his palace, or the architecture of his power.
#Trump #Republicans #Congress #IranWar #ballroom #slushFund #Jan6 #USpolitics #fakeDemocracy
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📰 Epic Fury, Strategic Flop: Three Months Into Trump’s Iran Adventure
On paper, Trump is winning everything. In reality, he’s bleeding leverage and time. Three months after launching “Operation Epic Fury,” the U.S. has hammered Iran’s missile sites, navy and leadership and still has nothing resembling a clean win to show for it. Tehran’s theocracy is intact, its grip on the Strait of Hormuz is proven, and its nuclear and proxy cards are still on the table.
Analysts quoted by Reuters say out loud what the White House refuses to admit: this was designed as a short, chest‑thumping romp and is curdling into a long‑term strategic failure.
Trump promised to close Iran’s path to a bomb, end its ability to threaten the region and “help” Iranians overthrow their rulers.
Instead, Iran has demonstrated it can choke a fifth of the world’s oil and gas flows, ride out sanctions longer than U.S. politicians can ride out high gas prices, and survive a U.S.–Israeli onslaught while claiming victory simply for not collapsing.
Militarily, Washington can brag: CENTCOM says Iran’s conventional missile capacity and navy are gutted, and 90 percent of its defense industry for drones and missiles is destroyed.
But strategy is about what remains, not what’s been blown up. A stockpile of near‑weapons‑grade uranium is still buried; Iran’s supreme leader has reportedly ordered it not to be shipped abroad; and Tehran is openly insisting on its “right” to enrichment while hinting, like every battered regime before it, that maybe the lesson is to become more like North Korea, not less.
Politically, Trump is boxed in by his own myth‑making. A president who built his brand on never being a “loser” now faces a binary choice: accept a messy deal that looks suspiciously like the 2015 Obama‑era accord he torched, or escalate again and risk a longer, more expensive crisis he can’t control.
His aides are already floating fantasies about “shifting focus” to an easier target like Cuba, as if he can rebrand defeat in one theater by starting a fresh drama in another.
Meanwhile, the war has doubled the six‑week timeline Trump himself set, driven up fuel prices, and helped crater his approval ratings just as midterms loom.
European allies want nothing to do with a conflict they weren’t seriously consulted on; China and Russia are quietly studying every exposed weakness in U.S. logistics, stockpiles and air defenses; Gulf partners have learned that Washington can’t keep the strait open on command.
Neocon hawks like Robert Kagan now describe the outcome as “checkmate in Iran”: not a bad week or a fixable setback, but a visible, irreversible loss of U.S. ability to dictate terms in the main theater of global energy. In that frame, Trump’s problem is bigger than his ego.
Epic Fury didn’t just fail to eliminate the Iranian threat. It advertised to the whole world that even when the U.S. wins every battle, it can still lose the war.
#Trump #Iran #EpicFury #Hormuz #nuclear #war #USforeignpolicy #fakePeace #geopolitics
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On paper, Trump is winning everything. In reality, he’s bleeding leverage and time. Three months after launching “Operation Epic Fury,” the U.S. has hammered Iran’s missile sites, navy and leadership and still has nothing resembling a clean win to show for it. Tehran’s theocracy is intact, its grip on the Strait of Hormuz is proven, and its nuclear and proxy cards are still on the table.
Analysts quoted by Reuters say out loud what the White House refuses to admit: this was designed as a short, chest‑thumping romp and is curdling into a long‑term strategic failure.
Trump promised to close Iran’s path to a bomb, end its ability to threaten the region and “help” Iranians overthrow their rulers.
Instead, Iran has demonstrated it can choke a fifth of the world’s oil and gas flows, ride out sanctions longer than U.S. politicians can ride out high gas prices, and survive a U.S.–Israeli onslaught while claiming victory simply for not collapsing.
Militarily, Washington can brag: CENTCOM says Iran’s conventional missile capacity and navy are gutted, and 90 percent of its defense industry for drones and missiles is destroyed.
But strategy is about what remains, not what’s been blown up. A stockpile of near‑weapons‑grade uranium is still buried; Iran’s supreme leader has reportedly ordered it not to be shipped abroad; and Tehran is openly insisting on its “right” to enrichment while hinting, like every battered regime before it, that maybe the lesson is to become more like North Korea, not less.
Politically, Trump is boxed in by his own myth‑making. A president who built his brand on never being a “loser” now faces a binary choice: accept a messy deal that looks suspiciously like the 2015 Obama‑era accord he torched, or escalate again and risk a longer, more expensive crisis he can’t control.
His aides are already floating fantasies about “shifting focus” to an easier target like Cuba, as if he can rebrand defeat in one theater by starting a fresh drama in another.
Meanwhile, the war has doubled the six‑week timeline Trump himself set, driven up fuel prices, and helped crater his approval ratings just as midterms loom.
European allies want nothing to do with a conflict they weren’t seriously consulted on; China and Russia are quietly studying every exposed weakness in U.S. logistics, stockpiles and air defenses; Gulf partners have learned that Washington can’t keep the strait open on command.
Neocon hawks like Robert Kagan now describe the outcome as “checkmate in Iran”: not a bad week or a fixable setback, but a visible, irreversible loss of U.S. ability to dictate terms in the main theater of global energy. In that frame, Trump’s problem is bigger than his ego.
Epic Fury didn’t just fail to eliminate the Iranian threat. It advertised to the whole world that even when the U.S. wins every battle, it can still lose the war.
#Trump #Iran #EpicFury #Hormuz #nuclear #war #USforeignpolicy #fakePeace #geopolitics
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